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THE  WORKS 

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HUBERT  HOWE  BANCROFT. 


HISTORY 


OF 


MEXICO 


BY 


/ 

HUBERT  HOWE  BANCROFT 


VOLUME  I 


NEW  YORK 

THE  BANCROFT  COMPANY 


PREFACE. 


As  the  third  greatest  of  the  world’s  republics, 
wherein  society  and  civilization  are  displayed  under 
somewhat  abnormal  aspects,  under  aspects  at  least 
widely  different  from  those  present  in  other  than 
Spanish -speaking  communities,  configurations  and 
climates,  races  and  race  intermixtures,  civil  and  re- 
ligious polities,  and  the  whole  range  of  mental  and 
physical  environment  being  in  so  many  respects  ex- 
ceptional and  individual,  Mexico  presents  a study 
one  of  the  most  interesting  and  profitable  ' of  any 
among  the  nations  of  to-day. 

A brilliant  though  unjust  and  merciless  conquest 
was  followed  by  the  enforcement  of  Spain’s  institu- 
tions upon  the  survivors,  who  were  themselves  so  far 
advanced  in  arts,  industries,  and  intellectual  culture 
as  to  render  such  metamorphosis  most  disastrous. 
After  the  awful  success  of  Cortes,  Spain  neither  ex- 
terminated the  natives,  like  the  United  States,  nor  left 
them  in  their  aboriginal  independence,  like  the  fur- 
magnates  of  British  America.  Aiming  at  the  utmost 
kindness,  the  Spanish  government  fastened  on  body 
and  soul  the  iron  fetters  of  tyranny  and  superstition; 
aiming  at  liberty7,  and  humanity,  slavery  and  wrong 
were  permitted.  With  grants  of  land,  grants  of  men 


vi 


PREFACE. 


and  women  were  made.  The  church  fought  valiantly 
against  the  evils  of  the  encomienda  system,  and 
against  the  cruelty  and  injustice  imposed  by  the  colo- 
nists upon  the  natives.  There  was  here  little  of  that 
wholesome  indifference  to  the  welfare  of  her  colonies 
later  manifested  by  England  with  regard  to  her  settle- 
ments in  America.  Spain’s  American  possessions  be- 
longed not  to  the  Spanish  people  but  to  the  Spanish 
sovereign;  the  lands  and  the  people  were  the  king’s, 
to  be  held  or  disposed  of  as  he  should  direct.  Hence 
among  the  people  were  encouraged  dividing  castes; 
commerce  was  placed  under  the  severest  restrictions, 
and  in  many  ways  it  became  clear  that  provinces  were 
held  and  governed  almost  exclusively  for  the  benefit 
of  the  crown.  And  so  they  remained,  Europeans  and 
Americans  intermingling  their  loves  and  hates  for 
three  hundred  years,  which  was  indeed  Mexico’s  dark 
age,  two  civilizations  being  well  nigh  crushed  therein . 
Light  at  last  breaking  in  upon  the  people,  the  three 
centuries  of  viceregal  rule  were  brought  to  a close  by 
their  taking  a stand  for  independence,  such  as  their 
Anglo-American  neighbor  had  so  recently  achieved. 
And  now  during  these  latter  days  of  swift  progression 
Mexico  is  happily  aroused  from  her  lethargy,  and  is 
taking  her  proper  place  among  the  enlightened  nations 
of  the  earth,  to  the  heart- felt  joy  of  all. 

The  first  of  the  five  great  periods  of  Mexican  his- 
tory, embracing  the  aboriginal  annals  of  Andhuac,  has 
been  exhaustively  treated  in  the  fifth  volume  of  my 
Native  Races.  The  second  is  that  of  the  conquest  by 
Cortes;  the  third  covers  nearly  three  centuries  of  vice- 
regal rule  in  N ew  Spain ; the  fourth  comprises  the  strug- 
gle for  independence  and  the  founding  of  the  republic; 


PREFACE. 


vii 

and  the  fifth  extends  thence  to  the  present  time, 
including  as  salient  features  a series  of  internal  revo- 
lutions, the  war  with  the  United  States,  the  imperial 
experiment  of  Maximilian,  and  the  peaceful  develop- 
ment of  national  industries  and  power  in  recent  years. 
It  is  my  purpose  to  present  on  a national  scale,  and 
in  a space  symmetrically  proportioned  to  the  impor- 
tance of  each,  the  record  of  the  four  successive  periods. 

The  conquest  of  Mexico,  filling  the  present  and 
part  of  another  volume,  has  been  treated  by  many 
writers,  and  in  a masterly  manner.  In  the  three 
periods  of  Mexican  history  following  the  conquest 
there  is  no  comprehensive  work  extant  in  Eng- 
lish; nor  is  there  any  such  work  in  Spanish  that 
if  translated  would  prove  entirely  satisfactory  to 
English  readers.  Of  the  few  Spanish  and  Mexican 
writers  whose  researches  have  extended  over  the 
whole  field,  or  large  portions  of  it,  none  have  been 
conspicuously  successful  in  freeing  themselves  from 
the  quicksands  of  race  - prejudice,  of  religious  feeling, 
of  patriotic  impulse,  of  political  partisanship;  none 
have  had  a satisfactory  command  of  existing  author- 
ities; none  in  the  matter  of  space  have  made  a sym- 
metrical division  of  the  periods,  or  have  appreciated 
the  relative  importance  of  different  topics  as  they 
appear  to  any  but  Spanish  eyes.  Yet  there  has  been 
no  lack  among  these  writers  of  careful  investigation 
or  brilliant  diction.  Indeed  there  is  hardly  an  epoch 
that  has  not  been  ably  treated  from  various  partisan 
standpoints. 

The  list  of  authorities  prefixed  to  this  volume 
shows  approximately  my  resources  for  writing  a 
History  of  Mexico.  I may  add  that  no  part  of  my 


viii 


PREFACE. 


collection  is  more  satisfactorily  complete  than  that 
pertaining  to  Mexico.  I have  all  the  standard  his- 
tories and  printed  chronicles  of  the  earliest  times, 
together  with  all  the  works  of  writers  who  have  ex- 
tended their  investigations  to  the  events  and  develop- 
ments of  later  jmars.  On  the  shelves  of  my  Library 
are  found  the  various  Colecciones  de  Documentos,  filled 
with  precious  historical  papers  from  the  Spanish  and 
Mexican  archives,  all  that  were  consulted  in  manu- 
script by  Robertson,  Prescott,  and  other  able  writers, 
with  thousands  equally  important  that  were  unknown 
to  them.  My  store  of  manuscript  material  is  rich 
both  in  originals  and  copies,  including  the  treasures 
secured  during  a long  experience  by  such  collectors 
as  Jose  Maria  Andrade  and  Jose  Fernando  Ramirez; 
a copy  of  the  famous  Archive  General  de  Mexico , in 
thirty-two  volumes ; the  autograph  originals  of  Carlos 
Maria  Bustamante’s  historical  writings,  in  about  fifty 
volumes,  containing  much  not  found  in  his  printed 
works;  the  original’  records  of  the  earliest  Mexican 
councils  of  the  church,  with  many  ecclesiastical  and 
missionary  chronicles  not  extant  in  print;  and  finally 
a large  amount  of  copied  material  on  special  topics 
drawn  from  different  archives  expressly  for  my  work. 

Documents  printed  by  the  Mexican  government, 
including  the  regular  memorias  and  other  reports  of 
different  departments  and  officials,  constitute  a most 
valuable  source  of  information.  Partisan  writings 
and  political  pamphlets  are  a noticeable  feature  of 
Mexican  historical  literature,  indispensable  to  the  his- 
torian who  would  study  both  sides  of  every  question. 
Prominent  Mexicans  have  formed  collections  of  such 
works,  a dozen  of  which  I have  united  in  one,  making 
two  hundred  and  eighteen  volumes  of  Papcles  Varios , 


PREFACE. 


IX 


some  five  thousand  pamphlets,  besides  nearly  as  many 
more  collected  by  my  own  efforts.  The  newspapers 
of  a country  cannot  be  disregarded,  and  my  collection 
is  not  deficient  in  this  class  of  data,  being  particularly 
rich  in  official  periodicals. 

The  conquest  of  Mexico,  which  begins  this  history, 
has  the  peculiar  attractions  of  forming  the  grandest 
episode  in  early  American  annals  from  a military 
point  of  view,  and  in  opening  to  the  world  the 
richest,  most  populous,  and  most  civilized  country 
on  the  northern  continent,  and  of  gradually  in- 
corporating it  in  the  sisterhood  of  nations  as  the 
foremost  representative  of  Latin- American  states. 
On  the  other  hand,  an  episode  which  presents  but  a 
continuation  of  the  bloody  path  which  marked  the 
advance  of  the  conquerors  in  America,  and  which 
involved  the  destruction  not  only  of  thousands  of 
unoffending  peoples  but  of  a most  fair  and  hopeful 
culture,  is  not  in  its  results  the  most  pleasing  of  pic- 
tures. But  neither  in  this  pit  of  Acheron  nor  in  that 
garden  of  Hesperidcs  may  we  expect  to  discover  the 
full  significance  of  omnipotent  intention'.  From  the 
perpetual  snow- cap  springs  the  imperceptibly  moving 
glacier.  A grain  of  sand  gives  no  conception  of  the 
earth,  nor  a drop  of  water  of  the  sea,  nor  the  soft 
breathing  of  an  infant  of  a hurricane;  yet  worlds  are 
made  of  atoms,  and  seas  of  drops  of  water,  and  storms 
of  angry  air- breaths.  Though  modern  Mexico  can 
boast  a century  more  of  history  than  the  northern 
nations  of  America,  as  compared  with  the  illimitable 
future  her  past  is  but  a point  of  time. 


CONTENTS  OF  THIS  VOLUME. 


CHAPTER  I. 

VOYAGE  OF  HERNANDEZ  DE  CORDOBA  TO  YUCATAN. 

1510-151  PAGE 

A Glance  at  the  State  of  European  Discovery  and  Government  in  America 
at  the  Opening  of  this  Volume — Diego  Velazquez  in  Cuba — Character 
of  the  Man — A Band  of  Adventurers  Arrives  from  Darien — The  Gov- 
ernor Counsels  them  to  Embark  in  Slave-catching — Under  Hernan- 
dez de  Cordoba  thay  Sail  Westward  and  Discover  Vucatan — Anri  are 
Filled  with  Astonishment  at  the  Large  Towns  and  Stone  Towers  they 
See  there — They  Fight  the  Natives  at  Cape  Catoche — Skirt  the 
Peninsula  to  Champoton  — Sanguinary  Battle  — Return  to  Cuba — 
Death  of  Cbrdoba 1 


CHAPTER  II. 

JUAN  DE  GRIJALVA  EXPLORES  THE  WESTERN  SIDE  OF  TnE  MEXICAN  GULF. 

1518. 

Velazquez  Plans  a New  Expedition — Gives  the  Command  to  his  Nephew, 
Juan  de  Grijalva — Who  Embarks  at  Santiago  and  Strikes  the  Conti- 
nent at  Cozumel  Island — Coasts  Southward  to  Ascension  Bay — Then 
Turns  and  Doubles  Cape  Catoche — Naming  of  New  Spain — Fight  at  . 
Champoton — Arrival  at  Laguna  de  Tcrminos — Alaminos,  the  Pilot, 
is  Satisiied  that  Yucatan  is  an  Island — They  Coast  Westward  and 
Discover  the  Rivers  San  Pedro  y San  Pablo  and  Tabasco — Notable 
Interview  at  this  Place  between  the  Europeans  and  the  Americans — 

The  Culliua  Country — They  Pass  La  Rambla,  Tonald,  the  Rio  Goaza- 
coalco,  the  Mountain  of  San  Martin,  the  Rivers  of  Alvarado  and 
Banderas,  and  Come  to  the  Islands  of  Sacrificios  and  San  Juan  de 
Ulua 15 


CHAPTER  III. 

RETURN  OF  CRIJALVA.  A NEW  EXPEDITION  ORGANIZED. 

1518. 

Refusal  of  Grijalva  to  Settle — Alvarado  Sent  back  to  Cuba — Grijalva 
Continues  his  Discovery — After  Reaching  the  Province  of  Panuco  he 

l xi ) 


CONTEXTS. 


xii 


Turns  back — Touching  at  the  Rio  Goazacoalco,  Tonal  A,  the  Laguna 
de  T6rminos,  and  Champoton,  the  Expedition  Returns  to  Cuba— 
Grijalva  Traduced  and  Discharged — A New  Expedition  Planned— 
Velazquez  Sends  to  Santo  Domingo  and  Spain  — Characters  of 
Velazquez  and  Grijalva  Contrasted— Candidates  for  the  Captaincy 
of  the  New  Expedition — The  Alcalde  of  Santiago  Successful  His 
Standing  at  that  Time 

CHAPTER  IY. 

THE  HERO  OF  THE  CONQUEST. 

Birthplace  of  Heman  Cortes— His  Coming  Compensatory  for  the  Devil- 
sent  Luther — Parentage — Heman  a Sickly  Child — Saint  Peter  his 
Patron— He  is  sent  to  Salamanca— Returns  Home— Thinks  of  C6r- 
doba  and  Italy — And  of  Ovando  and  the  Indies — Chooses  the  Lat- 
ter-Narrow Escape  during  a Love  Intrigue— Ovando  Sails  without 
Him — Cortes  Goes  to  Valenciar-Is  there  111— Returns  Home— Finally 
Sails  for  the  Indies— His  Reception  at  Santo  Domingo— He  Fights 
Indians  under  Velazquez,  and  is  Given  an  Encomienda— Goes  to 
Cuba  with  Velazquez — Makes  Love  to  Catalina  Suarez — But  Declines 
to  Marry— Velazquez  Insists— Cortes  Rebels— Seizures,  Imprison- 
ments, Escapes,  and  Reconciliation 

CHAPTER  V. 

SAILING  OF  THE  EXPEDITION 

1518-1519. 

The  Quality  of  Leader  Desired — Instructions  Issued  to  Heman  Cortes, 
Commander-in-chief— The  Character  of  Cortes  Undergoes  a Change- 
Cost  of  the  Expedition— By  whom  Borne— Places  Established  for  En- 
listment—The  Banner— Cortes  Puts  on  the  Great  Man— More  of  Ins 
Character— The  Scene  at  Santiago  Harbor— The  Governor’s  Jester- 
Dark  Suspicions  of  Velazquez— Departure  from  Santiago— Cortes  at 
Trinidad— Fresh  Recruits— Verdugo  Receives  Orders  to  Depose  Cor- 
ing  The  Fleet  Proceeds  to  San  Cristobal,  or  the  Habana  Review 

at  Guaguanico— Speech  of  Cortes— Organization  into  Companies— 
Departure  from  Cuba 

CHAPTER  VI. 

THE  VOYAGE. 

1519. 

Something  of  the  Captains  of  Cortes—Alvarado—Montejo—Avila—Olid— 
Sandoval— Leon— Ordaz—Morla— The  Passage— The  Fleet  Struck 
by  a Squall— Arrival  at  Cozumel— Alvarado  Censured— Search  for 
the  Captive  Christians— Arrival  of  Aguilar— His  Chaste  Adventures— 
They  Come  to  Tabasco  River— Battles  there— Conquest  of  the  Na- 
tives—Peace  Made— Twenty  Female  Slaves  among  the  Presents— 
The  Fleet  Proceeds  along  the  Shore — Puertocarrero’s  V itticism 
Arrival  at  San  J uan  de  


CONTENTS. 


xiii 


CHAPTER  VII. 


WIIAT  MONTEZUMA  THOUGHT  OF  IT. 

PAGE. 

Home  of  Mexican  Civilization — The  Border  Land  of  Savagism — Con- 
figuration of  the  Country — The  Nahuas  and  the  Mayas — Toltecs, 
Chichimecs,  and  Aztecs — The  Valley  of  Mexico — Civil  Polity  of  the 
Aztecs — King  Ahuitzotl — Montezuma  Made  Emperor — Character  of 
the  Man — His  Career — The  First  Appearing  of  the  Spaniards  not 
"Unknown  to  Montezuma — The  Quetzalcoatl  Myth — Departure  of  the 
Fair  God — Signs  and  Omens  concerning  his  Keturn — The  Coming  of 
the  Spaniards  Mistaken  for  the  Fulfilment  of  the  Prophecy — The 
Door  Opened  to  the  Invader 94 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

THE  COMBATANTS  SALUTE. 

April-May,  1519. 

The  Embassy  from  the  Shore — The  New  Interpreter — Marina — Her  Ap- 
pearance and  Quality — Her  Romantic  History — She  Cleaves  to  the 
Spaniards  and  to  Cortds — And  Becomes  One  of  the  most  Important 
Characters  of  the  Conquest — The  Spaniards  Land  and  Form  an  En- 
campment— The  Governor  Comes  with  Presents  — The  Spaniards 
Astonish  the  Natives — Who  Report  all  to  Montezuma — Cortds  Sends 
the  Monarch  Presents — Council  Called  in  Mexico — Montezuma  Deter- 
mines not  to  Receive  the  Strangers  — Reciprocates  in  Presents  a 
Hundredfold — Cortds  Persists — Montezuma  Declines  more  Firmly — 
Olmedo  Attempts  Conversion — Teuhtlile,  Offended,  Withdraws  his 
People  from  the  Camp  of  the  Spaniards 116 


CHAPTER  IX. 

THE  MIGHTY  PBOJECT  IS  CONCEIVED. 

May,  1519. 

Serious  Dilemma  of  Cortds — Authority  without  Law — Montejo  Sent 
Northward — Recommends  another  Anchorage — Dissensions  at  Vera 
Cruz — Prompt  and  Shrewd  Action  of  Cortds — A Municipality  Organ- 
ized— Cortes  Resigns— And  is  Chosen  Leader  by  the  Municipality — 
Velazquez’  Captains  Intimate  Rebellion— Cortds  promptly  Arrests 
Several  of  Them — Then  he  Conciliates  them  All — Important  Em- 
bassy from  Cempoala — The  Veil  Lifted — The  March  to  Cempoala — 
What  was  Done  there — Quiahuiztlan — The  Coming  of  the  Tribute 
Gatherers — How  They  were  Treated — Grand  Alliance 131 

CHAPTER  X. 

MULTIPLICATION  OF  PLOTS. 

June-July,  1519. 

Cortds,  Diplomate  and  General — The  Municipality  of  Villa  Rica  Located — 
Excitement  throughout  Anahuac — Montezuma  Demoralized — Arrival 


XIV 


CONTENTS. 


P AGE. 

of  the  Released  Collectors  at  the  Mexican  Capital— The  Order  for 

Troops  Countermanded — Montezuma  Sends  an  Embassy  to  Cortes 

Chicomacatl  Asks  Aid  against  a Mexican  Garrison — A Piece  of 
Pleasantry— The  Velazquez  Men  Refuse  to  Accompany  the  Expedi- 
tion-Opportunity Offered  them  to  Return  to  Cuba,  which  they 
Decline  through  Shame — The  Totonacs  Rebuked— The  Cempoala 
Brides— Destruction  of  the  Idols— Arrival  at  Villa  Rica  of  Salcedo — 
Efforts  of  Velazquez  with  the  Emperor — Cortes  Sends  Messengers 
to  Spain— Velazquez  Orders  them  Pursued — The  Letters  of  Cortes— 
Audiencia  of  the  Emperor  at  Tordesillas 152 

CHAPTER  XI. 

THE  SINKING  OF  THE  FLEET. 

July- August,  1519. 

Diego  Velazquez  once  More — His  Supporters  in  the  Camp  of  Cortes — 
They  Attempt  Escape — Are  Discovered — The  Leaders  are  Seized  and 
Executed — Cortes’  Ride  to  Cempoala,  and  what  Came  of  it — He  De- 
termines on  the  Destruction  of  the  Fleet — Preliminary  Stratagems — 
Several  of  the  Ships  Pronounced  Unseaworthy — The  Matter  before 
the  Soldiers — The  Fleet  Sunk — Lidignation  of  the  Velazquez  Fac- 
tion— One  Vessel  Remaining — It  is  Offered  to  any  Wishing  to  Desert — 

It  is  finally  Sunk — Francisco  de  Garay’s  Pretensions — Seizure  of 
Some  of  his  Men 174 

CHAPTER  XII. 

MARCH  TOWARD  MEXICO. 

August-September,  1519. 

Enthusiasm  of  the  Army — The  Force — The  Totonacs  Advise  the  Tlascalan 
Route — Arrival  at  Jalapa — A Look  Backward — The  Andhuac  Pla- 
teau— Meeting  with  Olintetl — Arrival  in  the  Country  of  the  Tlascal- 
tecs — The  Senate  Convenes  and  Receives  the  Envoys  of  Cortes — An 
Encounter — A More  Serious  Battle — Xieotencatl  Resolves  to  Try  the 
Prowess  of  the  Invaders,  and  is  Defeated 191 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

ENTRY  INTO  TLASCALA. 

September,  1519. 

Native  Chiefs  Sent  as  Envoys  to  the  Tlascalan  Capital — Their  Favorable 
Reception — Xieotencatl  Plans  Resistance  to  Cortes — Sendsout  Spies — 
Cortes  Sends  them  back  Mutilated — The  Spaniards  Attack  and 
Defeat  Xieotencatl — Night  Encounters — General  Dissatisfaction  and 
a Desire  to  Return  to  Villa  Rica — Envoys  Arrive  from  Montezuma — 
Cortes  Receives  Xieotencatl  and  the  Tlascalan  Lords — Peace  Con- 
cluded— Tlascala — Festivities  and  Rejoicings — Mass  Celebrated — 
Cortes  Inclined  to  Extreme  Religious  Zeal — Brides  Presented  to  the 
Spaniards — Appropriate  Ceremonies — Preparing  to  Leave  Tlascala 
for  Cholula — Communications  with  the  Cholultecs 211 


CONTENTS.  oct 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

SUBJUGATION  OF  CHOLULA. 

October,  1519.  page. 

Departure  from  Tlascala— Description  of  Cholula — The  Welcome — Army- 
Quarters  in  the  City — Intimations  of  a Conspiracy  between  the  Mexi- 
cans and  Cholultecs — Cortes  Asks  for  Provisions  and  Warriors — He 
Holds  a Council — Preparations  for  an  Attack — The  Lords  Enter  the 
Court  with  the  Required  Supplies — Cortds  Reprimands  them  in  an 
Address — The  Slaughter  Begins — Destruction  of  the  City — Butchery 
and  Pillage — Amnesty  finally  Proclaimed — Xicotencatl  Returns  to 
Tlascala — Reconciliation  of  the  Cholultecs  and  Tlascaltecs — Dedica- 
tion of  a Temple  to  the  Virgin — Reflections  on  the  Massacre  of 
Cholula 235 

CHAPTER  XV. 

FROM  CHOLULA  TO  IZTAPALAPAN. 

October-November,  1519. 

Montezuma  Consults  the  Gods — He  again  Begs  the  Strangers  not  to  Come 
to  him — Popocatepetl  and  Iztaccihuatl — News  from  Villa  Rica — • 
Death  of  Escalante — Return  of  the  Cempoalan  Allies — Again  en 
route  for  Mexico — Reception  at  Huexotzinco — First  View  of  the 
Mexican  Valley — Exultations  and  Misgivings — Resting  at  Quauli- 
techcatl — The  Counterfeit  Montezuma — Munificent  Presents — The 
Emperor  Attempts  to  Annihilate  the  Army  by  Means  of  Sorceries— 
Through  Quauhtechcatl,  Amaquemecan,  and  Tlalmanalco — A Brill- 
iant Procession  Heralds  the  Coming  of  Cacama,  King  of  Tezcuco — 

At  Cuitlahuac  — Met  by  Ixtlilxochitl — The  Hospitality  of  Izta- 
palapan 252 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

MEETING  WITH  MONTEZUMA. 

November,  1519. 

Something  of  the  City — The  Spaniards  Start  from  Iztapalapan — Reach  the 
Great  Causeway — They  are  Met  by  many  Nobles — And  Presently  by 
Montezuma — Entry  into  Mexico — They  are  Quartered  in  the  Axaya- 
catl  Palace — Interchange  of  Visits 275 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

CAPTURE  OF  THE  EMPEROR. 

November,  1519. 

Cortes  Inspects  the  City — Visits  the  Temple  with  Montezuma — Discov- 
ery of  Buried  Treasure — Pretended  Evidences  of  Treachery — Cortes 
Plans  a Dark  Deed — Preparations  for  the  Seizure  of  Montezuma — 
With  a Few  Men  Cortes  Enters  the  Audience-chamber  of  the  King — 
Persuasive  Discourse — With  Gentle  Force  Montezuma  is  Induced  to 
Enter  the  Lion’s  Den 


294 


xvi 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XYIII. 

DOUBLY  REFINED  DEALINGS. 

1519-1520.  ' PAJS, 

Hollow  Homage  to  the  Captive  King — Montezuma  has  his  Wives  and 
Nobles — He  Rules  his  Kingdom  through  the  Spaniards — The  Playful 
Page — Liberality  of  the  Monarch — The  Sacred  Treasures — Cortes 
Resents  the  Insults  of  the  Guard — Diversions — Quauhpopoca,  his 
Son  and  Officers,  Burned  Alive — Plantations  Formed — Villa  Rica 
Affairs — Vessels  Built — Pleasure  Excursions 309 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

POLITICS  AND  RELIGION. 

1520. 

Growing  Discontent  among  the  Mexicans — Cacama’s  Conspiracy — He 
Openly  Defies  both  Montezuma  and  Cortes — The  Council  of  Tepet- 
zinco — Seizure  of  Cacama — The  Tezcucan  Ruler  Deposed — Cuicuitz- 
catl  Elevated — Montezuma  and  his  People  Swear  Fealty  to  the  Spanish 
King — Gathering  in  the  Tribute — Division  of  Spoils — The  Spaniards 
Quarrel  over  their  Gold — Uncontrollable  Religious  Zeal — Taking  of 
the  Temple — Wrath  of  the  Mexicans 328 

CHAPTER  XX. 

THE  CUBAN  GOVERNOR  IN  PURSUIT. 

1519-1520. 

The  Mexicans  Threaten  Revolt — The  Clergy  in  Arms — They  Denounce 
the  Conduct  of  Montezuma — The  Emperor  Declares  he  can  no  longer 
Restrain  his  People — Tidings  of  Velazquez’  Fleet — Sailing  from 
Cuba  of  an  Expedition  under  Narvaez— Arrival  in  Mexico — Conflict 
with  Cortes — Interchange  of  Threats  and  Courtesies — Attempted 
Union  of  Forces — Narvaez  Remains  Loyal  to  Velazquez — Desertion 
of  Some  of  his  Men  to  Cortes •• 353 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

THE  COUP  DE  MAlrRE  OF  CORTES. 

May,  1520. 

Dismal  Prospects — Empire  to  Hold,  Invasion  to  Repel — The  Army  Di- 
vides— Alvarado  Guards  Montezuma,  while  Cortes  Looks  after  Nar- 
vaez— The  March  Seaward — The  Rendezvous — The  Chinantecs 
and  their  Pikes — Cortes  Sows  Alluring  Words  in  the  Camp  of  the 
Enemy — Proposals  of  Peace — Defiance — Night  Attack — Cortes  Cap- 
tures Narvaez  and  his  Army 374 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

ALVARADO’S  MERCILESS  MASSACRE. 

May,  1520. 

After  the  Battle — Victory  Made  Secure — Conduct  of  the  Conquered — A 
General  Amnesty — Disposition  of  the  Forces — Affairs  at  the  Capital — 


CONTENTS. 


xvii 


page. 

Insurrection  Threatened — The  Spaniards  Hold  a Council — Alvarado’s 
Resolve — The  Great  Day  of  the  Feast — The  Spaniards  Proceed  to  the 
Temple — The  Grand  Display  there  Witnessed — The  Attack  of  the 
Spaniards — Horrors  upon  Horrors 399 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 

UPRISING  OF  THE  AZTECS. 

• May-June,  1520. 

Character  of  the  Aztecs — Spanish  Quarters — The  City  in  Arms — Growing 
Hatred  toward  the  Invaders— Perilous  Position  of  Alvarado — Monte- 
zuma Called  to  Interfere — Failing  Provisions — Miraculous  Water — 
Cortis  to  the  Rescue — Rendezvous  at  Tlascala — The  City  and  its 
People — The  Army  Joins  Alvarado — Desperate  Encounters 419 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 

FIGHT  UPON  THE  TEMPLE  SUMMIT. 

June,  1520. 

The  Natives  Continue  the  Assault — Their  Fierce  Bravery — The  Span- 
iards Build  Turrets — Still  the  Mexicans  Prove  too  Strong  for  Them — 
Montezuma  Called  to  Intercede — He  is  Insulted  and  Stoned  by  his 
Subjects — Cort6s  Attempts  Egress  by  the  Tlacopan  Causeway- 
Failure  of  Escobar  to  Take  the  Pyramid— Cort6s  Gains  the  Slippery 
Height — The  Gladiatorial  Combat  There 436 

CHAPTER  XXV. 

DEATH  OF  MONTEZUMA. 

June,  1520. 

A living  Death — The  Old  Imperial  Party  and  the  New  Power — Aztec 
Defiance — Perilous  Position  of  the  Spaniards — Disappointment  to 
Cortes — Another  Sally — The  Dying  Monarch — He  has  No  Desire  to  . 
Live — His  Rejection  of  a New  Faith — He  will  None  of  the  Heaven 
of  the  Spaniards — Commends  his  Children  to  Cortes — The  Character 
of  Montezuma  and  of  his  Reign 449 

CHAPTER  XXVI. 

LA  NOCHE  TRISTE. 

June  30,  1520. 

The  Captive-King  Drama  Carried  too  Far — Better  had  the  Spaniards 
Taken  Montezuma’s  Advice,  and  have  Departed  while  Opportunity 
Offered — Diplomatic  Value  of  a Dead  Body — Necessity  for  an  Im- 
mediate Evacuation  of  the  City — Departure  from  the  Fort — Mid- 
night Silence — The  City  Roused  by  a Woman’s  Cry — The  Fugitives 

Fiercely  Attacked  on  All  Sides — More  Horrors  463 

Hist.  Hex.,  Vol.  I.  n 


xviii 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

RETREAT  TO  TLASCAEA. 

July,  1520. 

Fatal  Mistake  of  the  Mexicans — A Brief  Respite  Allowed  the  Spaniards— 

The  Remnant  of  the  Army  at  Tlacopan — They  Set  out  for  Tlascala — 

An  ever  increasing  Force  at  their  Heels — Rost  at  the  Tepzolac 
Temple — Cortes  Reviews  his  Disasters — The  March  Continued  amidst 
Great  Tribulation — Encounter  of  the  Grand  Army — Important  Battle 
and  Remarkable  Victory — Arrival  at  Tlascala — The  Friendly  Recep- 
tion Accorded  them  There 4S2 

CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

INVALUABLE  FRIENDSHIP. 

July-September,  1520. 

Divers  Disasters  to  the  Spaniards — Mexico  Makes  Overtures  to  Tlascala — 

A Council  Held — Tlascala  Remains  True  to  the  Spaniards — Disaf- 
fection in  the  Spanish  Army — Cortes  again  Wins  the  Soldiers  to  his 
Views— Renewal  of  Active  Operations  against  the  Aztecs — Success 
of  the  Spanish  Arms — Large  Reinforcements  of  Native  Allies — One 
Aztec  Stronghold  after  another  Succumbs 509 

CHAPTER  XXIX. 

KING-MAKING  AND  CONVERTING. 

October-December,  1520. 

Conquest  in  Detail— Barba  Caught— Other  Arrivals  and  Reenforcements — 

The  Small-pox  Comes  to  the  Assistance  of  the  Spaniards — Letters  to 
the  Emperor — Establishing  of  Segura  de  la  Frontera — Certain  of  the 
Disaffected  Withdraw  from  the  Army  and  Return  to  Cuba — Division 
of  Spoils — Head-quarters  Established  at  Tlascala 536 

CHAPTER  XXX. 

CONSTRUCTION  OF  THE  FLEET. 

December,  1520 — February,  1521. 

The  Objective  Point — Vessels  Needed — Martin  Lopez  Sent  to  Tlascala 
for  Timber — Thirteen  Brigantines  Ordered — Cortes  at  Tlascala — Drill 
and  Discipline — Address  of  the  General — Parade  of  the  Tlascaltecs — 
March  to  Tezcuco — New  Ruler  Appointed — Sacking  of  Iztapalapan — 

The  Chalcans — Arrival  at  Tezcuco  of  the  Brigantine  Brigade 561 

CHAPTER  XXXI. 

PRELIMINARY  CAMPAIGNS. 

March-May,  1521. 

Plan  for  the  Investment  of  Mexico — Reconnoitring  Tour  round  the 
Lake — CortCs  in  Command — Alvarado  and  Olid  Accompany — They 


CONTEXTS. 


xix 


Proceed  Northward  from  Tczenco — Capture  of  Cities  and  Strong- 
holds— Xaltocan,  Quauhtitlan,  Tenayocan,  Azcapuzalco,  Tlacopan, 
and  back  to  Tezcuco — Chaleo  Disturbed — Peace  Proposals  Sent  to 
Mexico — Further  Reconnoissance  of  the  Lake  Region— Many  Battles 
and  Victories — Quauhnahuac  Captured — -Burning  of  Xochimilco — 
Second  Return  to  Tezcuco— Conspiracy 5S2 

CHAPTER  XXXII. 

INVESTMENT  OF  MEXICO. 

May-June,  1521. 

Phases  of  Heroism — The  Brigantines  upon  the  Lake — Division  of  Forces 
between  Alvarado,  Sandoval,  and  Olid — Desertion,  Capture,  and 
Execution  of  Xicotencatl — Departure  of  the  Troops  from  Tezcuco — 
Naval  Battle — Possession  Taken  of  the  Causeways — At  One  Point 
Corttls  Unexpectedly  Gains  Entrance  to  the  City — But  is  Driven  Out  613 

CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

CONTINUATION  OF  THE  SIEGE. 

June-July,  1521. 

Something  about  Quauhtemotzin — Infamous  Pretensions  of  European 
Civilization  and  Christianity — Prompt  Action  of  the  Mexican  Em- 
peror— Repetitions  of  the  Entry  Assault — Submission  of  the  Sur- 
rounding Nations — Dire  Condition  of  the  Mexicans — Spanish  Defeat 
and  Disaffection — Resolution  to  Raze  the  City 636 

CHAPTER  XXXTV. 

THE  CONQUEST  ACHIEVED. 

July-August,  1521. 

The  Destroyers  Advance — Fierce  Fighting  in  the  Plaza — Dismal  Situation 
of  the  Mexicans — The  Work  of  Demolition— Movements  of  Alva- 
rado— The  Emperor  Refuses  to  Parley — Misery  of  the  Aztecs  Un- 
bearable— Horrible  Massacre  of  Women  and  Children— The  Tender- 
hearted Cort6s  Mourns  over  his  own  Work — Capture  of  the  Em- 
peror— The  Conquest  Completed — Banquets  and  Thanksgivings — 
Dispersion  of  the  Allies  to  their  Homes — Reflections 669 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED 

1 N 

THE  HISTORY  OF  MEXICO. 


[7?  u my  custom  to  prefix  to  each  work  of  the  series  the  name  of  every  authority  cited  in  its  pages. 
In  thi * instance,  however ; it  is  tmpracticable.  So  immmse  if  my  material  for  the  IliSTORY  or  M EX  ICO 
that  a fid I list  of  the  authorities  would  fill  a third  of  a volume , obviously  more  space  than  can  jiroprrly 
be  allowed  even  for  so  important  a feature.  I therefore  reduce  the  list  by  omitting , for  the  mod  part, 
three  large  classes:  first , those  already  given  for  Central  America;  second , those  to  be  given  in  the 
NORTH  Mexican  States;  ami  third , many  works , mostly  pamphlets , which , though  consulted  and  off+n 
important , hare  only  an  indirect  bearing  on  history , or  which  have  been  cited  perhaps  but  once , and  on 
some  special  topic.  These , and  all  bibliographic  notes , are  accessible  through  the  index.] 


Abbot  (Gorham  D.),  Mexico  and  the  United  States.  New  York,  1869. 

Abert  (S.  T. ),  Is  a ship  canal  practicable.  Cincinnati,  1870. 

Abispa  de  Chilpancingo  (La).  Mexico,  1821-2. 

Abreu  (Antonio  Joseph  Alvarez  de),  Victima  Ileal  Legal.  Madrid,  1769.  folio. 
Abreu  (Francisco),  Verdad  Manifiesta  que  declara  ser  la  jurisdiccion  ordinaria. 
n.pl.,  n.d. 

Abusos  del  poder  judicial  en  la  Suprema  Corte.  Guadalajara,  1844. 
Academia  de  Derecho  Espafiol.  Solemnc  Accion  de  Gracias  al  Congreso.  15 
de  Marzo  de  1813.  [Mexico],  1814. 

Academia  Nacional  de  San  Cdrlos  de  Mexico.  Catdlogo  de  los  objetos. 

Mexico,  1850;  S6tima  Esposicion.  Mexico,  1855. 

Acapulco,  Exposicion  de  la  Junta  del  camino  de.  Mexico,  1845. 

Acapulco,  Provision  para  tripulantes  de  los  galeones  y para  guamicion.  MS. 
1766-S.  folio. 

Accion  de  Gracias  que  Tributa  el  Clero  y Pueblo  Mexicano  al  Todopoderoso 
por  el  Triunfo  de  la  Religion.  Mexico,  1834. 

Aciopari  (JoscS  Querien),  Ratos  desgraciados.  Mexico,  1819.  MS. 

Acta  Capituli  Provincialis  celebrati  in  hoc  Imperiali  S.  P.  N.  Dominici 
Mexiceo  Ccenobio.  Mexico,  1808  et  seq. 

Acusacion  contra  El  Sr.  Gobr.  Don  Jos6  Gomez  de  la  Cortina.  Mexico,  1836. 
Acusacion  que  hacen  el  Soberano  Congreso  muchos  Profesores.  Mexico,  1836. 
Adalid  (Ignacio),  Causa  formada  contra.  Mexico,  1815.  MS.  3 vols. 
Adamdicosio  y Canto  (Perez  Jos6  Maria  Alejo),  El  Jacobinismo  de  M6jico. 
Mexico,  1833.  MS. 

Adams  (John  Quincy),  Discurso  del  Ex-Presidente.  Mejico,  1836. 

Adams  (W.),  Actual  state  of  the  Mexican  Mines.  London,  1825. 

Addey  (Markinfield),  Geo.  Brinton  McClellan.  New  York,  1864. 

Adorno  (Juan  Nepomuceno),  Andlisis  de  los  males  de  Mexico.  Mexico,  1858. 
Adorno  (Juan  N.),  Memoria  acerca  de  la  Hidrografia  Meteorologia.  Mexico, 
1865. 


(XXl) 


xxu 


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Afectos  de  un  Moribundo  Arrepentido.  MS. 

Afectos  Piadosos  de  un  Pecador  Convertido.  Mexico,  1787. 

Agras  (Jesus),  lleflecciones  sobre  la  Naturaleza  y Origcu  de  los  Males  y Tras- 
tornos,  etc.  Guadalajara,  1804. 

Agreda  (Diego  de),  Representacion  al  Rey  por  Don  Miguel  Joseph  de  Azanza. 
Mexico,  1801.  MS. 

Agricultura,  Escuela  de,  Indicacion  de  Modificaciones  del  Programa.  Mexico, 
1844. 

Aguardiente  de  Cana,  Reglamento.  Mexico,  1796.  folio. 

Aguascalientes.  Acta  del  I.  Ayuntamiento  y vecindario  de  la  ciudad  sobre 
Separarse  del  Estado  de  Zacatecas.  Mtijico,  1S35. 

Aguascalientes,  Comunicaciones  oficiales  de  la  Legislatura.  Orizava,  1847. 

Aguascalientes,  Dictamen  sobre  el  arreglo  de  la  Hacienda  piiblica.  Aguas- 
calientes, 1855. 

Aguascalientes,  Esposicion  que  los  vecinos  dirigen  al  Gen.  Santa -Anna. 
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Aguascalientes,  Ocurso  que  todas  las  clases  del  Estado  elevan  4 la  H.  Lejis- 
latura.  Aguascalientes,  1808. 

Agueda  de  S.  Ignacio  (Maria  Anna),  Marabillas  del  Divino  Amor,  etc. 
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Aguilar  (Bruno),  Informc  sobre  las  Minas  del  Rincon  del  Mineral  de  Temas- 
caltepec.  Mexico,  1851. 

Aguilar  (Est6van  de),  Navlica  sacra  y viaje  prodigiosa.  Mexico,  1053. 

Aguilar  (Geronimo),  Certificacion  10  de  Enero  de  1024.  In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex., 
serie  ii.  tom.  iii. 

Aguilar  (Ignacio),  Reflexiones  sobre  la  carta  escrita  por.  Madrid,  1866. 

Aguilar  y Ortiz  (J.  M.),  lbblioteca  dc  mi  Abuelo.  Mcjico,  1804.  5 vols. 

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Aguilera  Castro  Sotomajor  (J.  Miehaelis  de)  and  Augustini  Bustamante, 
Palaestra  Tlieoldgica.  Mexico,  1790. 

Aguirre  (J os6  Maria),  Acusacion  que  el  Dr.  como  defensor  de  matrimonios  hizo 
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Aguirre  (Jose  Maria),  Denuncia  y acusacion,  que  el  C.  hizo  del  impreso  titu- 
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Aguirre  (Jos6  Maria),  Votodel  ciudadano  sobre  el  proyecto  de  solemnidad. 
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Aguirre  y Espinosa  (J.  F.  de  Cuevas),  Informe  del  dereeho  que  assiste  al 
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Agurto  (Pedro  de),  Tractado  de  que  se  deben  administrar  lbs  Sacramentos, 
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Ahrens  (J.  B.  A),  Mcxiko  und  Mexikanische.  Gottingen,  18G6. 

Ahumada.(Juan  Antonio  de),  Representacion  Politico  Legal,  que  haze  a D. 
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Alaman  (Juan  B.),  Informe  en  dereeho.  Mexico,  1S60. 

Alaman  (Lucas),  Apuntes  para  la  Biografia.  Mexico,  15S4. 

Alaman  (Lucas),  Dcfensa  del  Ex-Mimstro  de  Relaciones.  Mejico,  1834. 

Alaman  (Lucas),  Disertaciones  sobre  la  Historia  de  la  Republica  Mejicana. 
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Alaman  (Lucas),  Exposicion  por  el  Duque  de  Terranova.  Mexico,  1828. 

Alaman  (Lucas),  Esposicion  que  liaee  & laCamarade  Diputados.  Mexico.  1828. 

Alaman  (Lucas),  EstaMemoria  sirve  de  Ap6ndice  a la  Liquidacion  General  de 
la  Deuda  Contraida  por  la  Republica.  Mexico,  1S48. 

Alaman  (Lucas),  Historia  de  Mdjico.  M6jico,  1849-52.  5 vols. 

Alaman  (Lucas),  Liquidacion  general  d'e  la  deuda  esterior.  Mexico,  1845. 

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Alaman  (Liicas),  and  Francisco  Lerdo  de  Tejada.  Noticia  de  la  Vida  y 
escritos  del  R.  P.  Fr.  Man.  de  San  Juan  Cnsostomo.  Mexico,  1854.  4to. 

Alamos,  La  Voz  de.  Alamos,  1878  et  seq. 

Alas  (Ignacio),  Esposicion  que  dirige  A sus  Conciudadanos.  Mexico,  1836. 

Alatorre  (Agustin  Flores),  Oontestacion  dada  al  Supremo  Gobierno.  Mexico, 
1S50. 

Alatorre  (Francisco  Flores),  Manifiesto  del  Gobernador  de  Aguascalientes  a 
consecuencia  de  la  guerra  de  Franeia.  Aguascalientes,  1838. 

Albuerne  (Manuel  de),  Origen  y Estado  de  la  causa  sobre  la  Real  Orden  de  17 
Mayo  de  1810.  CAdiz,  1811.  , 

Album  Mexicano.  Mexico,  1S49  et  seq. 

Alcala(FranciscoXavierde),  Descripcion  en  bosquexo  de  laPvebla  de  L.  A.  MS. 

Alcocer  (P.  Joseph  de),  Excelencias  de  la  archicofradia  de  la  Santissima  Trini- 
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Aldaiturreaga  (Juan),  Gabinete  de  lectura.  Morelia,  1860. 

Aldama  (Ber.  Francisco  Antonio),  Solicitud  de  una  eanongia.  MS.,  1 786,  folio. 

Aldazoro  (Santiago),  Esposicion  presentada  a la  Camara  de  Diputados.  Megico, 
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Alegacion  de  los  Derechos  que  por  parte  del  fiscal  del  Obispado  de  la  Puebla. 
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Alegre  (Francisco  Javier),  Historia  de  la  Compauia  de  Jesus  en  Nueva  Espana. 
Mexico,  1841.  3 vols. 

Alejandro  VI.,  Bula  del  Sto.  Padre  contra  la  Independencia  de  la  America. 
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Alesna  (Candido),  Cuatro  cartas  que  en  desahogo  de  su  amor  a la  eonstitucion 
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Alfaro  y Ochoa  (Josb  Antonio),  Los  Tristes.  MS.  folio. 

Alfonso  el  Sabio,  Las  Siete  Partidas  del  Rey.  Paris,  1847.  4 vols. 

Algo  de  Mazones  6 sea  dialogo  entre  un  filbsofo  y una  maestra  de  amiga.  Mo- 
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Algodon,  Breve  memoria  del  Estado.  Puebla,  1837;  Esposicion  respetuosa. 
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Algunas  Consideraciones  economicas  (dirigidas  al  E.  S.  P.  Y.  D.  I.  I.  Corro.) 
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Algunas  Observaciones  Acerca  de  la  Conveniencia  de  Terminar  la  Presente 
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Algunas  Obsex-vaciones  sobre  la  Circular  del  Sefior  Rosa.  [Mexico,  1847.] 

Alguilas  Observaciones  sobre  cl  Opusculo  Intitulado  el  Imperio  y el  Clero 
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Alison  (R.  E.),  To  the  Shareholders  of  the  Mexican  and  South  American  Com- 
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Allen  (A.  C.),  Algunas  reflexiones  sobre  el  privilegio  para  el  corte  de  maderas 
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Allen  (Charles),  Speech  in  U.S.  House  of  Rep. , J an.  23, 1S52.  Washington,  1 852. 

Allen  (Fred  H.),  Cortes : or  the  Discovery,  Conquest,  and  more  Recent  History 
of  Mexico.  Boston,  1882. 

Alleye  de  Cyprey,  Documentos  relativos  A lo  ocqurrido.  [Mexico],  1S45. 

Allsopp  (J.  P.  C.),  Leaves  from  my  Log-book.  MS. 

Almaraz  (Ramon),  Memoria  de  los  ti-abajos  ejecutados  por  la  comision  cientifica 
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Almodoar  (Marcos  G.  de),  6 se  rcforman  los  frailes,  6 es  urgente  su  Extincion. 
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Almonte  (Juan  N. ),  Proyectos  de  Leyes  sobre  Colonizacion.  Mexico,  1852. 

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Altamera  (M.  de),  Puntos  del  parecer  que  el  Senor  Auditor  de  Guerra  espuso  al 
virey  conde  de  Fonclara,  1774.  MS. 

Altamii-ano  (Ignacio  Manuel),  Algunas  Palabras  acerca  de  Mr  Wagner.  Mex- 
ico, 1862. 


XXIV 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


Altamirano  (Ignacio  Manuel),  Revistas  Literarias  de  Mexico.  Mexico,  18GS. 

Alvarado  (Francisco),  Cartas  de  Filosofo  Rancio.  Mexico,  1851-2.  2 vela, 
folio. 

Alvarado  (Francisco),  Cartas  filosdficas.  Mexico,  1853. 

Alvarado  (Ignacio),  Satisfaccion  que  da  al  publico.  Mexico,  1826. 

Alvarado  (Pedro  de),  Cartas  Varias  desde  1534  liasta  1541.  MS.  folio. 

Alvarez  (Antonio),  Manifestaeion  que  hace  al  publico  el  ex-general.  Saltillo, 
1864. 

Alvarez  (Diego),  El  ciudadano  General  d sus  conciudadanos.  Acapulco,  1868. 

Alvarez  (Francisco  de  Paula),  Santa- Anna  hasta  1822.  Guadalajara,  1844. 

Alvarez  (Januario),  Vindicacion  de.  Matamoros,  1844. 

Alvarez  (Juan),  Documentos  relativos  d la  sublevacion  del  General.  Mexico, 
1835. 

Alvarez  (Juan),  Manifiesto  d los  pueblos  cultos  de  Europa  y America.  Mex- 
ico, 1857. 

Alvarez  (Juan),  Manifiesto  con  motivo  de  la  Representacion  calumniosa  que 
unos  emigrados  de  la  villa  de  Chilapa.  Mexico,  1S45. 

Alvarez  (J.  J.)  and  R.  Duran,  Itineraries  y Derroteros  de  la  Republica  Mex- 
icana.  Mexico,  1856. 

Alvensleben  (Max.,  Baron  von),  With  Maximilian  in  Mexico.  London,  1867. 

Alvires  ( Jos<5  Manuel  T. ),  Reflexiones  sobre  los  Decretos  Episcopales  que  prohi- 
ben  el  Juramento  Constitucional,  la  2“  y 3a  partes.  Mexico,  etc.,  1857. 
3 vols. 

Alzate  (J.  A.),  Memoria  en  que  se  trata  del  insecto  grana  6 cochinilla.  Mex- 
ico, 1831. 

Alzate  y Ramirez  (Josd  Antonio),  Diario  literario  de  Mexico.  Mexico.  1768. 

Alzate  y Ramirez  (Josd  Antonio),  Gacetas  de  Literatura  de  Mexico.  Mexico, 
1790-4.  3 vols. ; and  Puebla,  1831.  4 vols. 

Alzate  y Ramirez  (Jos<$  Antonio),  Memoria  sobre  la  naturaleza  cultivo  y ben- 
eficio  de  la  Grana.  Mexico,  1777.  MS.  folio. 

Amadei  (Beat.),  Apocalypsis  nova  Sensvm.  MS.  [1650.].  folio. 

Amado  (F.  M. ),  Compendio  de  la  historia  general  de  lalglesia.  Mexico,  1850. 

Amador  (Juan),  El  Despertador  de  los  Fandticos.  Aguascalientes,  1867. 

Amante  al  cumplimiento  de  nuestra  sabia  constitucion.  Mexico,  1820. 

Amarillas,  Diario  notable  de  la  marquesa  de  las  Amarillas.  Mexico,  1757. 

America,  Pictorial  History  of  Remarkable  Events.  New  York,  1849. 

American  Confederation  and  Alliance.  Sketch  of  Politics,  etc.,  of  Western 
World.  Philadelphia,  1827. 

American  Inquiry  into  the  Plans,  Progress,  and  Policy  of  Mining  Companies. 
London,  1825. 

American  and  Mexican  Joint  Commission.  Alfred  A.  Green  vs  Mexico, 
n.pl.,  n.d. 

Americano  (El.)  Mejico,  1820etseq. 

Americano  (El),  Sincero  en  defensa  del  Senor  Virey.  Mexico,  1820. 

Americanos,  Manifesto  de  los  que  residen  en  Madrid  d las  naciones  de  la 
Europa.  Mexico,  1820. 

Americanos  de  Buenos- Aires,  Contestacion  de  los  con  el  ministerio  Frances. 
Mexico,  1820. 

Americas  Vindicadas.  Mejico,  1820. 

Amigo  del  Pueblo.  Mexico,  1827  et  seq. 

Amigo  de  la  Religion,  2 de  Enero.  Mexico,  1840. 

Amnistia,  Dictdmen  de  la  mayoria  de  las  comisiones  sobre  la  iniciativa  de. 
Mexico,  1845. 

Amortizacion  de  la  moneda  de  cobre,  Comunicaciones  sobre.  Mex.,  1841; 
Proyecto  de  Ley  para  la.  Mex.,  1841. 

Ampere  (J.  J. ),  Promenade  en  Amdrique.  Paris,  1855.  2vols. ; Paris,  1860.  2 vols. 

Ampudia  (Pedro  de),  El  Ciudadano-General  ante  el  Tribunal  Respetable  de 
la  Opinion  Publica.  San  Luis  Potosi,  1846. 

Ampudia  (Pedro  de),  Manifiesto  fechado  10  de  Julio  de  1846.  San  Luis 
Potosi,  1846. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


xxr 


Ampudia  (Pedro  de),  Manifiesto  del  General  Ampudia.  Mexico,  1847. 

Ana  de  San  Francisco,  Revelacion  que  tuvo  sob  re  el  tumulto  de  15  de 
Euero  de  1624.  In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex. , serie  ii.  tom.  iii. 

Andhuac,  Contrato  de  Asociacion  para  la  Republica  de  los  Estados  Unidos 
del.  Guadalaxara,  1S23. 

Anale's  Mexicanos  de  Ciencias  y Literatura.  Mexico,  1S60. 

Andlisis  Critico  de  la  Constitucion  de  1836.  [Mexico,  1842.] 

Andlisis  del  Papel  Titulado  aviso  d los  Seiiores  Electores.  Mexico,  1821. 
Anaya  (Juan  Pablo),  Alocucion  d sus  Conciudadanos.  Tabasco,  1840. 
Ancillon  (Frederic),  Melanges  de  Politique.  Paris,  1801. 

Anderson  (Adam),  Historical  and  Chronological  Deduction  of  the  Origin  of 
Commerce.  London,  1801.  folio.  4 vols. 

Anderson  (Alex.  D.),  The  Tehuantepec  Inter-Ocean  Railroad.  New  York, 
etc.,  18S1. 

Andrade,  Documentos  sobre  la  evacuation  de  San  Antonio  de  Bejar.  Mon- 
terey, 1836. 

Andrade  (Jose),  Memoria  sobre  el  cultivo  del  Algodon.  Mexico,  1865. 
Andrade  (Juan  J.  de),  Calificacion  legal  de  la  conducta.  Mexico,  1838. 
Andrade  (Juan  J.  de),  Revolucion  en  S.  Luis  Potosi  el  dia  14  de  Abril  de  1837. 
Documentos.  Mexico,  1S37. 

Andrade  (Manuel),  Manifiesto  de  nombramiento  de  Comandante  general  de 
Chihuahua.  Mexico,  1840. 

Andrade  (Manuel),  Manifiesto  que  el  ciudadano.  Mexico,  1840. 

Audrbs  y Alcalde  (Joaquin),  Manual  estadistico  Histbrico-Politico,  etc. 
Madrid,  1831. 

Anglo-Saxon  (The).  Chihuahua,  1847  et  seq. 

Anibal  Cartaginense  (El),  n.pl.,  n.d. 

Aiio  Nuevo  de  1837-40.  4to. 

Ansorena  (Josb  Ignacio  de),  Defensa.  Mexico,  1850. 

Antepara  (Luis),  Defensa  legal  que  hace  por  Don  Josb  Gregorio  Arana. 

Mexico,  1827;  Mexico,  1829. 

Anteojo  del  Desengano  (El).  Mexico,  1812. 

Antoneli  (Antonio  de),  Descripcion  de  Santiago  Papasquiaro,  1793.  MS. 
folio. 

Antonelli  (Bautista),  Memoriales  del  ingeniero  al  Consejo  de  Indias  1509. 

In  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc.,  tom.  xiii. 

Amtorcha,  Mexico,  1833  et  seq. 

Antunano  (E.  de),  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  la  Industria  en  Mexico. 
Mexico,  1845. 

Antunano  (E.  de),  Economia  politica  en  Mexico.  Puebla,  1839-44.  [A  series 
of  essays.] 

Antunano  (E.  de),  Insurreccion  Industrial.  Economia  Politica  en  Mexico. 
Puebla,  1846. 

Antunano  (E.  de),  Manifiesto  sobre  el  Algodon.  Puebla,  1833. 

Antunano  (E.  de),  Memoria  breve  de  la  Industria  Manufacturera  de  Mexico. 
[Puebla,  1835.] 

Antunano  (E.  de),  Mexicanos ! ! ' El  primer  asunto  de  la  Patria.  20  de  No- 
viembre,  1845.  [Puebla,  1845.] 

Antunano  (E.  de),  Pensamientos  para  la  regeneracion  industrial  de  Mexico. 
Puebla,  1837. 

Antunano  (E.  de),  Raciocinios  para  un  plan.  [Puebla,  1840.] 

Antunano  (E.  de),  Reimpresion  anotadacon  relacion  <ila  industria  de  Mexico. 
Puebla,  1835. 

Antunano  (E.  de),  Teorfa  fundamental  de  la  industria  de  algodones  en  Mexico. 
Puebla.  1840. 

Antunano  (E.  de),  Ventajas  politicas  civiles  fabriles.  Puebla,  1837. 

Anzorena  (Josb  Mariano  de),  Respuesta  de,  a la  contestation  que  dib.  Mexico, 
1850. 

Aoust  (V.  d’).  Coup  d’oeil  sur  la  topographie,  etc.,  du  Mexico.  Paris,  [1865.] 
Aoust  (V.  d’),  Sur  les  salures,  etc.,  des  lacs  du  Mexico.  Paris,  [1865.] 


xx vi 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


Aparicio  (Manuel  Ramirez),  Los  Conventos  suprimidosen  Mdjico.  Mejico,  1861. 
Apologia,  Carta  que  en  defensa  de  la  Pastoral  del  Illmo  Sr  Dn  Francisco 
Xavier  Lizana.  MS.  1S03.  ' 

Appello  Corbulacho  y Guevara  (J.  Cdrlos),  Accentos  Morales.  Mexico,  1710. 
Apuntamientos  para  la  historia  de  lo  occurrido  en  el  ejercito.  Mexico,  1841. 
Apuntamientos  sobre  derecho  publico  eclesiastico.  Mexico,  1857. 
Apuntamientos  sobre  la  necesidad  de  promover  el  cultivo  del  azucar.  Mexico, 
1822. 

Apuntes  para  la  Historia  de  la  Guerra  Europea  con  Mexico.  Mexico,  1862. 
Aquino  (Nicolao  de),  Proceso  contra.  MS.  1575. 

Arango  y Escandon  (Alejandro),  Acusacion  heclia  ante  la  edmara  de  Diputados. 
Mexico,  1850. 

Arango  y Escandon  (Alejandro),  Frai  Luis  de  Leon.  Mexico,  1866. 

Aranzel  de  los  derechos,  que  deben  percibir  los  Escribanos  Mayores.  [Mex- 
ico, 1746.] 

Araujo  y San  Ramon  (Pedro  Gonzales),  Impugnacion  de  algunos,  etc.,  ar- 
ticulos  del  codigo  de  Anarquia.  Megico,  1815. 

Arcc  (Josd  Mariano  de),  Instruction  sobre  alcavalas.  Mexico,  1S48.  MS.  folio. 
Arce  (Manuel  Josd),  Memoria  de  la  eouducta  publica,  etc.  Mexico,  1S30. 
Archicofradia  do  la  purisima  concepcion.  Mexico,  1819. 

Arehicofradia  del  Arcdngel  Sau  Miguel,  Constituciones.  Mexico,  1794;  4to. 
Mexico,  1838. 

Arco  Iris.  Vera  Cruz,  1847  et  seq.  folio. 

Arellano  (Emmanuele  de),  Elogia  selecta.  Mexico,  1755. 

Arellano  (Lorenzo),  Actos  Administrativos  del  Gobemador  de  Guanajuato. 
Mexico,  1848. 

Arellano  (Manuel  Ramirez  de),  Oracion  civica.  Mexico,  1859. 

Arellano  (Manuel  Ramirez  de),  Apuntes  de  la  Compania  de  Oriente,  1859. 
Mexico,  1859. 

Arellano  (Manuel  Ramirez  de),  La  Ley  de  12  de  Octubre  liltimo.  Mexico,  1865. 
Arellano  (Manuel  Ramirez  de),  Ultimas  horas  del  Impcrio.  Mexico,  1869. 
Arenas  (Padre),  Causas  que  se  han  seguido  y terminado  contra  los  comprendi- 
dos.  Mexico,  1S28. 

Argaiz  (Gregorio  de),  Vida  y Escritos.  Madrid,  1678. 

Argos  (El).  Mejico,  1820  et  seq. 

Argiielles  (Diego),  Anuncio  d mis  amigos.  Mexico,  1857. 

Arguixo  (Presb.  Alonso),  Cuestion  de  pessadumbre.  MS.  1652.  folio. 

Arias  (J.  de  Dios),  Resena  Historiea  de  la  formacion  operacioues  del  Ejercito 
del  Norte.  Mexico,  1867. 

Arispe  (Pedro  Joseph  Rodriguez  de),  Colosso  Eloquente  que  en  la  sol.  acla- 
macion  del  D.  Fernando  VI.  erigid  Mexico.  Mexico,  1748. 

Arispe  (Pedro  Joseph  Rodrigvez  de),  Relacion  de  lo  acaecido  en  la  celebridad 
de  el  jubileo.  Mexico,  1753. 

Arista  (Mariano),  Ecsdmen  de  la  Esposicion.  Mexico,  1841. 

Arista  (Mariano),  Maniliesto  que  hace  d sus  conciudadanos.  Megico,  1839. 
Arista  (Mariano),  Observaciones  sobre  la  cuestion  suscitada  con  motivo  de  la 
autorizacion  concedida.  Mexico,  1841. 

Arista  (Mariano),  Olicio  y doeumeutos  que  dirige  al  Gob.  de  Coahuila. 
Mexico,  1841. 

Arista  (Mariano),  Proclama.  Mexico,  1833. 

Arista  (Mariano),  Al  Proyecto  para  el  arreglo  del  ejdrcito.  Mexico,  1848. 
Arista  (Mariano),  Resena  Historiea  de  La 'Revolucion.  Mejico,  1835. 
Aristides,  La  Deuda  Estranjera.  Mexico,  1S69. 

Anzaga  (Ignacio  Ramon  de),  Advertencias  Utiles.  Mexico,  1764. 

Arizcorreta  (Mariano),  Informe  que  did  d la  comision.  Mexico,  1850. 
Arizcorreta  (Mariano),  Manifestacion  que  hace  al  publico.  [Mexico],  1849. 
Arizcorreta  (Mariano),  Respuesta  de  algunos.  Mexico,  1849. 

Arizpe  (Ignacio  de),  Contestacion  del  Gobemador  de  Coahuila.  Saltillo.  1841. 
Arizpe  (Miguel  Ramos  de),  Idea  general  sobre  la  conducta  politica  de  D. 
[Mexico,  1822.] 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


xxvii 


Arizpe  (Miguel  Ramos  de),.  Memorial  on  the  natural,  political,  and  civil  state 
of  the  Province  of  Coahuila.  Philadelphia,  IS  14. 

Arlegui  (Joseph),  Chronica  de  la  Provincia  de  S.  Francisco  de  Zacatecas. 
Mexico,  1737. 

Arinin  (Th.),  Das  Alte  Mexiko.  Leipzig,  1S65. 

Annin  (Th.),  Das  heutige  Mexiko.  Leipzig,  18G5. 

Arpide  (Fr.  Antonio),  Perdicion  de  los  Indios  de  Nueva  Espana  y sus  causas. 
MS.  1753. 

Arrangoiz  (Francisco  de  Paula  de),  Apuntes  para  la  Historia  del  Segundo 
Imperio  Mejicano.  Madrid,  1SG9.  4to. 

Arrangoiz  (Francisco  de  Paula  de),  Mejico  desde  ISOS,  hasta  1867.  Madrid, 
1871-2.  4vols. 

Arreglo  de  Las  Universidades  Y Colegios.  Mexico,  1855. 

Arricivita  ( J.  D. ),  Crbnica  Serifica  y Apostblica.  Madrid,  1792.  folio. 

Arrillaga  (Basilio),  Terceras  observaciones  sobre  cl  Opusculo.  Mexico,  1865. 

Arrillaga  (Basilio),  Breve  Resumen  de  los  Meritos  y Servicios.  Mexico,  1837. 

Arrillaga  (Basilio),  Cartas  al  Dr  Mora.  Mexico,  1839. 

Arrillaga  (Basilio),  Defensa  de  la  Mystica  Ciudad  de  Dios.  MS.  folio. 

Arrillaga  (Basilio),  Eximen  critico  de  la  Mcmoria.  MCjico,  1S35. 

Arrillaga  (Basilio),  Recopilacion  de  Lcyes,  etc.  Mexico,  183S-50.  16  vols. 

Arriola  (Juan  de),  Vida  Y Virtudes.  [Mexico],  1768.  MS.  3 vols. 

Arruniz  (Marcos),  Manual  de  Biografia  Mejicana.  Paris,  1857. 

Arroniz  (Marcos),  Manual  de  Historia  Y Cronologia  de  Mijico.  Paris,  1S59. 

Arrbniz  (Marcos),  Manual  Del  Viajcro  en  Mdjico.  Paris,  1858. 

Arze  y Miranda  (Andres  de),  El  ciclo  venido  d nuestras  manos  por  las  de  Ig- 
nacio, y su  Compania.  Mexico,  1751.  4to. 

Arze  y Porteria  (Tomds  de),  Infonne  dado  al  P.  Guardian  del  Colegio  de 
Pachuca,  19  de  Octubre  de  17S7.  MS. 

Arzobispo  de  Mejico,  Representacion  del  Ilmo  Sr  Arzobispo  de  Mej ico  con- 
cemiente  4 algunos  sucesos  anteriores  4 la  independence.  Habana,  1822. 
4to. 

Arzobispo  de  Mexico,  Rclacion  sobre  tributes  y las  brdenes  religiosas,  15 
Mayo,  1556.  In  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  tom.  iv. 

Atendo  Mexicano,  Reglamento.  Mexico,  1S43. 

Atentados  Escandalosos  Cometidos  Por  El  Juez  De  Minas.  Rincon  de  Romos, 
1S50. 

Atleta  (El),  Mexico,  1829  et  seq. 

Atocha  (Alexander  J. ),  Memorial  to  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives, 
n.pl.,  n.d. 

Atocha  (Alexander  J.),  Statement  of  case  and  claim  of  against  Mexico, 
n.pl.,  n.d. 

Auld  (Robert  O.),  and  John  H.  Buchan,  Silver  Mines  of  Fresnillo  in  Zacate- 
cas. London,  1834. 

Aumada  ( Juan  Antonio),  Representacion  Politico-legal  que  hace.  MS. 

Auto  General  De  La  Fee,  19  de  Noviembre  de  1659.  Mexico,  n.d. 

Auttos  Secrettos,  Catthedral  mettropolitana  de  Mexico.  MS.  1735-6.  folio. 

Auxiliar  De  La  Canoa.  Mexico,  1820  et  seq. 

Avendauo  (Pedro  de).  Fee  de  Erratas  respuesta  Apologdtica.  MS.  1703.  4to. 

Avila  (Joseph  de),  Coleccion  de  noticias  de  muchas  de  las  indulgencias  ple- 
narias,  etc.  Mexico,  17S7. 

Avila  y Uribe  (Mariano  Gonzales  de),  Pcema  cdmico  historial.  MS. 

Aviso  4 los  Senores  Diputados  de  Nueva  Espana.  Mexico,  1820. 

Aviso  (Articulos  de  armisticio  ratincados  el  7 de  sptiembre  de  1821).  Mexico, 
1821. 

Aviso,  [Invitation  to  the  Mexicans  to  welcome  Iturbide  on  his  entrance  to  the 
city;  dated  September  26,  1821.]  Mexico,  1821. 

Aviso  Patriutico  de  un  Americano  Imparcial.  Mexico,  1821.  folio. 

Ayala  (Ivan  de  Mendoza),  Virtvd  jviziosa,  17  de  Noviembre,  16S5.  Mexico, 
1686. 

Ayeta  (Francisco  de),  Representacion  por  los  Franciscanos.  n.pl.,  n.d.  folio. ' 


xxviii 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


Ayuntamiento,  Cuarto  reglamento  para  el  cobro  de  los  Derechos  de  Intro- 
duccion.  Mexico,  1848. 

Ayuntamiento,  Manifiesto  de  la  Conducta  de  los  capitulares.  Mexico,  1849. 

Ayuntamiento,  Tercera  Represen tacion  dirigida  al  Exmo.  Mexico,  1849. 

Ayuntamiento  de  Mexico  (El),  carta  del  26  de  Abril,  1531.  In  Pacbeco  and 
CArdenas,  Col.  Doc.,  tom.  xiii. 

Ayuntamientode  Mdgico  (El),  Manifiestaal  Publico  los  motivos.  Mdgico,  1840. 

Ayuntamiento  de  Mexico  (El),  Representacion  que  al  Congreso  General  eleva 
en  defensa  de  su  fondos.  Mexico,  1852.  See  also  “Mexico.” 

Azanza  (Josd  de),  Ynstruccion  sobre  las  provincias  de  la  Nueva  Espana.  MS. 

Azcdrate  (Miguel  Maria  de),  Noticias  estadisticas  que  sobre  los  efectos  de 
consumo.  Mexico,  1839. 

Azcdrate  (Miguel  Maria),  Reseiia  hecha  de  administracion  municipal.  Mexico, 
1853. 

Azpiroz  (Manuel),  Cddigo  de  Extranjeria  de  los  Estados  Unidos  Mexicanos. 
Mexico,  1876. 

B.  (G.  A.),  El  Esplritu  de  la  Democracia.  MS. 

Backer  (A.  A.  de),  Bibliotlieque  des  ecrivains  de  la  Compagnie  de  Jdsus,  etc. 
Lidge,  1853-61.  7 vols. 

Badger  (George  E.),  Speech  on  The  Regimental  Bill  in  U.  S.  Senate,  Jan- 
uary IS,  1848.  Washington,  1848. 

Bajamar  (Marques  de),  Discurso  exkortatorio,  2 de  Enero  1798.  Madrid,  1798. 

Balbontin  (Juan  Maria),  Apuntes  estadisticos  que  escribid  D.  J.  Francisco 
Bustamante  relativos  d Querdtaro.  In  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.  Boletin,  tom.  vii. 

Balbontin  (Juan  Maria),  Estadistica  del  Estado  de  Querdtaro.  Mexico,  1867. 

Balbuena  (Bernardo),  Grandeza  Mejicana.  Madrid,  1829;  Mdjico,  1603. 

Ballesteros  (D.  S.),  Dos  Acusaciones  contra  el  Supremo  Tribunal  de  Justicia. 
Mazatlan,  1870. 

Ballesteros  (D.  S. ),  Informe  que  rinde  al  Supremo  Tribunal  de  Justicia. 
Mazatlan,  1870.  4to. 

Balmes  (Jaime),  Suma  de  civilizacion.  Guadalajara,  1843. 

Banco  Nacional  de  Amortizacion,  Contestacion  de  la  Junta  Directiva  del. 
Mexico,  1841. 

Bancroft  (Hubert  Howe),  Native  Races  of  the  Pacific  States.  New  York, 
1875.  5 vols. 

Banda  (Longinos),  Estadistica  de  Jalisco.  Guadalajara,  1873. 

Baptista  (Hieron),  Treatise  on  canon  law  respecting  marriage.  MS.,  17th 
century. 

Baquiero  (Serapio),  Ensayo  Histdrico  sobre  las  Revoluciones  de  Yucatan. 
Mdrida,  1871-2.  3 vols. 

Barante  (M.  de),  Historia  de  la  convencion  nacional.  Mexico,  1854-5.  4 vols. 

Barbachano  (TomAs  Aznar),  Las  Mejoras  Materiales.  Campeche,  1859. 

Barbachano  (Tomas  Aznar)  y Juan  Carbd,  Memoria  sobre  la  Conveniencia, 
etc.  Mexico,  1861.  4to. 

Barcena  (Josd  Maria  Roa),  Catecismo  Elemental  de  Geografia  Universal. 
Mexico,  1870. 

BArcena  (J.  M.  Roa),  Catecismo  Elemental  de  la  Historia  De  Mexico.  Mexico, 
1862. 

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Bdrcena  (Rafael  Roa),  Manual  razonado  del  litigante  Mexicano.  Mexico,  1862. 

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Barreda  (C),  Oracion  civica,  15  de  Setiembro  1853.  Mexico,  1853. 

Barreiro  (Miguel),  Porvenir  de  Yucatan.  M6rida,  1804. 

Barrera  (Manuel),  Esposicion  que  accrca  de  la  contrata.  Mexico,  1 837. 

Barricon  (Manuel  Lopez),  Exhortacion.  Mexico,  1811. 

Barrow  (Washington),  Speech  in  U.  S.  House  of  Rep. , J anuary  24, 1848.  Wash- 
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Basch  (Dr  S. ),  Erinnerungen  aus  Mexico.  Leipzig,  1868.  2 vols. 

Basch  (Samuel),  Recuerdos  de  Mexico.  Mexico,  1870. 

Bases  sobre  las  que  se  ha  formado  un  plan  de  colonizacion  en  el  istmo  de 
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Baylies  (Francis),  Narrative  of  Wool’s  Campaign  in  Mexico.  Albany,  1851. 

Baz  (Gustavo),  Vida  de  Benito  Juarez.  Mexico,  1874.  4to. 

Bazancourt,  Le  Mexique  contemporain.  Paris,  1862. 

Beadle  (J.  H.),  The  Undeveloped  West.  Philadelphia,  1873. 

Beale  (Enrique  M.),  Prospecto  de  las  diversiones.  Mexico,  1851. 

Beaufort  (Conde  A.),  Historia  de  los  Papas.  Mexico,  1851.  5 vols. 

Beaufoy  (Mark),  Mexican  Illustrations  in  1825-7.  London,  1828. 

Beaumont,  Instruccion  del  Arzobispado  de  Paris.  Mexico,  1822. 

Beaumont  (Baron  de),  R6sum6  et  solution  de  la  Question  Mexicaine.  Paris, 
1839. 

Beaumont  (Gustavo  de),  Maria  6 la  esclavitud  en  los  Estados-Unidos.  Mexico, 
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Beccatini  (Francisco),  Vida  de  Carlos  III.  Madrid,  1790. 

Becerra  Tanco,  (Luis),  Felicidad  de  Mexico  en  la  admirable  aparicion  de  la 
Virgen  Maria  de  Guadalupe.  Madrid,  1740.  4to.  Mex.,  1780,  1723. 

Becher  (C.  C.),  Mexico  in  den  ereignitzvollen  Jahren  1832  und  1833.  Ham- 
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Becher  (H.  C.  R.),  A Trip  to  Mexico.  Toronto,  1880. 

B6dolliere  (Emile  de  la),  Histoire  de  la  Guerre  du  Mexique.  Paris,  n.d.  folio. 

Bejarano  (Jos6),  Informe  sobre  la  mision  de  Aguayo,  8 de  Feb.  de  1786.  MS. 

Belaunzaran  (Jos6  Maria  de  Jesus),  Breve  Tratado  Litiirgico  sobre  funerales. 
Mexico,  1835. 

Belaunzaran  (.Jos6  Maria  de  Jesus),  Contestacion  A la  Consulta  Bienes  Eclesi- 
dsticos.  Mexico,  1852. 

Belaunzaran  (Josd  Maria  de  Jesus),  Represen tacion  sobre  la  anulacion  de  las 
leyes.  Mexico,  1837. 

Belderrain  (Josd),  Exhortacion  Instructiva.  Mexico,  1810. 

Belem  (El),  Dulce  periodico.  Mexico,  1858  et  seq. 

Beleiia  (Eusebio  Bentura),  Recopilacion  Sumaria  de  todos  los  Autos.  Mexico, 
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Bell  (John),  Speech  of,  on  the  Mexican  War,  in  U.  S.  Senate,  Feb.  2d  and  3d, 
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Bellido  (Joseph),  Vida  de  la  Maria  Anna  Agueda  de  S.  Ignacio.  Mexico,  1758. 

Bellido  Faxardo  (Francisco  Cristobal),  Informe  relativo  A las  tres  misiones 
de  este  Nuevo  Reyno  de  Leon.  MS.  1790. 

Beltrami  (J.  C.),  Le  Mexique.  Paris,  1830.  2 vols. 

BenedictiXIV.,ConcessionDespensationumMatrimonialium.  Rome,  1757.  4to. 

Beneski  (Charles  de),  A narrative  of  the  last  moments,  etc.,  of  Don  Augustine 
de  Iturbide.  New  York,  1825. 

Berasueta  (Pedro),  El  Liceneiado  al  sindico  D.  Juan  Rodriguez  de  San  Miguel 
en  su  respuesta  de  24  de  Abril.  Mexico,  1838. 

Berghes  (Carlosde),  Descripcion  de  la  Serrania  de  Zacatecas.  Mejico,  1834.  4to. 

Bergosa  y Jordan  (Antonio),  Sermon,  etc.,  en  accion  de  gracias,  8 de  Diciembre 
1814.  Mexico,  1814. 

Beristain  (Jos6  Mariano),  Elogio  de  los  sacerdotes  difuntos  14  de  Enero  de 
1800.  MS. 

Beristain  ( J os6  Mariano) , La  Felicidad  De  Las  Armas  De  Espaiia.  Mex  ico,  1815. 

Beristain  de  Sousa  (Joseph  Mariano),  Cantos  De  Las  Musas  Mexicanas.  Mex- 
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XXX 


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Bermudez  (J.  M.),  Verdadera  Causa de  la  Revoluciou  Del  Sur.  Toluca,  1831. 
Bermudez  de  Castro  (Carlos),  Parecer  fiscal,  expresion  de  Privileeios  v nniril 
tos  de  Justicia.  Mexico, "1714.  folio.  b ’ J 

Bernal  y Malo  (Waldo  Indalecio),  Alegato  aflo  de  1792.  Oajaca,  1844.  4to 
Bernal  y Malo  (Ubaldo  Yndalecio),  Defensa  hecha  4 nombre  de  la  Sa<rada 
Prov  dc  Nra  Sra  de  la  Merced.  MS.  ° 

Bemardez  (J.  de  R.)  Descripcion  breve  de  la  ciudad  de  Zacatecas.  Mexico 
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Berrien,  Speech  on  Bill  appropriating  $8,000,000,  Feb.  5,  1847.  Washington, 


Bertoldino.  Periodico  Bisemanal.  Mexico,  1865  et  seq. 

Betanzos,  (Domingo  de),  Carta  que  escriberon  varios  Padres  de  la  Orden  de 
Santo  Domingo.  In  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  tom.  vii. 

Biart  (Leon),  \ ie  an  Mcxique.  In  Ilevue  Francaise,  No.  48. 

Biart  (Lueien),  Le  Mexique  d’Hier  et  le  Mcxique  De  Demain.  Paris,  18C5. 
Biblioteca  Lclesiiistica  Mexicana.  Conferencias  Fclesi&sticas  de  la  Biocesi 
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Bibliotheca  Grenvilliana.  [London,  1 S43.  ] 4to. 

Biblioteca  Mexicana  Popular  y Econdmica.  Amenidades.  Mexico,  1851-2. 
2 vols.  Cosmos.  Mexico,  1851-2.  2 vols.  Novelas.  Mexico,  1851-2.  2 vols. 
Teatro-Galen'a  Dramatica.  Mexico,  1851-2.  2 vols. 

Bienes  de  Difuntos,  Nuevas  Instrucciones.  Mexico,  1805. 

Biencs  de  la  Iglesia,  Defensa  de  los.  Mexico,  1S20. 

Bienes  del  Clero,  Carta  de  un  fildsofo.  Mexico,  1837. 

Biencs  Eclesiasticos.  A Collection. 

Biencs  Eclesiasticos,  Breve  resumen  de  lo  ocurrido  en  esta  Diocesis  Arzobisnal 
Mexico,  1846.  1 ' 

Bienes  Eclesiastic  s,  Despojo  de  los  Bienes.  Mexico,  1847.  4to. 

Biencs  Eclesiasticos,  Dict.inicn  dc  la  comision  y acuerdo  del  illmo  metropol- 
itan© de  Mexico.  Mexico,  1837. 

Biencs  Eclesiasticos,  Disertacion  que  maniliestalapropriedad.  Mexico, 1S34.  4to. 
Bienes  Eclesiasticos,  Disertacion  sobre  la  naturaleza.  Mdjico,  1S33. 

Biene3  Eclesidsticos,  Disertacion  sobre  la  restitucion.  Mdgico,  1838. 

Biencs  Eclesiasticos,  Segunda  protesta  del  venerable  Metropolitan©.  Mexico, 


Biencs  Monacales,  Remitido  d los  Seiiores  Editores  del  Cosmopolita.  Mexico, 
1838. 


Bienvenida  (Lorenzo  de),  Carta  al  Principe  Don  Felipe,  Feb.  10, 1548.  In 
Cartas  de  Indias. 

Billault,  Refutacion  del  discurso.  Mexico,  1862.  4to. 

Billault,  The  French  in  Mexico.  London,  1863. 

Bingley  (William),  Travels  in  North  America.  London,  1821. 

Biso  (J.  Lucas),  Resumen  breve  y esplicatorio  del  Partido  de  Arizpe.  In  Soc. 
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Bivouacs  (Les)  de  Vera-Cruz  k Mexico,  par  un  Zouave.  Paris,  etc.,  1865. 
Blair(PIugo),  Lecciones  sobre  la  Retdricaylas  bellasletras.  Mexico,  1834.  3 vols. 
Blake  (William  P.),  Description  of  the  various  Silver  Ores  and  Minerals. 
New  Haven,  1861. 

Blanchard  (P. ),  San  Juan  de  Ulua,  ou  Relation  de  l’expddition  francaise  au 
Mexique.  Paris,  1839. 

Bias  (A.  Gil),  Inauguracion  Del  Teldgrafo  en  Ario  De  Rosales.  Morelia,  1873. 
Blasquez  (Pedro  Ignacio),  Mcmoria  sobre  el  Maguey  Mexicano.  Mexico,  1865. 
Bodega  y Mollineda  (Manuel  de  la),  Representacion  hecha  al  rey.  Madrid. 
Oct.  27,  de  1814.  Mexico,  1820. 

Boguslawski  (Dr  B.  von),  Ueber  Deutsche  Colonisation  in  Mexico.  Berlin,  1S51. 
Boletin  Municipal.  Puebla,  1840  et  seq. 

Bonnevie  (J.  B.),  Les  volontaires  Beiges  au  Mexique.  Bruxelles,  1864. 
Borbon  (Luis  Je),  Ciudadanos,  March  19,  1820.  Mexico,  1820. 

Borbon  (Maria  Luisa  de),  Breve  Noticia  de  las  solemnes  exequias  de  la  Reina 
Madre.  M6jico,  1820. 


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Borbon  (Marta  Luisa  de),  Itclacion  de  las  demonstraeiones  funebres.  Mexico, 
1520. 

Bordouova  (Silvestre),  Conducta  Del  Obispo  De  Puebla.  Paris,  1 S57. 

Bossu  (M.),  Nouveaux  Voyages  aux  Indes  occidentales.  Paris,  1768.  2 vols. 

Boturini  Benaduci  (Lerenzo),  Ideade  una  nueva  Historia  General  de  la  America. 
Madrid,  1S46. 

Boucher  de  la  Richarderie  (G.),  Bibliothfcque  Univei-selle  Des  Voyages.  Paris, 
1S08.  6 vols. 

Bouterwek  (Frederick),  History  of  Spanish  Literature.  London,  1847. 

Box  (Capt.  Michael  James),  Adventures  and  Explorations  in  New  and  Old 
Mexico.  New  York,  1S69. 

Braekenridgc  (B.  H.  M.),  Mexican  Letters.  Washington,  1850. 

Brackett  (Albert  G.),  General  Lane’s  Brigade  in  Central  Mexico.  Cincinnati, 
1S54. 

Bradaen  (Louis),  The  Early  Peopling  of  America.  New  York,  1847. 

Brady  (J.  E.),  Speech  in  U.  S.  House  of  Rep.,  June  27,  184S.  Washington, 
1S48. 

Brady  (James),  Report  of  the  Wonder,  Zacatecas,  Canton,  Cotopaxi,  and 
Tengahoki  Mines.  San  Francisco,  1S73. 

Braganza  (Isabel  de),  Relacion  de  lo  ejecutado  en  la  siempre  fiel  ciudad  de 
Mexico.  Mexico,  1S20.  folio. 

Branciforte  (Marques  de),  Ynstruccion  que  dejd  al  Senor  su  sucesor.  [Orizava, 
Marzo  16,  1797-]  MS. 

Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Cartas  para  servir  de  introduccion  4 la  Historia 
primitiva  de  las  Naciones  Civilizadas.  Mexico,  1851. 

Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Esquisscsd’Histoired’Archdologie.  [Mexico].  1S64.  4to. 

Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Histoire  des  Nations  civilisdes  du  Mexique  et  de 
l’Amdrique  Centrale.  Paris,  1857-9.  4 vols. 

Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Lettres  pour  servir  d’Introducticn  4 l’Histoire  primi- 
tivedes Nations  Civilisdes  de  l’Amdrique  Septentrionale.  Mexico,  1851.  4to. 

Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Quatre  Lettres  sur  le  Mexique.  Paris,  1868. 

Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  S’il  existe  des  sources  de  l’lnstoire  primitive  du  Mex- 
ique. Paris,  1864. 

Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Sommaire  des  voyages  scientifiques.  Saint-Cloud,  1862. 

Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Voyage  sur  l’lstlime  de  Tehuantepec.  Paris,  1861. 

Bravo  (Nicolas),  Contestacion.  Hex.,  1821;  Destierro.  Mex.,1828;  Espediente 
Instructive.  Mex.,  1828;  Esposicion.  Mex.,  1S22;  Esposicion,  Apr.  19. 
[Mex.,1828];  Manifiesto.  Mex.,n.d.;  Manifesto.  Mex.,1828;  Manifiesto 
que  un  oficial.  Mex.,  1830;  Las  Razones.  Mex.,  1828;  Representaciones 
del  Ayunt.  de  Chilpancingo.  Mex.,1828;  Vindicacion.  Mex.,  1825. 

Braye  (C.  L.  Y.),  Compendio  de  La  Religion.  Mexico,  1858. 

Breve  Exposicion  del  Proyecto  de  la  Compania  Mexicana  para  la  Construccion 
del  Ferrocarril  enti-e  Mexico  y Veracruz.  Mexico,  1868. 

Breve  Impugnacion  4 las  Observaciones,  tratados  de  Paz  celebrados  con  el 
Gobierno  Anglo- Americano.  Mexico,  1848. 

Breve  Pontificio  autorizando  4 los  diocesanos  de  La  Republica  Mexicano. 
Mexico,  1S36. 

Breve  Pontificio  sobre  diminucion  De  Dias  Festivas  en  la  Repfiblica  Mexicana. 
Mexico,  1839. 

Breve  refutacion  al  dict4men  de  los  Senores  Jueces,  ramo  de  pulques.  Mexico, 
1852. 

Breves  Noticias  del  drden  que  se  debe  guardar  y observar  en  las  siembras  de 
Maguey  es.  MS. 

Breves  Observaciones  sobre  el  nombramiento  de  jueces  de  primera  instancia, 
etc.  Mexico,  1831. 

Bringas  (Diego  Miguel),  Sermon  que  en  la  reconquista  de  Guanaxuato  predied. 
Mexico,  1811.  4to. 

Bringas  y Encin-s  (Diego  Miguel),  Impugnacion  del  papel  Sedicioso  y Ca- 
lumniante.  Mexico,  1812. 

Bringas  y Encinas  (Diego  Miguel),  Sermon  politico-moral.  Mexico,  1813.  4to. 


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Bringas  de  Manzaneda  y Enemas  (Diego),  El  mand  de  los  Christianos.  Mexico, 
1792.  2 vols. 

Brink  (C.  W.),  A Lecture  on  the  Future  of  Mexico.  New  York,  1876. 

Brissot  (M.  A.),  Voyage  au  Goazacoalcos.  Paris,  1837. 

Brockett  (L.  P.)  Our  Great  Captains.  New  York,  1865. 

Brodliead  (Richard),  Speech  on  the  Mexican  War,  etc.,  Feb.  9, 1847.  n.pl.,  n.d. 

Brooks  (N.  C. ),  A Complete  History  of  the  Mexican  War.  Philadelphia,  1849. 

Brooks  (Noah),  The  Career  of  an  American  Princess.  In  Overland  Monthly, 
vol.  v.  1870. 

Bucareli  (Antonio),  Cordilleras  y Ordenes.  MS.  1772. 

Bucareli  y Ursua  (Antonio  Maria),  Breve  descripcion.  Mexico,  1779. 

Bucareli  y Ursua  (Antonio  Maria),  Real  Cddula,  Jan.  16,  1776.  Mexico, 
1776.  folio. 

Bucareli  y Ursua  (Antonio  Maria),  Reglamento  Provisional  para  el  prest, 
Vestuario,  Gratificaciones.  Mexico,  1774. 

Buedo  (Francisco),  Informes  acerca  de  mas  misiones  de  la  mitre  de  Nueva 
Leon.  MS. 

Buena  Vista,  Battle  of.  Charleston,  S.  C.,  1851. 

Buenrostro  (Agustin),  Manifestacion  al  Gobiemo  Supremo.  Mexico,  1835.  4to. 

Bullock  (W. ) Catalogue  of  the  exhibition  called  Modem  Mexico.  London,  1825. 

Bullock  (W.),  A Description  of  the  unique  exhibition  called  Ancient  Mexico. 
London,  1824. 

Bullock  (W.),  Six  months’  residence  and  travels  in  Mexico.  London,  1824; 
London,  1825.  2 vols. 

Bullock  (W.  junior),  Description  of  the  Panorama  of  the  superb  City  of  Mex- 
ico. Philadelphia,  1833. 

Bullock  (W.  H.),  Across  Mexico  in  1864-5.  London,  etc.,  1866. 

Buques  Mejicanos,  Justos  Reclamos.  Mexico,  1S49. 

Burgoa  (Francisco),  Geogrdfica  Descripcion  de  la  Parte  Septentrional,*  del 
Polo  Artico  de  la  America  (Oajaca).  Mexico,  1674.  4to.  2 vols. 

Burgoa  (Francisco),  Extractos.  MS.  folio. 

Burgoa  (Francisco),  Palestra  Historial  de  Virtvdes,  etc.  Mexico,  1670.  folio. 

Burguillos  (Fr.  Bartolomd  de),  Memorial  para  Martin  Carillo  Inqvisidor,  etc. 
MS.  4to. 

Burke  (Edmund),  An  Account  of  European  Settlements  in  America.  London, 
1808,  4to;  also  editions  London,  1760,  2 vols.;  London,  1770,  2 vols. 

Bustamante  (Anastacio),  Decretos  del  Congreso  General  de  2de  Marzo  y 2 de 
Mayo  del  corriente  ano.  Mexico,  1841. 

Bustamante  (Anastacio),  El  Presidente  al  ej4rcito  (Octubre  23,  1840).  Mex- 
ico, 1840. 

Bustamante  (Anastacio),  El  Presidente  d sus  conciudadanos  (Octubre  24, 
1840).  Mexico,  1840. 

Bustamante  (Anastacio),  El  Presidente  d sus  Habitantes.  Mexico,  1838. 

Bustamante  (Anastacio),  Iniciativa  que  hace  la  Junta  Departamental  De 
Mexico,  etc.  Mexico,  1840. 

Bustamante  (Anastacio),  Manifiesto  que  dirige  d sus  Compatriotas  como  gen- 
eral en  gefe  sobre  Tamaulipas.  Mexico,  1839. 

Bustamante  ( Anastacio) , Manifiesto  que  el  Vice  Presidente  dirige.  Mexico,  1 S30. 

Bustamante  (Anastacio),  Manifiesto  que  el  Vice  Presidente  dirige  d la  Nacion. 
Mexico,  1850. 

Bustamante  (Anastacio),  Memorial  de  Justas  Quejas.  Mexico,  1837. 

Bustamante  (Anastacio),  Reflecsiones  sobre  el  manifiesto  dado  en  14  de  Agosto, 
1832.  Mexico,  1832. 

Bustamante  (Carlos  Maria),  La  Aparicion  Guadalupana.  Mexico,  1843. 

Bustamante  (Cdrlos  Maria),  La  Aparicion  de  Nuestra  Senora  de  Guadalupe 
de  Mexico.  Mexico,  1840. 

Bustamante  (Cdrlos  Maria),  Apuntes  para  la  Historia  del  gobiemo  del  Gen- 
eral Guadalupe  Victoria.  Mexico,  [1830.]  MS. 

Bustamante  (Carlos  Maria),  Apuntes  para  la  Historia  del  Gobiemo  del  Gen- 
eral Santa- Anna.  Mexico,  1841-3.  MS.  3 vols. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


xxxiii 


Bustamante  (Cdrlos  Maria),  Apnntes  para  la  Historia  del  Gobiemo  del  Gen- 
eral Santa- Anna.  Mexico,  1845. 

Bustamante  (Cdrlos  Maria),  Campana  sin  Gloria  y guerra  como  la  de  los 
cacomixtles.  Mexico,  1847. 

Bustamante  (Cdrlos  Maria),  Campanas  del  General  D.  Felix  Maria  Calleja. 
Mexico,  1828. 

Bustamante  (Carlos  Maria),  Carta  d un  Diputado  del  honorable  Congreso  de 
Zacatecas.  [Mexico,  1832.) 

Bustamante  (Cdrlos  Maria),  Cuadro  Histdrico  de  la  Revolucion  Mexicana. 
Mexico,  1823-7.  5vols.;  Mexico,  1832-43.  6 vols. 

Bustamante  (Cdrlos  Maria),  Defensa  de  la  peticion  hecha  al  Soberano  Con- 
greso solicitando  la  restitucion  de  la  Compauia  de  Jesus.  Mexico,  1841. 

Bustamante  (Cdrlos  Maria),  Diario  de  lo  especialmente  occurrido  en  Mexico, 
Sept,  de  1841  d Junio  de  1S43.  Mexico,  1841-3.  MS.  4to.  4 vols. 

Bustamante  (Cdrlos  Maria),  Efemeridades  historico-politico  literarias.  Mex- 
ico, 1835. 

Bustamante  (Cdrlos  Maria),  El  General  D.  Felipe  de  la  Garza  Vindicado  de 
las  Notas  de  Traidor.  Mexico,  1826. 

Bustamante  (Cdrlos  Marla),  Elogio  liistorico  del  Dr  D.  Jos6  Maria  de  San- 
tiago y Carrero.  Mexico,  1845. 

Bustamante  (Cdrlos  Maria),  Elogio  liistorico  del  General  J.  M.  Morelos. 
Mexico,  1822. 

Bustamante  (Cdrlos  Maria),  Exdmen  critico  sobre  la  Muerte  del  General  Mo- 
relos. [Mexico,  1843.)  MS.  folio. 

Bustamante  (Cdrlos  Maria),  Expatriacion  de  los  Jesuitas.  n.pl.,  n.d. 

Bustamante  (Cdrlos  Maria),  Gabinete  Mexicano.  Mexico,  1839-41.  MS.  4 
vols. ; also  print.  Mexico,  1842.  2 vols. 

Bustamante  (Cdrlos  Maria),  El  Gran  dia  de  Mexico,  10  Diciembre,  1836. 
[Mexico,  1838.) 

Bustamante  (Cdrlos  Maria),  Historia  del  Emperador  D.  Agustin  de  Iturbide 
(Continuacion  del  Cuadro  Ilistorica).  Mexico,  1846. 

Bustamante  (Cdrlos  Maria),  Historia  del  Emperador  Moctbeuzoma  Xdcoyot- 
zin.  Mexico,  1829. 

Bustamante  (Cdrlos  Maria),  El  Honor  y patriotismo  del  General  Nicolds  Bravo. 
Mexico,  1828. 

Bustamante  (Cdrlos  Maria)  Informe  Critico-Legal  de  la  Imdgen  de  Guadalupe. 
Mexico,  1835. 

Bustamante  (Cdrlos  Maria),  Mananas  de  la  Alameda  de  Mexico.  Mexico, 
1835-6.  2 vols. 

Bustamante  (Cdrlos  Maria),  Manifiesto  de  la  Junta  Guadalupana.  Mexico, 
1831 . 

Bustamante  (Cdrlos  Maria),  Manifiesto  Historico  d las  Naciones  y Pueblos  del 
Andhuac.  Mexico,  1823. 

Bustamante  (Cdrlos  Maria),  Martirologio  de  algunos  de  los  primeros  insur- 
gentes.  Mexico,  1841. 

Bustamante  (Cdrlos  Maria),  Materiales  para  la  Continuacion  del  Cuadro  His- 
torico.  Mexico,  1833-9.  MS. 

Bustamante  (Cdrlos  Maria),  Medidas  para  la  Pacificacion  de  la  America  Mex- 
icana. MS.  1820. 

Bustamante  (Cdrlos  Maria),  Memorandum,  6 sea  Apuntes  de  lo  principalmente 
occurrido  en  Mexico.  Mexico,  1844-7.  MS. 

Bustamante  (Cdrlos  Maria),  Memoria  Historica  de  los  servicios  que  hizo  a la 
Republica  D.  N.  Bravo.  Mexico,  1845. 

Bustamante  (Cdrlos  Maria),  Memoria  Principal  de  la  Piedad  de  Mexico. 
[Mexico,  1810.) 

Bustamante  (Cdrlos  Maria),  Mexico  en  Cautiverio.  Mexico,  1847. 

Bustamante  (Cdrlos  Maria),  Mexico  en  1848,  principales  sucesos  politicos  y 
militares.  Mexico,  1848.  MS. 

Bustamante  (Cdrlos  Maria),  Neeesidad  de  la  Union  contra  la  Liga  Europea. 
Mexico,  1826. 

Hist.  Mex.  Vol.  I.  3 


xxxiv  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

Bustamante  (Cdrlos  Maria),  Neoesidad  de  la  union  de  todos  los  Mexicanos. 
Mexico,  1826. 

Bustamante  (Carlos  Maria),  Necrologia  del  Senor  D.  Santiago.  Mexico,  1845. 
MS.  folio. 

Bustamante  (Carlos  Maria),  No  Hay  peor  cuiia  que  la  del  Mismo  Palo.  Mex- 
ico, 1842. 

Bustamante  (Cdrlos  Maria),  Noticias  Biogni fleas.  Mexico,  1849. 

Bustamante  (Carlos  Maria),  El  Nuevo  Bernal  Diaz  del  Castillo  6 sea  Historia 
de  la  Invasion  do  los  Anglo- Americanos  en  Mexico.  Mexico,  1847.  2 vols. 
Bustamante  Carlos  Maria),  Peticion  para  el  establecimiento  de  la  Compania 
de  Jesus.  [Mexico,  1843.]  MS.  folio. 

Bustamante  (Cdrlos  Maria),  Representacion  que  los  Vecinos  Emigrados  de  la 
Villa  de  Chilapa.  Mexico,  1845. 

Bustamante  (Cdrlos  Maria),  Resistencia  de  la  Corte  de  Espana.  Mexico,  1833. 
Bustamante  (Cdrlos  Maria),  Respuesta  al  Papel  intitulado  “Alla”  van  esaa 
verdades.  [Mexico,  1837.] . 

Bustamante  (Cdrlos  Maria),  Sesion  de  la  Cdmara  de  Diputados,  discurso  que 
en  ella  leyb.  Mexico,  1845. 

Bustamante  (Cdrlos  Maria),  Tezcoco  en  los  ultimos  Tiempos.  Mexico,  1826. 
Bustamante  (Cdrlos  Maria),  Voz  de  la  Patria.  Mexico,  182S-31.  5 vols. 
Bustamante  (Cdrlos  Maria),  Voz  de  la  Patria,  Continuacion.  Mexico,  1837-9. 
MS.  9 vols. 

Bustamante  (Cdrlos  Maria),  Ynvasion  de  Mexico  por  Anglo- Americanos.  MS. 
Bustamante  (Javier  Aguilar),  Defensa  del  Pase  Del  Breve  de  Monsenor 
Clementi.  Mexico,  1S53. 

Bustamante  (Javier  Aguilar),  Representacion.  ..inconvenientes  de  la  ley  de  11 
de  Abril.  Mexico,  1S57. 

Bustamante  (Miguel),  Memoria  instruetiva  para  Colectar  Y Preparar  para  su 
trasporte  los  objetos  de  historia  natural,  etc.  Mexico,  1839. 

Bustamante  Y Galeote  (Pedro  M. ),  Relacion  de  los  estudios,  meritos,  etc. 
Orizava,  1840. 

Bustamante  Tracts.  A Collection. 

Butron  (J.  Moran  de),  Vida  de  la  B.  Mariana  de  Jesus  de  Paredes  Y Flores. 
Madrid,  1854. 

Butterfield  (Cdrlos),  United  States  and  Mexican  Mail  Steamship  Line,  etc. 
New  York,  1860. 

Butterfield  (Cdrlos),  United  States  and  Mexico.  New  York,  1861. 

Butterfield  (Cdrlos),  Value  of  Spanish  America  to  the  U.  S.  New  York,  1868. 

C.  (D.  J.),  Catecismo  Politico.  Mejico,  1820. 

C.  (M.  A.),  Pastorela  en  dos  Actos. 

Caballero  (Joaquin),  Renuncia  Justificada  del  Gobiemor  interiuo.  Morelia, 
[1833.]  _ _ _ 

Cabezas  (Jos.),  Historia  prodigiosa  de  la  admirable  aparicion.  Mexico,  1748. 
Cabildo  de  la  Colegiata  de  Nra  Sra  de  Guadalupe,  Representacion  que  dirigib 
al  Soberano  Congreso  Constituyiente.  Mexico,  1824. 

Cabildo  Eclesidstico  de  Guadalajara,  Informe  al  Rey.  In  Icazbalceta,  Col. 
Doc.,  tom.  ii. 

Cabilflo  Metropolitano  de  Mexico,  Observaciones.  Mexico,  1827. 

Caboiranco  (Mariano),  Compendio  Ascbtico  de  la  Perfeccion  Cristiana. 
Mexico,  1835. 

Cabrera  (Florencio),  Bosquejo  sobre  la  historia  antigua  de  San  Luis  Potosi. 

In  Mex.  Soc.  Geog.,  Boletin,  24a  Ep.  iv. 

Cabrera  y Quintero  (Cayetano),  Escudo  De  Armas  De  Mexico.  Mexico,  1746. 
folio. 

CabrerayQuintera (Cayetano), Vivacopiadelmagndnimosagrado.  Mexico,  1732. 
Cadena  (Fblix  Maria),  Alocucion  dada  d los  Mejieanos  el  17  de  Agosto  de 
1814.  n.pl.,  n.d. 

Cadena  (Luis  Velazquez  de  la),  Esposicion  que  hacen  los  Interesados  en  las 
parcialidades.  Mexico,  1849. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED.  xxxr 

Cadwalader  (George),  The  Philadelphia  Greys’  Collection.  Philadelphia, 
1S4S. 

Caicedo  (J.  M.  Torres),  Union  Latino-Americana.  Paris,  1865. 

Cajiga  (Ramon),  Memoria  que  presenta  A1  Secundo  Congreso.  Oaxaca,  1861. 
folio. 

Ciilculo  Prudencial  de  la  poblacion  de  las  misiones  de  la  Compania  de  Jesus 
en  N.  Vizcaya.  In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  serie  iii.  tom.  iv. 

Calderon  (Martin),  Informe  sobre  la  perdicion  de  los  Indios  de  Mexico.  MS. 
of  1735. 

Calderon  (Mathias  de  Peralta),  El  Apostol  de  las  Indias.  Mexico,  1661. 

Calderon  de  la  Barca.  Life  in  Mexico.  Boston,  1843.  2vols. 

Calderon  de  la  Barca  (Migvel),  Oydor  de  la  Real  Avdiencia  de  Mexico.  Mex- 
ico, 1694.  folio. 

Calhoun  (John  C.),  Speech  on  his  resolutions,  War  with  Mexico,  Jan.  4,  1848. 
Washington,  1848. 

Calhoun  (John  C.),  Speech  on  Three  Million  Bill,  Feb.  9,  1847.  Washington, 
1847. 

Calvillo  (Juan  Bautista  Diaz),  Discurso  sobre  los  males.  Mexico,  1810. 

Calvillo  (Juan  Bautista  Diaz),  Oracion  9 de  Setiembre.  Mexico,  1808. 

Camacho  (Sebastian),  Tablas  diversas  para  determinar  los  valores  de  la  plata 
y del  oro.  Mexico,  1865. 

Camacho  Villavicencio  (Fr.  Miguel),  Dictdmen  de  Conciencia.  MS.  [1719.] 

Camara  de  Disputados,  Manifiesto  en  la  Legislatura  de  1831  y 1S32.  Mexico, 
1832.  Small  4to. 

Camino  Carretero,  Camino  de  Fierro  y Canal  por  el  Istmo  de  Tehuantepec, . 
Informcs  Del  Ingeniero.  Mexico,  1S70. 

Camino  De  Hierro,  Tercer  Cuademo  que  publica  el  apoderado  de  Don 
Gabriel  Nunez.  Mejico,  1853. 

Campaign  in  Mexico  by  “One  who  has  seen  the  elephant.”  Philadelphia, 
etc.,  1847. 

Campaign  in  Mexico  by  “One  who  was  thar. ” Philadelphia,  1850. 

Campaua  contra  Los  Americanos  Del  Norte,  1°  parte.  Mexico,  1846. 

Campaua  de  Puebla,  Parte  general  que  dirige  General  Alvarez.  Mexico,  1856. 

Campbell  (William  W.),  Speech  in  U.  S.  House  of  Rep.,  April  8,  1846.  Wash- 
ington, 1846. 

Campbell,  A Concise  History  of  Spanish  America.  London,  1741. 

Campe,  Historia  del  Dcscubrimiento  y Conquista  de  America.  Madrid,  1803. 
3 vols. ; Mexico,  1854;  Madrid,  1845. 

Campeche,  Constitucion  Politica  del  Estado.  Campeche,  1861. 

Campillo  (Manuel  Ignacio  Gonzalez),  Edicto.  8 Abril  1S09.  n.pl.,  n.d.; 
Edicto.  Mex.,  1812;  Exhortacion.  Puebla,  1808;  Exhortacion  Pastoral, 
25  Enero,  1805.  n.pl.,  n.d. ; Manifiesto.  Mex.,  1812;  Manifiesto.  Noviem- 
bre  3,1810.  [Puebla,  1810];  Pastoral.  Sept.  39,  1810.  [Puebla,  1810]; 
Pastoral.  Mayo  20,  1811.  [Puebla,  1811.] 

Campillo  y Cosio  (Joseph  del),  Nuevo  sistema  de  Gobiemo  Econdmico  para  la 
America.  Madrid,  17S9. 

Campo  (Josd  Maria  Gomez  del),  Noticia  minera  del  Estado  de  San  Luis  Potosi. 
In  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin.  2da  Ep.,  tom.  iv. 

Campo-Sagrado  (M.  Q. ),  Dcscripcion  Del  Juramento  de  la  Nueva  Constitucion. 

Campo  y Rivas  (Manuel  del),  Manifiesto  filantropico.  Mexico,  1S10. 

Campos  (Antonio  de  Maria),  Economia  politica  en  Mdgico.  Puebla,  1S44. 

Campos  (Antonio  de  Maria),  Un  tributo  d la  Verdad.  Vera  Cruz,  1847. 

Campos  (Benigno),  Oracion  funebre  de  Luis  G.  De  Osollo.  Puebla,  1858. 

Campos  (Domingo),  Relacion  que  hace  de  su  viage  d Yucatan.  Mexico,  1849. 

Canales  Interocednicos.  Madrid,  1882. 

Cancelada  (Juan  Lopez),  Conducta  de  Iturrigaray.  Cddiz,  1812. 

Cancelada  (Juan  Lopez),  Decreto  De  Napoleon  Emperador  sobre  los  Judios 
Residentes  en  Francia.  Mexico,  1807. 

Cancelada  (Juan  Lopez),  Indice  Razonado  de  lo  que  ha  dado  a Luz.  Madrid, 
1814. 


XXX  VI 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


Cancelada  (Juan  Lopez),  Minas  en  Espana,  etc.  Madrid,  1831. 

Cancelada  (Juan  Lopez),  Profecia  Politica.  Mexico,  1808. 

Cancelada  (Juan  Lopez),  Ruina  de  la  Nueva  Espana.  Ciidiz,  1811.  4to. 

Cancelada  (Juan  Lopez),  TeRgrafo  Mexicano.  CAdiz,  1814  et  seq. 

Cancelada  (Juan  Lopez),  La  Verdad  Sabida.  Cadiz,  1811. 

Candamo  (Caspar  Gonzalez  de),  Sermon.  Mexico,  1800. 

Cafledo  (Estanislao),  De  la  Revolution  au  Mexique.  n.pl.,  1860;  Discurso  que 
el  16  de  Setiembrede  1861.  Monterey,  1861;  La  Revolucion  en  Mexico. 
Marzo,  1860.  Monterey,  1860. 

Canedo  (Juan  de  Dios),  Acusacion  contra  el  Ex-Ministro  de  Relaciones  Don 
Lucas  Alaman.  Mex.,  1825;  Manifiesto d la Nation  Espafiola.  Madrid,  1820. 

Canoa  (La).  Mexico,  1820  et  seq. 

Canonistas  y Teblogos,  Consulta  A los.  Mexico,  1835. 

Capellania,  Fundacion  de  Capellania  de  Missas.  Mexico,  1743.  folio. 

Capitulacion  acordada  para  la  evacuacion  de  la  Ciudad  de  Puebla.  [Puebla. 
1821.] 

Capitulacion  heclia  entre  Iturbide  y Rodriguez  de  Cela.  [Puebla],  1821. 

Capitulados  en  Ciudad  Fernandez,  Representacion  que  los  capitulados  en 
Ciudad  Fernandez  el  30  de  Mayo.  San  Luis  Potosl,  1837. 

Carbajal  (Francisco),  Discursos  del  Diputado.  Mexico,  1848;  Vindication. 
Mexico,  1845. 

Carbajal  (Francisco  Leon),  Discurso  sobre  la  legislation  de  los  antiguos  Mexi- 
canos.  Mexico,  1864. 

Carbajal  Espinosa  (Francisco),  Historia  de  Mexico.  Mexico,  1862.  2 vols. 

Cardena  (Patricio  G. ),  Proyecto  dedicado  y presentado  sobre  la  fundacion  de 
un  Banco  Comercial.  Mexico,  1857. 

Cardenas  y Cano  (Gabriel  de),  Ensayo  cronolbgico  para  la  historia  general  de 
la  Florida.  Madrid,  1723.  folio. 

Cardona,  Esposicion  que  ha  dirigido  al  Senor  Comandante  general.  Mexico, 
1834. 

Carleton  (J.  H.),  Battle  of  Buena  Vista.  New  York,  1848. 

Carli  (Gian-Rinaldo),  Cartas  Americanas.  Mexico,  1821;  Mexico,  1822. 

CArlos  II.,  Relation  de  la  muerte.  Mexico,  1701. 

Carlos  III.,  Amorosa  contienda  de  Francia.  Mex.,  1761;  Obelisco  que  en  la 
ciudad  de  Los  Angeles.  Puebla,  1763;  Real  Proclamation.  Mex.,  1761; 
Reales  Exequias,  26  y 27  de  Mayo  de  1789.  Mex.,  1789;  Reales  Exequias, 
9 y 10  de  Julio  de  1789.  Puebla,  [1789] ; Reales  Exequias,  27  y 28  de 
Julio  de  1789.  Mex.,  [1789];  Solemne  Action  de  gracias.  Mex.,  1809. 

Carlos  IV. , Description  de  las  fiestas  celebradas  en  la  Imperial  Corte  de  Mex- 
ico, [Mex.,  1796];  Relation  de  las  exequias  funerales.  Mex.  ,1820;  Rela- 
tion dc  las  exequias  en  23  y 24  de  Sept,  de  1819.  Mex.,  1820. 

Carlota,  LaEmperatrizCarlotaen  Vera  Cruz,  Noviembre  1865.  Vera  Cruz,  1865. 

Carpenter  (W.  W.),  Travels  and  Adventures  in  Mexico.  New  York,  1851. 

Carranza  (Joseph  Maria),  Discurso  sobre  el  establecimiento  de  una  escuela 
piiblica.  Mexico,  1788. 

Carrasquedo  (Teblilo),  Alegato  de  buena  prueba.  Mex.,  1851;  Manifestacion 
que  hace  al  publico  el  Juez  2°ramo  criminal  de  Mexico.  Mex.,  1856. 

Carreon  (Rafael),  Vindicacion.  Mazatlan,  1863. 

Carrera  (Lorenzo),  Exposicion  que  dirige  al  publico.  Mej.,  1835;  Vindicacion 
documentada.  Madrid,  1856. 

Carreta  (La).  Puebla,  1820  et  seq. 

Carrillo  (J.  C. ),  Estudio  histbrico  sobre  la  raza  indigena  de  Yucatan.  Vera- 
cruz, 1865.  4to. 

Carrillo  (Josb  Ignacio),  Refutacion  4 la  defensa  publicada  por  el  C.  Jos<5 
Antonio  Nieto.  Mexico,  1835. 

Carrillo  y Perez  (Ignacio),  Lo  MAximo  en  lo  minimo.  Mexico,  1808.  4to. 

Carta  al  Puebla  Mexicano  sobre  la  conspiration  del  Momento.  Mexico,  1841. 

Carta  al  Rey,  de  los  Oidores.  In  Col.  Doc.  Intil.,  tom.  i. 

Carta  de  la  Audiencia  de  Santo  Domingo,  S.  M.  30  de  Agosto  de  1520.  In 
Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc. , tom.  xiii. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


xxxyu 


Carta  del  tumulto  de  1 5 de  Enero  de  1624.  In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex. , serie  ii.  tom.  iii. 
Carta  de  un  conc61ega  ii  Don  Miguel  Hidalgo.  Mexico,  1810. 

Carta  de  un  Ex-diputado  de  Nueva  Espaiia  Amante  del  Filosofo  Nezahual- 
coyotl.  Madrid,  1822. 

Carta  de  un  Padre  ex-Jesuita.  In  Nuevo  Vizcaya,  Doc.  MS. 

Carta  familiar  de  un  sacerdote  respuesta  4 un  colegial  amigo  suyo.  Mexico, 
1765.  4to. 

Carta  Pastoral  del  Illmo  y Exmo  Senor  Arzobispo  de  Mexico.  Mexico,  1855. 
Cartas  Americanas.  Querctaro,  1812.  MS.  2 vols. 

Cartas  de  Indias.  Madrid,  1877.  folio. 

Cartas  de  Valentin  Gomez  (Varias)  en  1845,  a D.  Bernardo  Gonzalez  Angulo  y 
respuesta  de  este.  Mexico,  1845.  fol.  MS. 

Cartas  Pastorales.  A Collection. 

Cartilla  de  Piirrocos  compuesta  por  un  Americano.  Mexico,  n.d. 

Cartilla  para  los  gcfes  y los  pueblos  en  America.  New  York,  1823. 

Cartilla  sobre  cria  de  Gusanos  de  Seda.  Mexico,  1831.  4to. 

Cartilla  y doctrina  espiritual.  Mexico,  1775. 

Cartography  of  the  Pacific  States.  San  Francisco,  1873.  MS.  3 vols. 

Casa  (La),  Peregrina  solar  ilustre  en  que  nacio  la  Reyna  de  los  Angeles. 
Mexico,  1689.  4to. 

Casa  de  la  Contratacion  de  Seuilla,  Ordenanzas  Reales.  Valladolid,  1604.  4to. 
Casanova  (Jos<5),  Ensayos  Porticos.  Mexico,  1851. 

Casa  Peregrina  de  Loreto  (La).  Mexico,  1689. 

Casas  (Guillen  de  las),  Carta  al  Rey.  In  Cartas  de  Indias. 

Casasola  (Jose  Maria),  Acusacion  fiscal  Mex.,  1851;  Acusacion  que  en  la  tercera 
sala,etc.  Mex.,  1858;  AlcancealfolletotituladoPlazaDe Toros.  Mex.,  1827. 
Cass  (Lewis),  Speech  on  proposed  occupation  of  Yucatan,  May  10,  1848. 
Washington,  1848. 

Cass  (Lewis),  War  with  Mexico.  Speeches  Jan.  3,  1847;  Fob.  10,  1847; 

March  17,  1848.  Washington,  1847-8. 

Castaneda  (C.  Jesus),  Oracion  civica  prommeiada.  Mazatlan,  1862. 
Castaneda  (Gabriel),  Relacion  de  la  jomada  que  hizo  Don  Francisco  Sandoval 
Acazitli.  In  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  tom.  ii. 

Castaneda  y Najera,  Informe  al  en  defensa  de  MM.  de  Azcdrate.  Mexico,  1SG1. 
Castaniza  (Juan  Francisco),  Relacion  del  Restablicimiento  de  la  Sagrada 
Compania  de  Jesus.  Mexico,  1816. 

Castaniza  (Maria  Teresa),  Breve  Esposicion  sobre  la  Testamentaria  de  Mexico. 
1830. 

Castaniza  (Teresa),  Discursos  de  los  Sres  Senadores  sobre  nulidad  del  testa- 
mento.  Mexico,  1830. 

Castelazo.  Manifiesto  de  la  Riqueza  de  la  Negociacion  de  Minas,  etc.  Mejico, 
1820. 

Castellano  (Andris  Patino),  Derecho  Apologdtico.  Mexico,  1715. 

Castellanos  (Juan  de),  Elegias  de  Varones  ilustres  de  Indias.  Madrid,  1857. 
Castellanos  (Manuel),  Defensa  hecha  en  el  juicio  verbal.  Mexico,  1865. 
Castilla  y Perosso  (Francisco  Romero  de),  Apuntes  Historicos  sobre  el  archivo 
general  de  Simancas.  Madrid,  1873. 

Castillo  (Antonio  del),  Memoria  sobre  las  Minas  De  Azogue  de  America. 
Mexico,  1871. 

Castillo  (Antonio  del),  La  Vida  del  Benerable  P.  Fr.  Ivan  de  Castro.  MS. 
Castillo  (D.  T.  del),  La  Prostitucion  6 Consecuencias  de  un  mal  ejemplo. 
Mexico,  1836. 

Castillo  (Demetrio  del),  Proyecto  de  ley  sobre  arreglo  de  la  Contaduria  mayor. 
Mexico,  1840. 

Castillo  (Gerinimo),  Diccionario  Histdrico,  BiogrAfico  y Monumental  de 
Yucatan.  Mdrida,  1866. 

Castilla  (Miguel  de),  Espejo  De  Exemplares  Obispos.  Mexico,  1698.  MS. 
Castillo  (Pedro  Fernandez),  Esposicion.  Mex.,  1848;  Sentencias  absolutorias 
en  1»  y 2a  instancia.  Mex.,  1849;  Sentencias  absolutorias  pronunciadaa. 
Mex.,  1850. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


xxxviii 

Castillo  (Pedro  Ramirez  del),  Letras  felizmente  lavreadas.  Mexico,  1724. 

Castrillon  (Antonio),  Oracion  funebre  panegyrico.  Mexico,  1744. 

Castro  (Francisco  de),  La  Octava  Mara  villa  y sin  segundo  milagro  de  Mexico. 
Mexico,  1729. 

Castro  (Joseph  de),  Directorio  para  informaciones  de  los  Pretendientes  de  el 
Santo  Hdbito.  Mexico,  1737. 

Castro  (Joseph)  Primera  Regia  de  la  Fecunda  Madre  Santa  Clara  de  Assis. 
Mexico,  1756. 

Castro  (Joseph  de),  Viage  de  America  d Roma.  Mexico,  1745. 

Castro  (Joseph  Augustin  de),  Acto  de  Contricion.  Puebla,  1791;  En  Elogio 
del  Amor.  Mex.,  1809;  Gratitudes  de  un  exercitante.  Puebla  de  L.  A., 
1793;  Sentimientos  de  la  America.  Mex.,  1786;  Triunfo  del  Silencio. 
Mex.,  1786. 

Castro  (Juan  de  Dios),  Defensa.  Mejico,  1832. 

Castro  (Pedro  Munoz  de),  Exaltacion  Magnifica.  Mexico,  1697.  4to. 

Castro  (Rafael),  Carta  sobre  la  necesidad  de  establecer  un  camino  de  hierro 
entre  Vera  Cruz  y Mejico.  Vera  Cruz,  1852. 

Castro  (Tomds),  Proclama  dirigida  d los  Voluntaries  de  Fernando  VII.,  20  de 
Nov.,  1808.  Mexico,  1808. 

Catecismo  para  uso  de  los  Parrocos  hecho  por  el  IV  Concilio  Provincial  Mex- 
icano.  Mexico,  1772. 

Causa  Cdlebre  contra  los  asesinos  de  D.  Flor.  Egerton  y Dona  Inds  Edwards. 
Mexico,  1844. 

Causas  mas  Celebres,  Coleccion  de  las.  Mexico,  1854.  2 vols. 

Cavanilles  (Antonio),  Historia  de  Espana.  Madrid,  1860-3.  5 vols. 

Cavo  (Andres),  Los  Tres  Siglos  de  Mexico.  Mexico,  1830-8.  3 vols. ; Mexico, 
1852;  Jalapa,  1860. 

Cayo-Puto,  Gaceta  Extravagante.  Mexico,  1820  et  seq. 

Cea  (Genaro  Kus  de),  Observaciones  acerca  de  la  intervencion  Europea  en 
Mejico.  Paris,  1859. 

Ceballos  (Ramon),  Veinte  Cuatro  capitulos  en  vindicacion  de  Mexico.  Madrid, 
1856. 

Ceballos  y Dbl  Conde  (Ramon  de),  De  Mejico.  Madrid,  1858. 

Cddula  Real  de  S.  M.  y senores  del  Real  y Supremo  cousejo  de  las  Indias. 
n.pl.,  1816. 

C (Alula  Real,  Expedida  por  S.  Magestad  en  2 de  Nov.,  1773.  Mexico,  1774. 
folio. 

Cedula  Real  para  la  fundacion  de  la  cofradia  de  Santiago  en  la  ciudad  de 
Mexico.  Mexico,  1768. 

Cddula  sobre  concilios  Provinciates  21  de  Agosto,  1769.  [Mexico,  1769.] 

C^dulas  Ordenanzas  y Provisiones  Reales,  1528  <4  1568.  MS.  folio. 

Cedulario.  A Collection,  mostly  MSS.  folio.  3 vols. 

Celis  (Juan  Nepomuceno),  Defensa.  Mexico,  1852.  • 

Celis  (R.),  Catdlogo  de  los  Sugetos  de  la  Compania  de  Jesus  el  dia  del  arresto 
25  de  Junio  de  1767.  Mexico,  1871.  4to. 

Cementerio  de  Nuestra  Senora  de  Los  Angeles  de  Mexico.  Mexico,  1850. 

Censor  (El).  Veracruz,  1S40  et  seq. 

Censor  General  (El).  Cihliz,  1812  et  seq. 

Censor  Mexicano  (El).  Mexico,  1823  et  seq. 

Centinela  (El).  Chihuahua,  1855  et  seq. 

Centinela  Federal  (El).  Tlalpam,  1S29  et  seq. 

Cepeda  (Fernando),  Relacion  Universal  Legitima  y Verdadera  del  sitio  en  que 
esta  fvndada  la  muy  noble,  etc.,  ciudad  de  Mexico.  Mexico,  1637.  folio. 
2 vols.  [MS.  notes  by  Alvarez  Serrano.] 

Cerbantes  ( Ygnacio  Guadalupe),  Synopcis  de  varios  decretos.  [Valladolid. ] MS. 

Cerralvo  (Marques  de),  Acusacion  por  calumnia.  [Madrid,  1636.]  folio. 

Certificacion  de  las  Mercedes.  MS. 

Cenantes(JoseM. Villasenor), FestivasAclamaciones de Xalapa.  Mexico,  1 809. 

Cervantes  (Julio  M.),  Exposicion  que  en  su  Defensa  dirije  al  Congreso  16  de 
Octubre  de  1869.  Querdtaro,  1869. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


XXXIX 


Cervera  (Jos<5  Y.),  Apuntaciones  sobre  la  industria  pecuaria  en  Yucatan.  In 
Mex.  Soc.  Geog.,  Boletin.  2a  Ep.,  tom.  iv. 

Cesarea  (Juan  Manuel),  Representacion  por  el  clero  de  Mexico  al  Gobiemo 
Supremo.  Mexico,  1847. 

Chamorro  y Dominiqin,  Didlogo  Joco-serio  sobre  la  Independence.  Mex., 
1821;  Segundo  Diulogo.  Mex.,  1821. 

Champlain  (Samuel).  Narrative  of  a Voyage  to  the  West  Indies  and  Mexico 
in  the  Years  1599-1602.  London,  iS52. 

Chandler  (Zachary),  Speech  in  the  U.  S.  Senate,  July  12,  1867.  n.pl.,  n.d. 

Chamay  (Desire),  Le  Mexique.  Paris,  1863. 

Charpenne  (P. ),  Mon  Voyage  au  Mexique.  Paris,  1S36.  2 vols. 

Chateaubriand  (M.  de),  Voyages  en  Amdrique.  Paris,  n.d. 

Chaudon  (L.  M.),  and  F.  A.  Delandine,  Nouveau  Dictionnaire  Historique. 
Lyons,  1804.  13  vols. 

Cliavero  (Alfredo),  Algunas  observaciones  al  Senor  Wagner.  Mexico. 

Chevalier  (Michel),  Du  Mexique  avant  et  pendant  la  conquete.  Paris,  1845. 

Chevalier  (Michel),  Le  Mexique  Ancicn  et  Moderne.  Paris,  1863 ; Paris,  1864. 

Chevalier  (Michel),  L ’Expedition  du  Mexique.  Paris,  1862. 

Chevalier  (Michel),  Mexico  Ancient  and  Modern.  London,  1864.  2 vols. 

Chiapas,  Documentos  Originales  para  la  historia  de  Chiapas.  MS. 

Chiapas  y Yucatan,  Memorias  sobre  limites,  1682  & 1767.  MS. 

Chiiapa,  Representacion  qu^  los  vecinos  emigrados  de  la  villa  de.  Mexico,  1845. 

Chilpantringo,  Sobre  tributos  aplicados  a la  Iglesia.  MS.  1750-70.  folio. 

Chimalpain,  Hist.  Conq.  See  Gomara  (Francisco  Lopez  de),  Hist.  Mex. 

Chinaca  (La).  Mexico,  1SG2  et  seq. 

Cliiva  (Domingo  Ant.),  Compendio  Historico.  Mejico,  1837. 

Cholera,  Preceptos  higitinicos.  Mejico,  1850. 

Chynoweth  (W.  Harris),  The  Fall  of  Maximilian.  London,  1872. 

Ciscar  (G. ),  Curso  de  Estudios  Elementales  de  Marina.  Mexico,  1S25.  4 vols. 

Citlalpopoca  (N.  S.),  de  S.  F.  Directorio  de  Confessores.  Mexico,  1713. 

Ciudad  de  Mexico,  Proclama  que  la  nobilisima  dirige  a los  fidelisimos  habi- 
tantes  de  Nucva  Espafia.  [Mexico,  1810.] 

Ciudadano  (El),  militar  Americano  amante  de  la  Paz.  Mexico,  1821. 

Cladera  (Cliristobal),  Investigaciones  Historicas.  Madrid,  1794. 

Claiborne  (W.  C.  C.),  Extract  of  a letter  from,  to  the  Hon.  Secretary  of  State 
of  the  U.  S.  December  27,  1803.  MS. 

Clava  del  Indio  (La).  Mexico,  1862. 

Clave  (Felix),  Historia  de  Pio  IX.  Mexico,  1853. 

Ciavigero  (Francisco  Sa verio),  History  of  Mexico.  London,  1787.  4to.  2 vols. 

Clavigero  (Francesco  Saverio),  Storia  Antica  del  Messico.  Cesena,  1780.  4to. 
4 vols. 

Clemencin  (Diego),  Memoria  sobre  las  monedas  en  Castilla.  MS.  folio. 

Clement  XIII. , Sanctissimi  in  Christo  Patris,  Constitutio  qua  Institutum  So- 
cietatis  Jesu.  Mexico,  1765. 

Clemente  XIV.,  Breve  de  Nuestro  Muy  Santo  Padre.  Madrid,  1773;  El  Llanto 
de  Mexico  en  los  tiernos  recuerdos.  Mex.,  1775;  Noticia  exacta  de  las 
funciones  hechas  en  el  conclave.  Mex.,  1769. 

Clero  de  la  Iglesia  Mejicana,  Opiisculo  en  defensa  del.  Mejico,  1857. 

Club  Guerrero,  Reglamento  del,  Establecido  en  la  Villa  de  Mier,  19  de  Feb.  de 
1870.  Mier,  1870. 

Cluseret  (G.),  Mexico  and  the  solidarity  of  Nations.  New  York,  1866. 

Coahuila,  Inioiativa  de  la  Junta  sobre  reformas.  Mex.,  1845;  Iniciativa  sobre 
reforma  constitutional.  Mex.,  1845;  Memoria  que  el  Exmo  Seuor  Vice 
Gobemador  2 de  Enero  de  1852.  Saltillo,  1852;  Rapida  Ojeada  sobre  la 
campafia  que  hizo  el  General  Santa- Anna.  Mex.,  1847;  Segunda  parte  de 
la  Rapida  Ojeada.  Mex.,  1847. 

Coalcoman,  Noticias  estadisticas  sobre  el  Partido  de.  Morelia,  1864. 

Cobb  (Howell),  Speech  in  U.  S.  House  of  Rep.,  Feb.  2,  1848.  n.pl.,  n.d. 

Cocke  (William  M.),  Speech  in  U.  S.  House  of  Rep.,  May  18,  1848.  Wash- 
ington, 1848. 


xl 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


Codex  Chimalpopoca.  MS. 

Codex Telleriano  Remensis,  Explicacion.  InKingsborough’s Mex.Antiq.,vol. v. 

Codigo  de  Leyes  de  Indias.  MS.  folio. 

Codigo  Penal  decretado  por  las  C6rtes  sancionado  y promulgado  en  19  de 
Marzo  de  184S.  Mexico,  1848. 

Codigo  PrActiea  Criminal,  n.pl.,  [1796.]  2 vols. 

Coffin  (.Tames  H. ),  Winds  of  the  Northern  Hemisphere.  Washington,  1853. 4to. 

Coleccion  de  Articulos  sobre  alzamiento  de  prohibiciones.  Mexico,  1851. 

Coleccion  de  Documentos  InAditos  para  la  Historia  de  Espaha.  Madrid, 
1842-73.  59  vols. 

Coleccion  de  Noticias  de  Muchas  de  las  Indulgences.  Mexico,  1787. 

Coleccion  de  Varios  documentos  interesantes  relativos  al  Decreto  Anticonsti- 
tucional.  Leona -Vicario,  1830. 

Coleccion  Eclesiastica  Mexicana.  Mexico,  1834.  4 vols. 

Coleccion  General  de  las  Providencias.  Madrid,  1767. 

Colegio  de  Abogados  de  Mexico,  Estatutos  y Constituciones.  Madrid,  1760; 
Lista  alfabAtica  y cronologica  de  los  sehores  empleados  6 individuos. 
Mexico,  1852. 

Colegio  de  Escribanos  de  Mexico,  Estatutos,  19  de  Junio  de  1792.  Mexico, 
1793. 

Colegio  de  N.  S.  de  Guadalupe  de  Zacatecas,  Escriptura  de  Protestacion.  MS. 

Colegio  de  San  Gregorio,  Inversion  de  las  rentas.  % MAgico,  1839. 

Colegio  de  San  Juan  de  Letran,  Los  Sindicos  del  Concurso  formado  d bienes  de 
Francisco  Velarde.  Guadalajara,  1869. 

Colegio  de  San  Pedro  y San  Pablo  de  Mexico  y su  Hacienda.  MS.  1824.  folio. 

Colegio  de  Santa  Maria  de  Todos  Santos.  A Collection  of  MSS.  and  print, 
folio. 

Colegio  Militar,  El  General  de  Division  Mariano  Arista  suplica  d V.  se  sirva 
asistir  d los  actos  publicos.  Mexico,  1850. 

Colima,  Ensayo  Estadistico  sobre  el  territorio.  Mex.,  1849;  Esposicion  que 
al  Supremo  Gobiemo  Nacional  hace  la  Diputacion.  Mex.,  1862;  Impor- 
tancia de  la apertura del  puerto  de  Manzanillo,  n.pl.,  1845.;  Impugnacion 
d la  iniciativa.  Mex.,  1S50;  La  Verdad  sobre  los  acontecimientos.  Gua- 
dalajara, 1861;  Reflexiones  6 notas  al  informe  que  did  al  Gobierno.  Guada-> 
1845;  Representacion  que  el  primero  ayuntainiento.  Guada.,  1845. 

Colonias  Militares,  Proyecto  para  su  Establecimiento  en  las  Fronteras  de 
Oriente  y Occidente.  Mex.,  1S48.  4to;  Reglainento  para  el  Establecimi- 
ento de  las,  en  la  Sierra-Gorda.  Mex.,  1849. 

Colonizacion,  Documentos  que  Publica  la  Direecion  de.  Mex.,  1848;  Nueva 
Proyecto  de  Colonos  Proprietaries  medieros  arrendatarios  y asalariados. 
Mex. , 1848 ; Proyectos  de  Colonizacion  presentados  por  la  junta  del  ramo. 
Mex.,  1848;  Reglamento  de  la  Direecion  de  Colonizacion.  Mex.,  1845. 

Coloquio  entre  Sophrono  y Leonido  sobre  materias  politicas.  MS. 

Comerciantcs  de  Mexico,  Esposicion  dirigida  al  Gobiemo.  Mexico,  1836. 

Comercio  de  la  Ciudad  de  Mexico,  Representacion  que  dirije  al  Congreso  Na- 
cional. Mexico,  1839. 

Comercio  Exterior,  Observaciones  contra  la  Libertad  del.  Puebla,  1835. 

Comercio  de  Guadalajara,  Esposicion  que  dirije  al  Supremo  Gobiemo. 
Guadalajara,  1837. 

Comercio  de  Nueva  Espana.  MS.  [1768.]  folio. 

Comision  Mixta  de  Reclamaciones  de  Mexico  y los  Estados-Unidos.  Mexico, 
1S76. 

Comonfort  (Ignacio),  Manifiesto,  Marzo  4,  1857.  [Mex.,  1857];  Manifiesto, 
July,  1858.  New  York,  1858;  Politica  durante  su  gobierno  en  Mexico. 
Nueva  York,  1858. 

Comoto  (Florencio  Perez),  Discurso  patriotico  contra  la  rebelion  que  acaudilla 
el  Cura  Hidalgo.  Mexico,  [1810.] 

Compania  del  Camino  de  Fierro  de  Tacubaya,  Informe  que  el  Socio  Gerente 
da  A los  Senores  Accionistas.  Mexico,  1860. 

Compania  Del  Canal  de  Mexico  a Chaleo.  Mexico,  1860. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


xli 


Companfa  de  Cocheros  y Lacayos,  Constituciones.  Mexico,  1825. 

Compauia  De  Colonlzacion  Asidtica,  Estatutos.  Mexico,  1800. 

Companla  Esplotadora  de  los  Placeres  De  Oro  en  la  Sierra-Madre.  Mejico, 
1857. 

Companla  del  Ferro-carril  de  Orizava  il  Vera  Cruz,  Estatutos.  Mexico,  1801. 
Compauia  de  Filipinas,  Real  Cedula  de  Ereccion  10  Marzo  1785.  Madrid, 
[1785.]  folio. 

Companla  de  Industria  en  Tlalpan,  Escritura  de  Asociacion.  Mexico,  1S37. 
Compauia  de  Jesus,  A1  Rey  Nra  Sra  por  la  Provincia  de  la  Compauia.  n.pl., 
n.d. ; Catdlogo  de  los  Sugetos.  Mex.,  1871;  Coleccion  del  Real  Decreto 
de  27  Febrero  1709.  Madrid,  1707.  folio;  Coleccion  general  de  las  provi- 
dencias.  Madrid,  1707;  Defensa  de  la,  No.  1.  Mex.,  1841;  Exposicion 
del  Provincial  de  la.  Mex.,  1855;  Informe  que  haze  la  Provincia  de  la. 
Puebla,  1729;  Narracion  de  las  muestras  do  jubiio.  Puebla,  1853;  Rela- 
cion  del  restablecimiento.  [Mex.],  1810. 

Companla  Lancasteriana,  Exposicion  que  dirige.  Mex.,  1857;  Reglamento. 
Mex.,  1S42. 

Compauia  Limitada  del  Ferrocarril  Mexicano,  Cohdiciones  de  Asociacion. 
Mexico,  1809. 

Compauia  de  Minas  Denominada  Restauradora  del  Mineral  de  Catorce,  Plan. 
Mexico,  1851. 

Compauia  de  Minas  restauradora  de  Temascaltepec,  Informacion,  presupuesto. 
Mexico,  1838. 

Compauia  de  Minas  Zacatecano-Mexicano,  Informe.  Mexico,  1841. 

Comyn  (Tomds  de),  Estado  de  las  islas  Filipinas  en  1810.  Madrid,  1820. 
Concesion  del  Ferrocarril  entre  Mexico  y Vera  Cruz  ante  el  Congreso.  Mex- 
ico, 1808. 

Concilio  Mexicano  Provincial  III.  y IV.,  Catecismo  y Suma  de  la  Doctrina 
• Christiana.  [Mexico],  1771.  MS.  folio. 

Concilio  Provincial  Mexicano  IV.  MS.  folio.  2 vols. 

Concilios  Provinciales  Mexicanos.  1°,  2°,  33,  y 4°;  1555,  1505,  1585,  1771. 
The  original  MS.  Records,  folio.  5 vols.;  also  editions  Mexico,  1709; 
Paris,  1725;  Mexico,  1702,  1770. 

Conde  y Oquendo  (Francisco  Xa\ier),  Disertacion  historica.  Mexico,  1852-3. 
2 vols. 

Conde  y Oquendo  (Francisco  Xavier),  Obra  (Aparicion  de  Nuestra  Seuora  de 
Guadalupe).  MS.  2 vols. 

Conde  y Pineda  (Francisco),  Oracion  Moral.  Mexico,  1809. 

Condieiones  del  Real  Assiento  y fabrica  de  pdlvora.  Mexico,  1701.  folio. 
Condiciones  y Semblanzas  de  los  Diputados  d cortes  1820y  21.  Madrid,  1821. 
Conducta  Ilegal  del  ministerio  de  Hacienda.  Mexico,  1841. 

Conejares  (F.  de  P.  Alonso  Ruiz  de),  La  Virtud  Vengada.  Mex.,  1811;  La 
Virgen  Mexicana.  Mex.,  1S53. 

Conejo  (Florentin),  Acusacion.  Mexico,  1843. 

Congreso  Constituyente  d los  pueblos  del  Estado  de  Mexico.  Tlalpan,  1830. 
Congreso.  See  “Mexico.” 

Conquistador  Andnino  (El),  Relacion.  In  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  tom.  i. 
Consag  (Fernando),  Vida  y trabajos  del  P.  Antonio  Tempis.  [Mexico,  1749.] 
Consejo  de  Regencia  de  Espaiia  6 Indias  a la  America  Espahola.  Cadiz,  1811; 

also  Mexico,  1810.  folio. 

Consejos  de  la  Amistad.  Megico,  1831. 

Conservador  (El).  Mexico,  1859  et  seq. 

Consideraciones  sobre  la  Situacion  Politica  y social  de  la  Republica  Mexicana* 
Mexico,  1848. 

Constitucion  politica  de  la  Monarquia  Espanola.  Cddiz,  1812. 

Constitucion  Sacrosancti  Apostolatus.  Mexico,  1848. 

Constitucional  (El).  Mexico,  1844  et  seq. 

Constituciones  de  la  Congregacion  y Escuela  de  Christo.  Mexico,  1735. 
Constituciones  de  la  Real  Orden  Americana  de  Isabel  la  Catdlica.  Madrid, 

1816. 


xlii  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

Constituciones  Eelesiasticre  disputandae  propagandasque  in  anla  reget  antiq. 
Mexico,  [1702.] 

Constituciones,  Regia  y Constituciones  que  ban  de  guardar  las  Religiosas  de 
los  Conventos  de  Nuestra  Seiiora  de  la  Concepcion.  Mexico,  1793. 

Construccion  de  la  monarquia  de  Espaiia.  Promulgada  en  Cddiz,  19  de  Marzo, 
1812.  Mexico,  1820. 

Consulta  del  Consejo  extraordinario  de  Castilla  al  Rey.  MS.  1767.  folio. 

Contestacion  a la  circular  que  remitid  d los  Profesores  de  Medicina.  Mdjico, 
1840. 

Contestacion  d la  exposicion  que  han  presentado  al  Rey  algunos  ex-diputados 
de  America  residentes  en  Madrid.  Mexico,  1820. 

Contestacion  al  Articulo  infamatorio  contra  la  Republica  Mexicana.  Mexico, 
1828. 

Contestacion  al  Suplemento  al  No.  24  del  Cosmopolita.  Mexico,  1841. 

Contestacion  del  Cura  de  la  Aldea  de  un  Pueblo  de  Jalisco.  San  Luis  Potosf, 
1838. 

Contestacion  del  Venerable  Cab ildo  Metropolitano  d las  dos  notasdel  Supremo 
Gobierno  del  dia  14  del  corriente  Enero.  Mexico,  1847. 

Contestacion  del  Vicario  Capitular  de  Arzobispado  d la  Circular  de  19  de 
Mayo.  Mexico,  1847. 

Contestacion  que  ha  dadoal  Supremo  Gobierno  la  AltaCorte  de  Justieiasobre 
el  Desconocimiento  que  D.  Lucas  Alaman  Lace  de  sus  Ministros.  Mexico, 
1834. 

Contestaciones,  Continuaeion  de  los  documentos  relativos  d la  cesacion  en  sus 
funciones  del  Escmo  Ayuntamiento.  Mexico,  1843. 

Contestaciones  entre  el  Supremo  Gobierno  y el  Escmo  Ayuntamiento.  Mexico, 
1S43. 

Contra  los  enemigos  del  Regimiento  de  drdenes  militares.  Mexico,  1821. 

Contra  las  Vcrdades  amargas.  Mexico,  1821. 

Contra-Tiempo  (El).  Mexico,  1846  et  seq. 

Contreras  (Jose  Mariano),  Las  Garantias  Individuales  en  el  Departamento  de 
San  Luis  Potosf.  Mexico,  1841. 

Contreras  (Josd  Peon),  El  Senor  de  Ecatepec,  Leyenda  Histdrica.  Mexico, 
1S72. 

Contreras  (Rafael  S.),  Relacion  documentada.  Tlalpam,  1829. 

Convencion  Espauola,  Contestacion  d la  memoria  que  sobre  ella  hizo  D.  M. 
Pay  no.  Valencia,  1838. 

Convendra  quo  los  jueces  de  los  Tribunales  sean  perpetuos.  [Oajaca,  1826.] 

Conveniencia  del  Tribunal  Mercantil.  Mexico,  1S52. 

Convento  de  la  Encarnacion,  Mandatos  de  los  Illmos  Arzobispos  de  Mexico 
d las  Religiosas  del.  MS. 

Convento  de  Nuestra  Seiiora  del  Pilar,  Relacion  liistdrica  -de  la  fundacion. 
Mexico,  1793. 

Convento  del  San  Gerdnymo,  Regia  y Constituciones.  Puebla,  1773. 

Convento  de  S.  Lorenzo,  Regia  y Constitvciones.  Mexico,  1707.. 

Conventos  de  la  Ciudad,  Representacion.  Mexico,  1695.  4to. 

Conversion  de  la  Deuda  Esterior,  Estracto  del  espediente.  Mexico,  1846. 

Convite  a los  Catdlicos  Americanos  conforme  d lo  que  Dios  y las  edrtes  exigen 
de  su  fd.  Mexico,  1 SI  1. 

Convocatoria,  Observaciones  Imparciales.  Mexico,  1867.  4to. 

Copia  del  Espediente  formado  d pedimento  de  la  Sra  Anna  Marfa  de  Yraeta 
y Mier,  etc.  MS. 

Copia  de  la  Cepresentacion  al  Rey  Don  Fernando  VII.  Mexico,  1820. 

Cordoba  (Tirso  Rafael),  El  Sitio  De  Puebla.  Puebla,  1863. 

Coreal  (Francois),  Voyages  auxlndes  Occidentales.  Paris,  1722.  2 vols;  Am- 
sterdam, 1722.  2 vols. 

Corona  Civica  d los  Hdroes  del  2 de  Abril  de  1867,  Division  de  Operaciones 
sobre  Yucatan.  Mdrida,  1868. 

Corona  (Ramon),  Manifestacion  que  hace,  de  su  conducta  observada  con  el 
General  Placido  Vega.  Mazatlan,  1863. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


xliii 


Coronado  (EsMvan),  Manifestation  sobre  sus  acciones.  Mazatlan,  1839. 

Corral  (Juan  Jose  del).  Breve  resena  sobre  el  estado  de  la  Hacienda  y del 
Cn'dito  Publico.  Mcx. , 1S48 ; Esposicion  de  los  perjuicios  que  ha  causado 
al  Erario.  Mex.,  1834. 

Corral  (Luis  Gonzaga  Gutierrez  del),  Sermon  histdrico-apologetico.  Puebla, 
1836. 

Correo  Atldntico  (El).  Mexico,  1835  et  seq. 

Correo  de  Espaiia.  Mexico,  1854  et  seq. 

Correo  de  la  Federacion.  Mexico,  1826  et  seq. 

Correo  de  los'Niiios  (El).  Mexico,  1813  et  seq. 

Correo  Nacional  (El).  Mexico,  1847  et  seq. 

Correo  Semanario  de  Mexico  por  el  pensador  Mexicano.  Mexico,  1826. 

Cortazar  (Luis  de),  Documentos  relativos  & la  conducta  del  Gobemador  de 
Guanajuato.  Morelia,  1S39. 

Cortes  (Anselmo),  Proyecto  de  Pronto  Pago  de  la  deuda.  Mexico,  1852. 

Cortes  (Hernan)  Aventuras  y Conquistas  de  Heman  Cortes  en  Mejico.  Bar- 
celona, 1846 ; Mexico,  1853. 

Cortes  (Heman)  Briefe  des.  Heidelberg,  J779. 

Cortes  (Hernan)  Brieven.  Amsterdam,  17S0-1. 

Cortes  (IIcm:\n),  Carta  d S.  C.  C.  M.  acerca  de  los  repartimientos,  1542. 
Londres,  1854. 

Cortes  (Heman),  Carta  de  Relacio.  Seville,  1522. 

Cortes  (Heman),  Carta  tercera  de  Relacio.  Seville,  1523. 

Cortes  (Hernan),  Cartas  y Relaciones  de  Heman  Cortes  al  Emperador  Carlos 
V.  Paris,  1866. 

Cortes  (Hernan),  De  Rebus  Gcstis.  In  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  tom.  i. 

Cortes  (Heman),  Despatches  of  Hernando  Cortes.  New  York,  1843. 

Corttis  (Hernan),  Escritos  Sueltos.  Mexico,  1871. 

Cortes  (Hernan),  FernandiCortesii  von  dem  Newen  Hispanien.  Augspurg,  1550. 

Cortes  (Heman),  Historia  de  Mejico.  Nueva  York,  1828. 

Cortes  (Heman),  Historia  de  Nueva  Espaiia.  [Edited  by  Lorenzana.]  Mexico, 
1770. 

Cortes  (Heman),  Instruccion  dada  al  Licenciado,  1532.  In  Pacheco  and 
Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc.,  tom.  xiii. 

Cortes  (Heman),  La  Preclara  Narratione.  Venice,  1522. 

Cortes  (Heman).  La  quarta  Relacion.  Toledo,  1525.  [Dated  October  15, 1524.] 

Cortes  (Heman),  Letters  and  Reports  by  Cortes  and  other  Officers  to  the 
Emperor  and  Council.  In  Doc.  In6d.,  tom.  i.;  tom.  iv. ; tom.  xxii. ; 
Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc.,  toms,  v.,  xii.,  xiii.,  xiv. ; Icazbalceta, 
Col.  Doc.,  tom.  i. ; Hist.  Prim.,  tom.  i. ; Ramusio,  tom.  iii.;  Ribaden- 
eyras,  Biblioteca,  tom.  xxii.;  Navarret e.  Col.  de  Viages;  Kingsboi'ough’s 
Mex.  Antiq. ; Alaman,  Disert ; Cortes,  Escritos  Sueltos. 

Cortes  (Heman),  Oder  die  Eroberang  von  Mexiko.  n.pl.,  n.d. 

Cortes  (Heman),  Ou  la  Conquete  du  Mexique.  Paris,  1809. 

Cortes  (Heman),  Praeclara  de  Noua  maris  Oceani  Hyspania  Narratio  Norim- 
berga.  n.pl.,  1522. 

Cortes  (Heman),  Residencia.  MS.  1528.  folio. 

Cortes  (Heman),  The  Fifth  Letter  to  Charles  V.  London,  1868. 

Cortes  (Heman),  Tres  sacree  Imperiale  et  catholique  mageste  Xui  estant  en  la 
c?te  de  Palace  enCastille.  Anuers,  [1522.] 

Cortes  (Heman),  Vervolg  der  Reisen,  etc.  In  Aa,  toms,  x.,  xxviii. 

Cortes  (Heman),  Von  dem  Newen  Hispanien.  Augspurg,  1550. 

Cortes,  Martyr,  et  al.,  De  Insvlis  neper  inventis  Ferdinandi  Cortesii  ad 
Carolum  V.  Narrationes  cum  alio  quodam  Petri  Martyris.  n.pl.,  1532. 

Cortes  de  Espaiia,  Actas  de  las  Cortes' Ordinarias.  Cadiz,  [1813.]  2 vols. 

Cortes  de  Espaiia,  Actas  Piiblicas  de  la  Primera  Legislatura.  Madrid, 
1820-1.  2 vols. 

Cortes  de  Espaiia,  Coleccion  de  Decretos  y Ordenes.  Mexico,  1829. 

Cortes  de  Espaiia,  Diario  de  las  Actas  y Discusiones  de  las  Cortes.  Madrid, 
1820  et  seq. 


xliv  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

Cartes  tie  Espana,  Diario  de  las  Discusiones  y Actas  de  las.  Cadiz,  1S11-13. 
24  vols. 

Cortina,  Documentos  Ilistoricos,  reinado  de  Felipe  IV.  In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex. , 
serie  ii.,  tom.  iii. 

Cortina  (J.  Gomez  de  la),  Carta  dirigida  A todos  los  Seiiores  editores.  Mex., 
1S45;  Cartilla Ilistorial.  Mex.,  1S40;  Cartilla moral militar.  Mex.,  1839. 
Mex.,  1845;  Cartilla  social  6 breve  instruccion  sobre  losderechos.  Mex., 
1836;  Contestacion  d D.Wenceslao  Alpuche.  Mex.,  1837;  Contestaeion 
d la  critica  del  Seiior  Cortina  [signed  Mexico, 4 de  Junio  de  1849].  n.pl., 
n.d.;  Contestacion  al  Seiior  D.  B.  Conte  [dated  Agosto  16,  1849.  Mex., 
1849];  Critica  sobre  la  Medalla,  Junio  1,  1849  [Mex.,  1849];  Diccionario 
de  Sinonimos  Castellanos.  Mex.,  1853;  Ecsdmen  Cr/tico  de  las  piezas 
literarias.  Mex.,  1837;  [El  dia  4 del  presente  mes,  etc.,  signed  Tacubaya 
23  de  Xoviembre  de  1S40.]  Mex.,  1S49;  Ensayo  de  una  Seismologia  del 
Valle  de  Mexico.  Habana,  1859;  La  calle  de  D.  Juan  Manuel.  Mex., 
1830;  La  Loteria.  Mex.,  1S44;  Xociones  elementales  de  numismatica. 
Mex., 1843;  Prontuario Diplomdticoy Consular.  Mex. ,1850;  Terremotos. 
Mex.,  1840. 

Coruna  (Conde  de),  Carta  al  Rey  [Abril  1,  1581].  In  Cartas  de  Indias. 
Convin  (Thomas),  Speech  on  Mexican  War,  in  U.  S.  Senate,  Feb.  11,  1S47. 
Washington,  1847. 

Corzo  (A.  A.),  Reseiia  de  Varios  sucesos  de  Chiapas.  Mexico,  1807. 
Cosmopolita  (El).  Mexico,  1841  et  seq. 

Couto  (Bernardo),  Contestacion  d la  critica  del  Seiior  Cortina.  [Mex.,  1849] ; 
Defensa  del  General  D.  Isidro  Reyes.  Mex.,  1845;  Dialogo  sobre  la  His- 
toria  de  la  Pintura  en  Mexico.  Mex.,  1872;  Discurso  sobre  la  constitu- 
cion  de  la Iglesia.  Mex.,  1857. 

Covadonga,  Constituciones  de  la  congregacion  de  Xtra  Seuora  con  el  titulado 
de  Covadonga.  Mexico,  17S5. 

Covarrubias  (Juan  Diaz),  Obras  Completas.  Mexico,  1859.  2 vols. 
Covarrubias  (Victor),  Causa  eelebre  mandada  formar.  QuerCtaro,  1S47. 

Cox  (S.  S.),  Mexican  affairs.  Speech  in  U.  S.  House  of  Rep.,  March  19,  1800. 
[Washington,  1800.] 

Coxe  (Richard  S. ),  Claims  on  Mexico.  Xew  York,  1844. 

Coxe  (Richard  S.),  Letter  to  Hon.  John  S.  Pendleton.  Claims  of  U.  S.  on 
Mexico.  Washington,  1847. 

Coxe  (Richard  S.),  Review  of  the  i-elations  between  the  U.  S.  and  Mexico. 
Xew  York,  1840. 

Crespo  (Benito),  Memorial  ajustado.  Madrid,  1738. 

Cretineau  (Joly  J.),  Clemente  XIV.  y los  Jesuitas.  Mex.,  1849;  Defensa  de 
Clemente  XIV.  Mex.,  1850. 

Creuzbaur  (Robert),  Route  from  Gulf  of  Mexico  to  California.  Xew  York,  1849. 
Croix  (Cdrlos  Francisco  de),  Real  Cddula,  Abril  5,  1704,  y Julio  27,  1708. 
Crozier  (J.  H.),  Speech  in  U.  S.  House  of  Rep.,  Jan.  21,  1847.  Washington, 
1847. 

Cruz  (La).  Mexico,  1855  et  seq. 

Cuarto  Trueno  de  la  Libertad  en  Mexico.  Mexico,  1823. 

Cuatro  Palabras  al  Seiior  Generalisimo.  Mexico,  1822. 

Cuba,  or  the  Policy  of  England,  Mexico,  and  Spain,  with  regard  to  that  Island. 
London,  1830. 

Cubas  (Joaquin),  Vindicacion  que  la  Audiencia  Territorial  de  Mexico.  Mex- 
ico, 1825. 

Cucullu  (J.  S.),  La  Vdritd  sur  Miramon  et  les  Etats-Unis.  Xouvelle-Orldans, 

1S00. 

Cuellar  (Jos6  T.  de),  Las  gentes  que  son  asi.  Mex.,  1872;  Memoria  de  la 
Secretaria  de  la  compania  Lancasteriana  de  Mexico.  Mex.,  1S52;  Poesias, 
Mex.,  1850. 

Cuerpo  Mddico-Militar,  Reglamento.  Mexico,  1840. 

Cuesta  (Juan  Berdegal  de  la),  Cartilla  Practica  sobre  el  laboreo  de  las  minaa. 
Madrid,  1838. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


xlv 


Question  del  Dia  6 Nuestros  males  y sus  Remedios.  Mexico,  etc.,  1834. 

Cuestion  importantisima  para  la  Nacion  Mexicana.  Mexico,  1839. 

Cuestion  Penal  (El).  Mexico,  1871. 

Cuevas  (J.  de  Jesus),  Disertacion  sobre  Ferrocarriles.  Mex.,  1872;  El  Im- 
perio.  Opusculo  sobre  la  situacion  actual.  Mex.,  1864;  La  Inmigracion. 
Mex.,  1866.  Las  Confiscaciones  en  Mexico.  Mex.,  1868. 

Cuevas  (Josd  Maria),  Informe  del,  ante  1»  sala  del  Tribunal  Supremo  sobre 
competencia.  Mex.,  1801;  Informe  que  liizo  el  Licenciado  en  el  punto  de 
deposito  de  productos  de  la  Mina  do  la  Luz.  Mex.,  1S52. 

Cuevas  (Luis  G.),  Exposicion  del  ex  ministroque  lasuscribe  sobre  las  diferen- 
cias  con  Francia.  Mex.,  1839;  Esposicion  que  dirige  al  Tribunal  Supremo 
sobre  la  conducta  oficial.  Mex.,  1861 ; Porvenir  de  Mexico  6 juicio  sobre 
su  Estado Politico  en  1821  y 1851.  Mex.,  1851.  3 vols. 

Cuevas  Aguirre  y Espinosa  (Joseph  Francisco),  Extracto  de  los  Autos  de  dili- 
gencias  y reconocimientos  de  los  Rios,  Lagunas,  etc.,  de  la  capital  Mexico 
y su  Valle.  Mexico,  1748.  folio. 

Culver  (E.  D.),  Speech  in  U.  S.  House  of  Rep.,  Jan.  20,  1847.  n.pl.,  n.d. 

Cumplido  (Ignacio),  Apelacion  al  publico.  Mex.,  1840;  Contestacion  al  pre- 
cursor. Mex.,  1840;  Defensa  del  Impresor.  Mex.,  1840;  Invitacion  que 
liace  el  impresor.  Mex.,  1S40;  Manifestacion  al  publico  del  impresor. 
Mex.,  1840;  Tresente  Amistoso.  Mex.,  1852. 

Curatos.  Las  razones  6 inconvenientes  que  los  religiosos  de  las  ordenes  mendi- 
cantes  Sancto  Domingo,  etc.,  de  las  Provincias  de  la  Nueva  Espana,  Mex- 
ico, Guatemala,  y Jalisco.  MS.  folio. 

Curia  Filipica  Mcjicana,  Obra  Completa  de  Prdctica  Forense.  Paris,  etc. , 1858. 

Cuyado  (Norberto  Perez),  Disertacion  sobre  la  Natura  eza  y Limites  de  la 
Autoridad  Eclesidstica.  Mexico,  1825. 

Dagnall  (John  M. ),  The  Mexican.  New  York,  1868. 

D’Aguesseau  (Enrique  F.),  Instituciones  sobre  el  derecho  publico.  Mexico, 
1S13. 

Dale  (R.),  Notes  on  an  excursion  to  the  Isthmus  of  Tehuantepec.  London, 
1851. 

Dallas  (G.  M.),  Letter  on  the  Mexican  Treaty.  Philadelphia,  1849. 

Dalton  (William),  Stories  of  the  Conquests  of  Mexico  and  Peru.  London,  n.d. 

Dundolo  (Conde),  Tratado  sobre  la  cria  de  gusanos  de  seda.  Mexico,  1830. 

Dargand  (J.  M.),  Historia  de  Maria  Estuardo.  Mexico,  1853.  2 vols. 

Datos  Biogrdficos.  In  Cartas  de  Indias. 

Ddurico  (Maron),  Cartas  d,  sobre  la  Variacion  de  nuestro  sistema  Gubemativo. 
Mexico,  1815. 

Ddvalos  (Bibiano),  El  General  dlas  Legislaturas.  Puerto  de  la  Paz,  1869. 

Davila  (Fernando  Antonio),  Exposicion  del  diputado  por  la  Provincia  de 
Chiapa.  Madrid,  1821. 

Ddvila  (Gil  Gonzalez),  Teatro  Eclesidstico  de  la  Primitiva  Iglesia  de  las  Indias 
Occidentales.  Madrid,  1649-55.  2 vols.  folio. 

Ddvila  (Jos<5  Mariano),  Refutacion  de  las  reflexiones  mddicas.  Mdjico,  1835. 

Davila  (Julian  Gutierrez),  Memorias  Hist6ricas  de  la  congregacion  de  la  ora- 
torio de  la  ciudad  de  Mexico.  Mexico,  1736.  folio. 

Ddvila  (Julian  Gutierrez),  El  sabio  con  el  corazon  en  la  diestra.  Mexico,  1727. 
Vida  y Virtudes  de  el  Siervo  de  Dios.  Madrid,  1720. 

Ddvila  (Rafael),  Ahora  se  queman  los  fuegos  6 sea  defensa.  Mex.,  1827; 
Carta  del  Rey  espanol  al  gob.  Mex.  Mex.,  1822;  Contra  del  Senor 
Guerrero.  Mex.,  1829;  El  gato  escondido  y la  cola  de  fuera.  Mex., 
1822;  El  Toro.  Didlogos  criticos-jocoserios.  Mex.,  1830,  1832;  La 
excomunion.  Mex.,  1822;  La  verdad  amarga.  Mex.,  1820—1 ; Los  capit- 
ulados  debian  morir  segun  la  ley.  Mex.,  1822;  Manos  besan  hombres 
que  quisieran  ver  quemadas.  Mex.,  1820;  Representacion  de  los  frailes 
al  gobiemo  contra  el  C.  Mex.,  1822;  Representacion  que  hace  d S.  M.  J. 
pidiendo  la  reforma  de  los  frailes.  Mex.,  1822;  Respuesta  de  un  igno- 
rante.  Mex.,  1822;  Respuestas  y cuentos  para  el  C.  Ddvila.  Mex.,  1822; 


xlvi 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


Sevan  4 quitar  los  frailes  por  danosos  al  Estado.  Mex.,  1S22;  Severa 
reprension  del  papel.  Mex.,  1822.  Solicitud  de  un  ciudadano  por  la 
libertad  de.  Mex.,  1S20;  Varias  preguntas  importantes  sobre  las  cosas 
del  dia.  Mex.,  1821;  Taller  de  Coheteria,  Dialogos  critico-alegbrieos. 
Mex.,  1827. 

Davis  ( Garrett),  Speech  on  Bill  making  provision  for  appointment  of  additional 
officers,  Feb.  26,  1847.  Washington,  1847. 

Davis  (Garrett),  Speech  on  Mexican  War,  Dec.  1846.  Washington,  1846. 

Dayton,  Speech  on  the  War  with  Mexico,  April  11,  1848.  Washington,  1S48. 

De  Bercy  (Drouin),  L’Europc  et  l’Ambrique  compares.  Paris,  1818.  2 vols. 

Decreto  de  las  Cortes  sobre  arreglo  de  Tribunales.  Mexico,  1813. 

Decreto  del  Rey,  Uniendo  4 las  cinco  Secretarias  los  negocios  respectivos  d cada 
Departamento  en  las  Indias.  Mexico,  1790.  folio. 

Decreto  Real  sobre  la  responsibilidad  de  los  Jueces,  etc.  Mexico,  1820. 

Decretos  de  Parte.  Mexico,  1801-11.  MS.  folio. 

Defensa  Canonica  por  las  provincias  de  la  Compama  de  Jesus.  In  Diezmos  de 
Indias. 

Defensa  de  la  aeusacion  hecha  en  la  Cdmara  de  Diputados  contra  el  Ministro 
de  la  Guerra.  Mexico,  1831. 

Defensa  de  la  verdad  consagrada  d la  luz  de  la  justicia.  [Madrid,  1760.]  folio. 

Defensa  de  los  Americanos  contra  41  que  impugnb.  Puebla,  1820. 

Defensa  de  los  Bienes  de  la  Iglesia  Catblica  Apostolica  Romana.  Mexico,  1847. 

Defensa  de  los  Empleados  Oaxaquenos.  Oaxaca,  1833. 

Defensa  dc.l  Patrimonio  de  Jesucristo.  Mexico,  1820. 

Defensa  Juridica  y Mbritos  de  Justicia.  Mexico,  1729.  folio. 

Defensor  de  la  Integridad  Nacional.  Mexico,  1844  et  seq. 

Defensor  de  las  Leyes.  Mexico,  1837. 

Deguevara  (Juan),  Proceso  contra.  MS.  1600. 

Delano  (Columbus),  Speech  in  U.  S.  House  of  Rep.,  May  13,  1846.  n.pl.,  n.d. 

Delmotte  (Josb  Mariano),  Vamos  4 revolverlo  todo.  Mexico,  1S22. 

Demostracion  del  Jubilo  de  los  Gefes  cn  Zapotlan.  Guadalajara,  1820.  folio. 

Demostracion  de  los  Terminos  en  que  ha  Obtenido  la  renta  del  Tabaco  una 
planta  general,  4 de  Diciembre  de  1846.  Mexico,  1846. 

Denis  (Ferdinand),  Arte  Plumaria.  Paris,  1875. 

De  Pagbs,  Travels  round  %e  world  in  1767—71.  London,  1793.  3 vols. 

Derecho  (El),  Peribdico  de  Jurisprudencia  y Legislacion.  Mexico,  1871.  folio. 

Derecho  de  Consumo,  Reglamento.  Mexico,  1842. 

Derecho  del  pueblo  Mexicano  para  eligir  emperador.  Mexico,  1821. 

Derecho  Publico  Eclesidstico,  Apuntamientos.  Mex.,  1857;  Varias  Observa- 
ciones  contra  un  opiisculo  titulado.  Mexico,  1857. 

Derrotero  para  la  Navegacion  dc  los  Puertos  de  Espafia  a los  de  America.  MS. 

Desbordeliers,  Moral  militar.  Matamoros,  1870. 

Descalona  (Fr.  Alonso),  Peticion  4 la  Real  Audiencia,  Julio,  16, 1570.  MS.  folio. 

Descripcion  del  4rbol  de  la  cera.  Mexico,  1831.  4to. 

Descripcion  de  las  fiestas  celebradas  en  la  Imperial  Corte  de  Mexico.  Mexico, 
1796.  4to. 

Despojo  de  los  bienes  de  las  Iglesias.  Mexico,  1847. 

Didlogos  criticos  sobre  diferentes  asuntos.  MS.  [1782.] 

Diario  de  Avisos.  Mexico,  1856  et  seq. 

Diario  esactlsimo  de  lo  ocurrido  en  Mexico  en  los  dias  de  su  invasion  por 
General  Scot.  Mexico,  1847.  MS.  folio. 

Diario  Mercantil  de  Vera  Cruz.  Vera  Cruz,  1S07  et  seq. 

Diario  Oficial  del  Gobiemo.  Mbjico,  1853  et  seq. 

Diaz  (Bernardo  Antonio  Gonzales),  Sermon,  2 do  Agosto  de  1810.  Mexico,  1810. 

Diaz  (Jph.  Thirso),  Papel  sobre  el  verdadero  modode  beneficiar  4 los  Yndios. 
Mexico,  1770.  MS. 

Diaz  del  Castillo  (Bernal),  Historia  Verdadera  de  la  Conquista  de  la  Nueva- 
Espana.  Madrid,  1632.  4to;  Paris,  1837. 

Diaz  del  Castillo  (Bernal),  Memoirs  on  Conquest  of  Mexico.  London,  1844. 
2 vols. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


xlvii 


Diaz  del  Castillo  (Bernal),  The  true  history  of  the  Conquest  of  Mexico.  Lon- 
don, 1S00;  Salem,  1S03.  2 vols. 

Diaz  del  Castillo  (Bernal),  Yeridique  Histoire  de  la  conquctc  de  la  Nouvelle- 
Espagne.  Paris,  1S77.  2 vols. 

Diaz  Calvillo  (J.  B. ),  Sermon  que  en  el  Aniversario  Solemne  de  Gracias  A 
Maria  Santisima.  Mexico,  1811. 

Dickinson  (D.  S.),  Acquisition  of  Territory.  Speech  in  U.  S.  Senate,  Jan.  12, 
1848.  Washington,  1848. 

Dictador  (Un),  En  Mexico  confundiendo  A los  partidos  politicos.  Mexico,  1853. 

DictAmen  de  la  Comision  de  negocios  de  Ultramar  sobre  pdblaciones  de  aquellas 
provincias.  Madrid,  1821. 

DictAmen  de  la  Comision  eclesiastica  encargada  del  arreglo  definitivo  del 
clero  de  Espana.  Madrid,  1823. 

DictAmen  sobre  el  Juramento  de  Fidelidad  al  Imperio  Mexicano.  Mexico,  1821. 

DictAmenes  de  varios  abogados  sobre  el  fallo,  mina  de  San  Clemente.  Mbgico, 
1840. 

Diez  de  la  Calle  (Juan).  See  Calle. 

Diez  de  Sollano  (Josb  Maria),  Manifestacion  que  hace  de  la  conducta  que  ha 
guardado.  Mex.,  1857 ; Xociones  sobre  la  disciplina  ecles.  Mex.,  1857 ; 
Theologica  de  imaculata  concepcion.  Mex.,  1849. 

Diezmos  de  Indias,  A collection. 

Dignidad  Episcopal,  Al.  rey  nuestro  Sefior  Satisfaccion  al  memorial,  Compania 
del  nombre  de  Dios.  Puebla,  1652.  folio. 

Dillon  (A.),  BeautAs  de  l’Histoire  du  Mexique.  Paris,  1822. 

Dilworth,  Conquest  of  Mexico  by  Heman  CortAs.  n.pl.,  n.d. 

Diputacion  Americana,  Representacion  a las  Cortes,  1°  de  Agosto  de  1811. 
Mexico,  1820. 

Diputacion  Mejicana,  Papel  que  la  Diputacion  Mejicana  dirige.  Madrid, 
1825.  4to. 

Diputados,  Semblanzas  de  los  Dipntados  A,  Cortes  en  la  Republica  de  Mexico, 
n.pl.  [1837.]  • 

Discurso  en  honor  de  las  bonitas.  Mexico,  1S21. 

Discurso  que  el  Gobernador  del  Estado  dijo  al  Congreso.  Guadalajara,  1834. 

Discursos  CiCntificos,  A collection. 

Disertacion  contra  la  Tolerancia  Religiosa.  Mdjioo,  1833. 

Disertacion  sobre  la  restitucion  de  los  bienes  eclesiasticos.  MAgico,  1838. 

Disposiciones  legales  y otras  documentos,  Probibicion  de  impresos.  Mexico, 
1850. 

Disturbios  de  Frailes,  A collection  of  Documents,  MSS. , and  print.  2 vols. 

Dix  (J.  A.),  Proposed  occupation  of  Yucatan.  Speech  in  U.  S.  Senate,  May 
17,  1S4S.  Washington,  1848. 

Dix  (J.  A.),  The  War  with  Mexico.  Speech  in  U.  S.  Senate,  Jan.  26,  1848. 
Washington,  1S48. 

Dobbs  (Arthur),  Account  of  the  countries  adjoining  to  Hudson’s  Bay.  Lon- 
don, 1744. 

Documentos  relativos  al  ultimatum,  Continuamos.  Mexico,  1837. 

Documentos  DiplomAticos  presentados  por  el  Gobiemo  Espaiiol  al  Senado. 
Mexico,  1863. 

Documentos  Histbricos  Mexicanos,  A collection  of  fifteen  MS.  Treatises,  folio. 

Documentos  Importantes,  Eleccijnes  en  Toluca.  Mexico,  1826. 

Documentos  interceptados  en  la  Barra  de  Tampico.  Vera  Cruz,  1858. 

Documentos  Justificativos  que  se  citan.  Mexico,  1839. 

Documentos  Mexicanos,  Hacienda.  A collection. 

Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  Mexico.  Mexico,  1S53-7.  20  vols.  4 series. 
Serie  iii.  in  folio  and  in  four  parts. 

Documentos  relativos  a la  sublevacion  del  General  Don  J uan  Alvarez.  Mex- 
ico, 1835. 

Documentos  relativos  al  decreto  sobre  Provision  de  las  Magistraturas.  Mex- 
ico, 1846. 

Documentos  sobre  Mexico,  A collection. 


xlviii 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


Domenech  (Emmanuel),  Histoire  du  Mexique.  Paris,  1868.  3 vols. 
Domenech  (Emmanuel),  Lo  Mexique  tel  qu’il  est.  Paris,  1867. 

Domenech  ( J.  Passama),  Le  Mexique  et  la  Monarchie.  Mexico,  1866. 
Domenech  (J.  Passama),  L’Empire  Mexicain.  Mexico,  1866. 

Domingo  de  los  Ninos  (El).  Mexico,  1S51. 

Domingual  (Juan),  A report  of  military  operations  to  General  J.  M.  Calderon, 
dated  Dec.  21,  1822  et  seq.  [Mexico,  1822.]  MS. 

Dominguez,  Carta  a Felipe  II.  In  Col.  Doc.  Ined.,  tom.  i. 

Dominguez  (Juan),  Esposicion  presentada  al  Presidente.  Mexico,  1839. 
Dominguez  (Juan),  Parte  Oficial  de  la  defensa  de  Jalapa,  Die.  21  de  1822. 
Jalapa,  1822.  MS. 

Dominguez  (Juan),  Segunda  impugnacion  al  plan  de  los  Republicanos  de  Vera 
Cruz,  1823. 

Dominguez  (Juan  Francisco),  Apologia  de  la  Divina  Providencia.  Mex., 
1808;  Bienvcnturanzas  del  Santisimo  Patriarca.  Mex.,  1805;  Voces  de 
la  Alma.  Mex.,  1806. 

Dommartin  (M.  H.  du  Pasquier  de),  Les  l5tats-Unis  et  le  Mexique.  Paris,  1852. 
Donnavan  (C.),  Adventures  in  Mexico.  Boston,  1848. 

Doria,  Carta  al  Rey.  In  Col  Doc.  Ined. , tom.  ii. 

Dos  palabras  sobre  la  suspension  general  de  pagos.  Mexico,  1846. 

Dos  Razoncitas  al  Generalisimo  Almirante.  Mexico,  1822. 

Douglas  (S.  A.),  Speech  on  Mexican  War,  in  U.  S.  Senate,  Feb.  1,  1848. 
Washington,  1848. 

Dovalle  (Gonzalo),  Informacion  de  los  servicios  de  Adelantado  Rodrigo  de 
Bastidas.  In  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  tom.  ii. 

Dramas,  A collection.  Mexico,  1838.  MS. 

Dryden  (John),  The  Indian  Emperour.  London,  1696. 

Dubois  (E.),  Le  Mexique.  Rouen,  1864. 

Dubourg  (Clemente),  Informe.  Mexico,  1718.  folio. 

Duer,  Speech  in  U.  S.  House  of  Rep.,  Feb.  14,  1848.  Washington,  1848. 
Dunbar  (Edward  E.),  The  Mexican  Papers.  New  York,*  I860. 

Duport  (St  Clair),  De  la  production  des  mdtaux  pr6cieux  au  Mexique.  Paris, 
1843. 

Dupressoir  (Charles),  Causas  c6lebres.  Mexico,  1853. 

Duque  de  Escalona.  Defensa.  MS.  1642.  folio. 

Duran  (Diego),  Historia  de  las  Indias  de  Nueva  Espana.  Mexico,  1585.  MS. 

folio.  3 vols. ; also  edition  Mexico,  1867. 

•Duvemois  (Cl6ment),  Uber  die  Franzosische  Intervention  in  Mexico.  Stutt- 
gart, 1870. 

Echeagaray,  Apuntaciones  para  su  defensa.  Guanajuato,  1861. 

Echevelar  (Joachin  de),  Questiones  sobre  la  Regia  de  N.  S.  P.  S.  Francisco. 
MS.  Zacatecas. 

Echeverria  (Joseph  Villegas  de),  Colloquia  tiemo  y lastimosos  ayes  de  America. 
Mexico,  1786. 

Echeverria  (Pascasio),  Prospecto  para  la  fabricacion  de  Porcelana  y Loza. 
Mexico,  1844. 

Echeverria  (P.  P. ),  y A.  P.  Mota,  El  Seiior  Diputado  al  Congreso.  Mexico, 
1861. 

Echeverria  y Veitia  (Mariano  Fernandez  de),  Documentos  relativos  al  tumulto 
de  1624.  In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  s^rie  ii.,  toms.  ii.  iii. 

Eco  de  Espana.  Mexico,  1853-4. 

Eco  Hispanio-Americano  (El).  .Paris,  1854  et  seq. 

Eco  Nacional.  Mexico,  1857-8. 

Economia  politica  en  Mexico,  n.pl.,  n.d.  Puebla,  1841. 

Edicto  del  Presidente  y Cabildo  Metropolitan©  Gobemador  del  Arzobispado. 
Mexico,  1830  and  1832. 

Editorcs  del  Tiempo,  La  Politica.  Mexico,  1846. 

Eggleston  and  Seelye,  Montezuma  and  the  Conquest  of  Mexico.  New  York, 
1880. 


AU1  EQUITIES  QUOTED. 


xlix 


Egloffstein  (F.  W.  Von),  Contributions  to  the  Geology  and  Physical  Geography 
of  Mexico.  New  York,  18C4. 

Eguia  (Jose  Joaquin  de),  Memoria  sobre  la  utilidad  de  la  Mineria.  Mexico, 
1819. 

Eguia  y Muro  (Joaquin  Pio),  Piiblicas  Demostraciones.  Mexico,  n.d. 

Eguiaia  y Eguren  (J.  J. ),  Bibliotheca  Mexicana.  Mex.,  1755;  El  monstruo 
de  la  Santidad.  Mex.,  1741;  Vida  del  Padre  Don  Pedro  de  Arellano  y 
Sossa.  Mex.,  1735. 

Eguilaz  (Luis  de),  Espada  de  San  Fernando.  Mexico,  1854. 

Eguizale  (Severino),  Carta  escrita  por  iin  regnicola.  Mexico,  1789. 

Ein  auszug  ettlicher  sendbriefF  dem  aller  durchleiichtigisten  grossmechtigiste 
Fursten.  Niirmberg,  1520. 

Ejdrcito  Imperial,  Divisas.  Mexico,  1821. 

Ejidos  de  Mexico,  Autos.  MS.  Mexico,  1682. 

Eleccion  de  Compromisarios.  [Mex.],  1820. 

Electores  que  han  sido  nombrados.  Mexico,  1820. 

Elementos  de  Geografia  Civil.  Mexico,  1845. 

Elguero  (Jos6  Hilario),  Alegato.  Mejico,  1857. 

Elhuyar  (Fausto  de),  Indagaciones  sobre  la  Amonedacion  en  N.  E.  Madrid, 
ISIS. 

Elizaga  (Lorenzo),  Ensayos  Politicos.  Mexico,  1S67. 

Elorriaga  (C.  Francisco),  Idea  Sueinta  del  proceso  por  gobierno  en  Durango. 
Zacatecas.  1831. 

Elorza  y Rada  (Francisco  de),  Nobilario  de  el  Valle  de  la  Valdorba.  Pam- 
plona, 1714. 

Elton  (J.  J.),  With  the  French  in  Mexico.  Philadelphia,  1867. 

El  Emperador  Napoleon  III.  y la  Inglaterra.  Mexico,  1858. 

Emerson  (Ralph),  Mining  Laws  of  Spain  and  Mexico.  San  Francisco,  1S64. 

Emperador  (El)  Sostiene  lo  que  dice  este  papel.  Mexico,  1823. 

Empresa  del  Tabaco,  Contestacion  a la  replica  de  los  Sres  Lebrija  y Barrera. 
Mexico,  1841. 

Empresarios  (los)  de  Fdbricas  nacionales  de  hilados  y tegidos  de  algodon. 
Mexico,  1840. 

Enciclopedia  Domdstica.  Mejico,  1853-4.  2 vols. 

Encima  (Juan  de  la),  Parabienes  de  los  Perros.  [Mexico,  1826.] 

Encinas  (Concepcion),  Vindicacion.  Guad.,  1843. 

Enfermedad  del  dia.  Mexico,  1820. 

Engel,  Essai  quand  et  comment  l’Amdrique  a-t-elle  6t6  peuplde.  Amsterdam, 
1767. 

Enriquez  (Ana),  Proceso  y causa  criminal  contra.  MS.  1642. 

Enriquez  (Martin),  Carta  al  Rey.  In  Cartas  de  Indias. 

Ensaladilla  dispuesta  y sasonada  por  dos  yngeuios  de  esta  corte.  MS.  [Mex- 
ico], n.d. 

Erario  Nacional,  aumentado  con  beneficio  de  Muchos.  Mexico,  1S22. 

Erasmi  (Francisci),  Guineischer  und  Americanischer  Blumen-Pusch.  Niim- 
berg,  1669. 

Errazu  (Ramon  de),  Contestacion  d las  Esposiciones,  Estado  de  Zacatecas. 
Mexico,  1862. 

Erudita,  contra  los  insurgentes.  Mexico,  1810. 

Escalada  (Ign. ),  Manifiesto  que  sobre  la  capitulacion  de  Tampico.  Mexico,  1839. 

Escalante  (Man.  D. ),  Al  Publico,  Feb.  10, 1857.  n.pl.,  n.d. 

Escalera(Evaristo)  y Manuel G.  Liana,  Mejico  Historico-Descriptivo.  Madrid, 
1862. 

Escalona  y Catayud  (Juan  Joseph),  Testimonio  relativo.  n.pl.,  n.d. 

Escandon  (Manuel),  Breve  Exposicion  sobre  caminode  Fierro  entro  VeraCruz 
y Mexico.  Mex.,  1858;  Segunda  Exposicion.  Mex.,  1861. 

Escarmiento  y disengauo  de  Insurgentes.  Oaxaca,  1811. 

Escepcion  para  los  coyotes.  Mexico,  1829. 

Escesos  Del  Gobierno.  [Mexico,  1S28.] 

Esclavos,  Constitucion  de  la  Congregation.  Mexico,  1S42. 

Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  I.  4 


1 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


Esc’avos,  Real  Cddula  sobre  la  Educacion.  Mexico,  1810. 

Esclavos  Cocheros,  Constitution  de  los.  Mexico,  1845. 

Escobar  (Alonso  de),  Account  of  the  province  of  Vera  Paz.  In  Lond.  Geog. 
Soc.,  Journal. 

Escobar  (Joseph  Saenz  de),  Breve  tratado  de  las  mas  principales  ordenanzas 
de  Minas.  MS.  n.pl. , 1706. 

Escobar  (Manuel  de),  Verdad  Reflexa.  Mexico,  1768. 

Escobar  (Pedro  Xuarez  de),  Carta  a Felipe  I.  In  Pacheco  and  CArdenas, 
Col.  Doc.,  tom.  xi. 

Escobedo  (Pedro),  Corona  Fiinebre  del.  [Mexico,  1844.] 

Escoiquiz  (Juan  de),  Mexico  Conquistado.  Madrid,  1798. 

Escorza  y Escalante  (Pedro  de),  Razon  de  la  Sentencia  definitiva.  Mexico, 
1714. 

Escosura  (Patricio  de  la),  Conjuracion  de  Mejico.  Madrid,  1850-1.  5 vols. 

Escoto  (Antonio),  Contestacion  a la  acusacion  que  formalizo  D.  Man.  Mancilla. 
Guadalajara,  1848. 

Escritorcs  (los)  deben  sujetarse  A las  leyes.  Mdjico,  1820. 

Escucla  dc  Aplicacion,  Reglamcnto.  Mexico,  1852. 

Escuela  l’atriotica,  Noticia  de  la  distribucion  de  premios.  Mexico,  1854. 

Es  Licito  el  Matrimonio  d los  CRrigos  y Frailes.  Mexico,  1834. 

Espada  de  la  Justicia.  Mexico,  1820. 

Espafia  y Mejico  en  el  Asunto  de  laConvencion  Espauola.  Madrid,  1855. 

Espanol,  El.  Mexico,  1852  ct  seq. 

Esparza  (Marcos  de),  Exposicion  del  Ex-Ministro  de  Hacienda.  Mex.,  1852; 
Informc  presentado  al  Gobicrno  Supremo.  Zacatecas,  1830. 

Espediente  instruido  por  cl  Illmo  Sr  Vicario  Capitular.  Mexico,  1847. 

Espinosa,  Chrdnica  Apostdlica.  n.pl.,  1746.  2 vols. 

Espinosa  (J. ),  Bases  del  Plan  de  Hacienda  Publica.  Mexico,  1841. 

Espinosa  (Isidro  Felis  de),  Nuevas  empresas  del  peregrino  America  septen- 
trional. Mexico,  1747. 

Espinosa  (Pedro),  Carta  Pastoral.  Guadalajara,  1859;  Circular  del  Gob.  Ecles. 
de  Guadalajara.  Guadalajara,  1859;  Circular  A todos  los  sacerdotes  de 
la  Didcesis.  Guadalajara,  1S59;  Informe  que  el  Don  como  Individuo  de 
la  Comision  del  Vcn.  Cabildo  de  Guadalajara.  Mex.,  1831. 

Espinosa  (Rafael),  Cart  ilia  Social.  Mexico,  1847. 

Espiritu  Publico.  Mexico,  1828  et  seq. 

Esposicion  de  la  tercera  Sala  de  la  suprema  Corte  de  Justicia.  Mexico,  1832. 

Esposicion  del  Sr  Gobemador  De  La  Mitra.  Guadalajara,  1826. 

Esposicion  General,  Documentos.  Mexico,  1856. 

Esposicion  6 programa  de  los  Diputados  pertinecientes  al  partido  puro. 
Querdtaro,  1847. 

Esposicion  por  las  Comerciantes  de  Mexico  reclamando  la  ley  de  7 de  Julio  1836 
Mexico,  1S37. 

Esposicion  Preliminar,  Opusculo  de  la  Verdad,  Monopolio  Comercial  de  la 
Repub.  Mexicana.  Mexico,  1839. 

Esposicion,  presentada  A las  Cdrtes  por  los  Diputados  de  Ultramar  25  de 
Junio  de  1821.  Madrid,  1S21. 

Esposicion  que  dirige  la  Compafda  Lancasteriana  de  Mexico.  Mexico,  1857. 

Exposicion  que  dirige  al  Congreso  General  los  apoderados  de  los  militares 
retirados.  Mexico,  1840. 

Esposicion  que  ha  presentado  al  Pres,  de  la  Repub.  por  la  Reunion  de  Com- 
pradores  de  Fincas.  Mexico,  1S61. 

Esposicion  que  hacen  los  Interesados  en  las  Parcialidades,  en  contra  de  su  Hegal 
y Mai  llamado  Administrador  D.  Luiz  Velazquez  de  la  Cadena.  Mexico, 
1849. 

Exposicion  que  han  dirigido  al  Exmo.  Sr.  Ministro  de  Gobemacion  los  Capit- 
ulares  que  la  suscriben.  Mexico,  1859 

Esposicion  que  los  acrcedores  A los  caminos  de  esta  capital  A Toluca  y A V era 
Cruz.  Mexico,  1849. 

Esposicion  que  los  Conservadores  de  las  Provincias.  Mexico,  1863. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


li 


Esposicion  que  los  Individuos  que  Compusieron  el  Proximo  Pasado  Ayunta- 
miento  hacen  al  Publico.  Mexico,  1S49. 

Esposicioues,  Juicio  de  las,  Cuarta  y Sexta  esposiciones  de  la  Academia  de  San 
Carlos.  Mexico,  1852-4. 

Esquibel  (Agvstin  Francisco),  El  Fenix  de  el  Amor.  Mexico,  1764.  4to. 

Esquivel  (Joseph  Manuel),  Sermon  eucaristico  por  la  felicidad.  Mexico,  1799. 

Estados-Unidos  del  Norte,  Los  Noticias  muy  importantes  y recientes  de. 
Querdtaro,  1847. 

Estandarte  Nacional.  Mexico,  1856  et  seq. 

Estatuto  provisional,  del  Imperio  Mexicano.  Mexico,  1865. 

Estatutos  Ordenados  por  el  Santo  Concilio  III.,  1585.  Mexico,  1859. 

Esteva  (Josd  Ignacio),  Apuntaeiones.  Mexico,  1827. 

Estrada  (Alvaro  Florez),  Exdmen  Imparcial  de  las  disensiones  de  la  America 
con  la  Espaiia.  Cadiz,  1812. 

Estrada  (Alvaro  Florez),  Itepresentacion  4 Fernando  VII.  en  defensa  de  las 
Cbrtcs.  Mexico,  1820. 

Estrada  (Francisco),  Carta  imparcial  sobre  el  fudro  del  Clero.  Mexico,  1812. 

Estrada  (J.  M.  Gutierrez  de),  Algunas  Observaciones  sobre  el  Oficio  que  con 
fecha  22  de  Julio,  n.p.,  1835;  Algunas  Refiecsiones  Acerca  de  los  Occur- 
ridos  cn  Capital.  Mex.,  1840;  Carta  dirigida  al  Presidente.  Mex.,  1S40; 
Documentos  relativos  al  ingreso  y d la  separacion.  Mex.,  1835;  Impug- 
nacion  ;t  las  cartas  de,  sobre  el  proyecto  de  establecer  en  Mdjico  una 
monarquia  moderada.  Mdj.,  1840;  Mexico  y cl  Archiduque  Fernando 
Maximiliano  de  Austria.  Mex.,  1865.  Mexico  en  1840  y en  1847. 
Mex.,  1S4S. 

Estrella  (Escalante),  y Gaxiola,  Informe  dado  & las  Camaras  generales  de  la 
Federacion.  Cosala,  1S27. 

Estudios  Economico-Politicos.  Mexico,  1S57. 

Estupendo  Grito  cn  la  Acordada  y Verdadero  detal  de  sus  inmarcesibles 
Succsos.  Mexico,  1829. 

Evans  (Albert.  S. ),  Our  Sister  Republic.  Hartford,  1870. 

Exdmen  Analitico  del  prdstamo  de  130,000  libras  esterlinas.  Mexico,  1840. 

Exdmen  Critico  de  la  Administracion  del  Maximiliano.  Mexico,  1867- 

Exdmen  de  las  drdenes  expedidas  por  el  ministerio,  6.  mediados  de  Junio 
ultimo.  Querdtaro,  1S48. 

Exdmen  Imparcial  de  la  respuesta  que  la  Suprema  Junta  provisional.  Mexico, 
1820. 

Exenciones  y Privilegios  Regulares,  Breve  defensa  hecha  por  los  Prelados  del 
Convento  de  S.  Diego.  Mejico,  1841. 

Exhortacion  d,  los  patrioticos  distinguidos  de  Fernando  Septimo.  Mexico,  1810. 

Exhortacion  que  d,  los  habitantes  bace  un  individuo  del  Colegio  de  Abogados 
Mexico,  1810. 

Extracto  de  las  Flotas.  In  Morfi,  Col.  Doc. 

Ezeta  (Luis  de),  Manual  de  Alcaldes  y Jueces  de  Paz.  Mex.,  1845  ; Promp- 
tuario  para  los  Alcaldes  de  Cuartel  y Gefes  de  Manzana  del  Distrito 
Federal.  Mex.,  1850;  Defensa  de  Fernando  Santillan.  Mex.,  1852. 

F.  (A.  B.),  Ensayo  Histdrico-Natural.  Madrid,  1843. 

Fabian  y Fuero  (Francisco),  Coleccion  de  Providencias.  Puebla,  1769.  folio. 

Fabian  y Fuero  (Francisco),  Coleccion  de  Providencias  Diocesanas  del  Obis- 
pado  de  la  Puebla  de  los  Angeles.  Puebla,  1770.  folio. 

Fabregat  (Lino),  Esplicazione  delle  figure  geroglifice  del  codice  Borgiano.  MS. 
folio. 

Fabri  (Joseph  Antonio),  Compendiosa  demostracion.  Mexico,  1743. 

Fabri  (Joseph  Antonio),  Segunda  demostracion,  precio  de  azogue.  [Mexico, 
1793.]  MS. 

Fdbrica  y Estampa  de  Naypes  de  Nueva  Espaiia.  Mexico,  1760. 

Fdbrica  y Obras  Pias  del  Arzobispado  de  Mexico.  MS.,  1821-2.  folio. 

Fabricas  de  las  Iglesias  Parroquiales  en  la  Gobemacion  de  Nueva  Espafia. 
MS.,  1793-6.  folio. 


lii 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


Facio  (-Jos6  Antonio),  A la  Cdmara  de  Diputados  del  Congreso  General,  [Pai  is, 
1835];  Exposicion  dirigida  4 las  c4maras  del  Congreso  general.  Mex., 
1832.  Memoria  que  sobre  loa  sucesos  del  tiempo  de  su  ministerio.  Paris, 
1835;  Pedimento  fiscal  del.  Mex.,  1827;  Respuesta  4 los  cargos  dada. 
Mex.,  1831. 

Fajardo  (Domingo),  Informe  que  el  que  suscribe  da  al  Escmo  Senor  Ministro 
de  Relaciones.  Campeche,  1828. 

Falck  (N.),  Prolegomenos  del  derecho  o Enciclopedia  Juridica.  Mexico,  1852. 

Fali£s  (Louis),  Etudes  Historiques  ct  Philosophiques.  Paris,  n.d.  2 vols. 

Falscdades  quo  Contienc  cl  Cuademo  Titulado  Despojo  4 mano  armada  por  el 
Prefecto  de  Tlaxcala.  Puebla,  1844. 

Farias  (Valentin  Gomez),  Carta  4 Don  Bernando  Gonzalez  Angulo  y respuesta*. 
MS. 

Farias  (Valentin,  Gomez),  El  Ministro  es  Responsable  4 la  Prision  de  losS.  S. 
Diputados.  Mexico,  1 822. 

Famham  (Thomas  J. ),  Mexico.  New  York,  1846;  New  York,  n.d. 

Farol  (El).  Puebla,  1821  et  seq. 

Farragut  (Loyall),  The  Life  of  David  Glascow  Farragut,  etc.  New  York,  1879. 

Favre  (Julio)  and  M.  Billault,  Discusion  en  el  Cuerpo  legislativo  de  Fraucia 
sobre  las  enmiendas.  Mexico,  1863. 

Felipe  de  Jesus,  Breve  resumen  de  la  vida  y martyrio.  Mexico,  1802.  4to. 

Felipe  de  Jesus  Maria,  Vida,  Virtndes.  Rome,  1761. 

Fdnix  de  la  Libertad.  Mexico,  1833  et  seq. 

Fernandez  (Agustin  Pomposo),  Desenganos  que  4 los  insurgentes  de  Nueva 
Espaiia  seducidos.  Mexico,  1812. 

Fernando  VI.,  Consuelos  Funerales,  Antequera.  Mexico,  1759.  4to. 

Fernando  VII.  Decretos  del  Rey.  Mexico,  1836. 

Ferrer  de  Couto  ( Jos<5),  Comentarios  sobre  la  question  de  M4jico.  Madrid,  1861 . 

Ferrer  de  Couto  (Jos<5),  Cuestioncs  dc  MCjico,  Venezuela  y America  en  Gen- 
eral. Madrid,  1861,  499  pp.;  Madrid,  1861,  660  pp. 

Ferreyra  (JosC),  Contestation  4 los  cargos  de  Lopez  y Gdndara.  Ures,  1850. 

Ferri  (Gabriel),  Les  Revolutions  du  Mexique.  Paris,  1864. 

Ferrier  (F.  L.  A.),  Economica  Politica  del  Gobiemo.  Mexico,  1843-4.  2 vols. 

Ferriz  (Pldcido  dc),  Exposicion  dirigida  al  supremo  Gobiemo.  Mex.,  1858; 
Exposicion  que  hace  al  publico.  Mex.,  1859. 

Ferrocarril,  Esposicion  del  Lie.  Rafael  Martinez  de  la  Torre  sobre  la  concesion. 
.Mexico,'  1868. 

Ferrocarril,  La  Concesion,  entre  Mexico  y Vera  Cruz.  Mexico,  1868. 

Ferrocarril,  Proyecto  de  Vera  Cruz  4 Mcjico.  Bruselas,  1851. 

Ferrocarril,  Tehuantepec  y Veracruz,  Proyecto  de  Ley.  Mexico,  1869. 

Ferrocarril  y TelCgrafo,  Proyecto  de  un  desde  la  linea  divisoria  de  Mexico  y 
los  Estados-Unidos.  Mexico,  1868. 

Ferrocarrilcs,  La  Concesion  hecha  al  General  Rosecranz,  etc.  Mexico,  1872. 

Ferrocarriles  en  Mexico,  Dictdmen  de  la  comision  de  Industria  de  la  Diputa- 
cion  Permanente.  Mexico,  1872. 

Ferry  (Gabriel),  Escenas  de  la  vida  militar.  Mexico,  1863. 

Ferry  (Gabriel),  El  Cazador  Errante.  Mexico,  1S57.  7 vols. 

Ferry  (Gabriel),  Scones  de  la  vie  Mexicaine.  Paris,  1856. 

Ferry  (Gabriel),  Scenes  de  la  vie  militaire  au  Mexique.  [Paris,  1858] ; Paris, 
1S60. 

Ferry  (Gabriel),  Scenes  de  la  vie  sauvage  au  Mexique.  Paris,  1868. 

Ferry  (Gabriel),  Vagabond  Life  in  Mexico.  New  York,  1856. 

Festividades,  A collection. 

Figueroa  (Francisco  Antonio  de  la  Rosa),  Becerro  general  Menoldgico  y Cro- 
noldgico  del  Santo  Evangelio.  MS.,  1764.  folio;  Discordias  entre  el  cura 
doctrinero  y los  Indios.  MS.,  1725.  folio;  Tesoro  Catequistico  Yndiano 
Espejo  de  Doctrina.  MS.;  Vindiciasde  la  Verdad.  MS.  folio. 

Figuerola,  Extractos.  In  Pacheco  and  C4rdenas,  Col.  Doc. , tom.  iii. 

Findlay  (Alex.  G.),  A Directory  for  the  Navigation  of  the  Pacific  Ocean. 
London,  1S51.  2 vols. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED.  liii 

Fitch  (Fred.  G.),  Memorial  to  American  and  Mexican  joint  Commission.  San 
Francisco,  1S70. 

Flint  (Henry  M.),  Mexico  under  Maximilian.  Philadelphia,  1S67. 

Florcncia  (Francisco  do),  Historia  de  la  Provincia  de  la  Compauia  de  Jesus  de 
Nueva  Espaua.  Mcx.,  1694;  La  Estrella  do  cl  Norte  de  Mexico.  Mex., 
1741;  La  milagrosa  invcncion.  Seville,  1745;  Narracion  de  la  Mara- 
villosa  Aparicion  que  hizo  el  Archangel  de  S.  Miguel.  Sevilla,  1692; 
Origen  del  celebre  santuario.  Mex.,  1783;  Zodiaco  Mariano.  Mex.,  1755. 
Flores  (Antonio),  F<5,  Esperanza  y Caridad.  Mejico,  1850.  12  vols. 

Flores  (Sabino),  Oracion  civica  pronunciada  en  la  capital  del  estado.  Guana- 
juato, 1S51. 

Floiilegivm  Oratorum  advsum  etudiosa  juventis  per  congregationem.  Mexici, 
1727. 

Fonseca  (Fabian),  and  Urrutia  (Carlos),  Historia  General  de  la  Real  Hacienda. 
Mexico,  1845,  1849-53.  6 vols. 

Fonte  (Pedro  Josef  de),  Carta  Pastoral  que  d continuacion  de  la  obra  del  Pio 
VII.  dirige  d dioccsanos  el  Arzobispo  de  Mexico.  Mexico,  1S16. 
Fontenelle,  Conversacion  entre  Cort';s  y Moctezuma.  Mejico,  1829. 

Foot  (Solomon),  Spceoh  on  character,  etc.,  of  the  Mexican  War,  Feb.  10,1847. 
Washington,  1847. 

Foote  (Henry  Stuart),  The  War  with  Mexico.  Speech  in  U.  S.  Senate,  Jan. 
ID  and  29,  1S48.  Washington,  [1848]. 

Formulario  que  debe  servir  do  Norma  d los  Contadores  Reales  de  Diezmos  de 
la  Nueva  Espaua.  Madrid,  1786. 

Formularios  de  la  Catedral  de  Mexico.  Mexico,  n.d. 

Fosscy  (Mathieu  de),  Le  Mcxique.  Paris,  1857;  Paris,  1862. 

Fosscy  (Mathieu  de),  Viage  d Mejico.  Mcjico,  1844. 

Frailcs  doctrincros,  Su  remocion  de  los  Curatos.  MS.,  1654.  folio. 

Frampton  (John),  Joyfull  newe3  out  of  the  new  found  Worlde.  London,  1596. 
France  (La),  Le  Mexique  et  les  Etats  Conf6d6rCs  contre  les  Etats-Unis.  Paris, 

1863. 

France  and  Mexico,  Examination  of  the  difficulties  etc.  n.pl.,  1839. 
Franciscanos,  Abandono  de  Conventos  por  falta  de  frailes.  MS.,  folio;  Capi- 
tulos  Provinciales  en  Mexico.  MS.,  folio;  Carta  del  Rey  Octubre  19, 
1568.  MS.,  folio;  Constituciones  de  la  Provincia  en  Mexico.  MS.,  folio; 
Contiendas  con  cl  Arzobispo  de  Mexico.  MS.  of  1576.  folio;  Informe  al 
Rey  por  la  Religion.  MS.,  folio;  Instrucciones.  MS.,  folio;  Patentes  de 
Reforma  1625-9.  MS.,  folio:  RelaciO  de  lo  que  hiziero  y passaro  los 
Yndios.  MS.,  folio;  Rclacion  Summaria  de  loque  passaro.  MS.,  folio. 
Franciscanos  y servicios  de  Indios.  MS.,  folio. 

Fra  Paola  (Padre),  Discurso  Religioso  Politico  sobre  el  origen,  naturaleza, 
inmunidades  y verdadera  inversion  de  los  bienes  eclesidsticos,  etc.  Mexico, 
1833. 

Free  American.  Vera  Cruz,  1847  et  seq. 

Fresnillo,  Informe  que  da  la  Junta  de  la  Compania  de  Minas.  Mexico,  1839 ; 
Mexico,  1840. 

Frias  y Sota  (Hilarion),  Proyecto  de  Ley  20  de  Feb.  de  1868.  Mex.,  1870; 
Rectificaeiones  d las  Memorias  del  Medico  ordinario  del  Emperador  Max- 
imiliano.  Mcx.,  1871. 

Frisch  (P. ),  Die  Staaten  von  Mexico,  Mittel-und  Siidamerika.  Liibek,  1853. 
Frost  (John),  Great  Cities  of  the  World.  Auburn  etc.,  1852. 

Frost  (John),  Incidents  and  Narratives  of  Travel.  Auburn,  etc.,  1852. 
Fuenleal  (Sebastian  Ramirez  de),  Carta  d Su  Magestad  30  de  Abril  de  1532.  In 
Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc.,  tom.  xiii. 

Fuero  Eclesidstico,  Contestacion  que  los  editores  de  Zapoteco.  Oaxaca,  1833; 

Defensa  contra  articulos  del  Zapoteco.  Oaxaca,  1833. 

Funcion  Dramatica  en  el  palacio  Imperial  de  Mexico,  Nov.  4,  1865.  Mexico, 

1864.  4to. 

Fundacion  y Progressos  de  la  Prouincia  de  Santiago  de  Mexico  del  Orden  de 
Predicadores.  MS.,  1716. 


liv 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


Furber  (George  C.),  History  of  Mexico.  Cincinnati,  1850. 

Furber  (George  C.),  The  Twelve  Months’  Volunteer  [Mexican  War].  Cin- 
cinnati, 1850. 

Gabota,  Trotsmoedige  Togt.  In  Aa,  tom.  xi. 

Gaceta  dc  Gobiemo  de  Mexico,  1728-1805,  1810-21,  1823  et  seq, 

Gaceta  Imperial  de  Mexico.  Mexico,  1821-23. 

Gacetas  de  Mexico  y noticias  de  Nueva  Espana,  1722,  1728-9.  In  Doc.  Hist. 
Mex.,  sdrie  ii.,  tom.  iv. 

Gagern  (Carlos  de),  Apelacion  dc  los  Mexicanos  d la  Europa.  Mexico,  1802. 

Gaines,  Correspondence  entre  la  Legation  du  Mexique.  Paris,  1837 ; Mexico, 
1837. 

Galeria  Americana.  Mexico,  n.d.  folio. 

Gales  (Joseph),  Sketch  of  Personal  Character  of  Gen.  Zachary  Taylor.  Wash- 
ington, 1848. 

Gallardo  (Basilio  Perez),  Cuadro  Estadistico  de  la  Division  Territorial  de  la 
Repub.  Mexicana.  Mexico,  1873. 

Gallardo  (Pedro  Patino),  Ejccucion  de  Justicia.  Mexico,  1826. 

Gallardo  Fernandez  (Francisco),  Origen,  Progresos  y Estado  de  las  Rentas  de 
la  Corona- de  Espana.  Madrid,  1805-8.  7 vols. 

Gallatin  (Albert),  Peace  with  Mexico.  New  York,  1847;  n.pl.,  1847. 

Gallatin  (Albert),  War  Expenses.  New  York,  1844;  New  York,  1848. 

Gallegos  y Cadena,  Rclacion  de  la  provincia  de  Vera  Paz.  MS.  n.pl.,  1574. 

Gallo  (Eduardo  L. ),  Ilombres  Illustres  Mexicanos.  Mexico,  1874.  ■ 

Galvan  (Mariano),  Ordenanzas  de  Tierras  y Aguas.  Mexico  and  Paris,  1855. 

( lalvez  ( Bernardo  de)  Proclamacion  sobre  el  Tcatro  de  Mexico.  [Mexico,  1 783.  ] 

Galvez  (Jos<5  de),  Ynforme  de  el  Visitador  de  este  Reyno.  MS.  n.pl.,  1707 ; 
Informe  general  que  instruyd  cl  Marquez  dc  Sonora.  Mex.,  1807 ; Regla- 
mento  para  la  ciudad  de  Mexico.  [Mex.,  1771];  Reglamento  del  Gremio 
de  Panaderos  de  esta  Capital.  Mex.,  1770. 

Galvez  (Mariano),  El  Dn.  ante  la  la  Sala  de  la  Suprema  Corte.  Mexico,  1852. 

Gamarra  y Ddvalos  (Juan  B.  Diaz  de),  El  Sacerdote  fiel  y segun  el  corazon  de 
Dios.  Elogio  funebre  el  dia  22  de  Abril  de  1776,  d Luis  Felipe  Neri  de 
Alfaro.  Mexico,  1770. 

Gamboa  (Francisco  de),  Commentaries  on  the  Mining  Ordinances  of  Spain. 
London,  1830.  2 vols. 

Gamboa  (Ramon),  Impugnacion  al  informe  del  Santa-Anna.  Mexico,  1849. 

Gambu  (Frederico),  Necesidad  de  Reformar  la  Legislation.  Mexico,  1850. 

Gand  (Pierre  de),  Lettre  du  frere  entrement  dit  de  Mura.  In  Temaux- 
Compans.  vol.  x. 

Gdndara  (Manuel  Maria),  Contestation  que  Don  A.  Zuniga  MM.  Gajiola  6 
Ig.  Zuniga.  Mex.,  1834 ; Exposition  que  hace  al  Suprema  Gobiemo  sobre 
su  conducta  politica.  Mex.,  1S42;  Manifestacion  que  hace  al  Gefe  Su- 
premo de  la  Republica.  Mex.,  1857;  Vindication  de  las  calumnias  que 
el  General  Jos<5  Urrea  y sus  Agentes  han  hccho  circular.  Mex.,  1844. 

Gdndara  (Salvador  de  la),  Carta  que  sobre  la  Vida.  Mexico,  1713. 

Ganganele,  Carta  del  Emin.  £t  vn  Religioso  que  pasaba  d la  America.  MS. 
n.pl.,  n.d. 

Gant,  Carta  al  Emperador  Don  Cdrlos.  In  Cartas  de  Indias. 

Gdrate  (Bernardo),  Primera  Carta  Pastoral  del  Obispo  de  Querdtaro.  Mexico, 
18G4. 

Garay  ( .Jos6  de),  An  account  of  the  Isthmus  of  Tehuantepec.  London,  1840; 
Dictdmen  de  la  Mayoria  de  la  Comision  Especial  para  la  Apertura  dc  una 
via  por  el  Istmo  de  Tehuantepec.  Mex.,  1S51;  Mdmoire  instructif  des 
droits.  Wash.,  1S52.  Paris,  1852.  Mex.,  1852.  New  York,  1852;  Re- 
conocimiento  del  Istmo  de  Tehuantepec.  Lon.,  1844;  Survey  of  Isthmus 
of  Tehuantepec.  Lon.,  1844. 

Garay  (Josd  Guadalupe  Perdigon),  Defensa.  Mdjico,  1849. 

Garay  (Jos<5  Maria),  Memoria,  en  que  el  poseedor  actual  del  mayorazgo  de  los 
Morales.  Mejico,  1833. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


lv 


Garayo  (Atilano  Sanchez),  Manifestacion  que  el  Apoderado  de  los  Acreedores 
del  Fondo  Dotal  de  Miner  Hu  Mexico,  1S50. 

Garc<5s  (Martin  Gil),  El  Cabildo  sede  vacante  de  Michoacan.  Mexico,  1831. 
Garcds  y Eguia  (Joseph),  Nueva  Teorica  y Practica  del  Beneficio  de  los  Metales. 
Mexico,  1802. 

Garcia  (C. ),  Noticias  histdrica,  geogrdfica,  y estadistica  del  distrito  de  Xoquil- 
pan.  In  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin  3ra,  Ep.  I. 

Garcia  (Carlos),  A los  habitantes  de  la  Prov.  de  Puebla.  [Puebla,  1821.] 
Garcia' (Francisco),  Rellexiones  sobre  el  Acta  Constitutiva.  Mexico,  1823; 
Vcxamen  que  para  cerrar  el  curso  de  antes,  did  d su  disputo  el  dia  14  de 
Enero  de  1795.  MS.  [Mexico,  1795];  Vindicacion  del  Congreso. 

Garcia  (Gregorio),  Origen  de  los  Indios  de  el  Nuevo  Mundo,  d Indias  Occi- 
dentales.  Madrid,  1729. 

Garcia  (Pablo),  Manifesto  que  hace  ;i  sus  conciudadanos.  Campeche,  1857. 
Garcia  (Paulino),  Manifestacion  del  Prefecto  de  Puebla.  Puebla,  1844. 
Garcia  (Pedro),  Declaracion  de  los  tributos  que  los  Iudios  de  la  Provincia  de 
Guanavaquez  dc  Nueva  Espana,  liacian  d su  Seiior  el  Marquds  de  Valle. 
Aiio  1533.  In  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc.  tom.  xiv. 

Garcia  (Pedro  Marcelino),  Informe  sobre  la  sublevacion  de  los  Zendales.  MS., 
1710. 

Garcia  (Trinidad),  Apuntes  sobre  el  Discurso.  Mexico,  1870. 
Garciadellcrmosilla  (Juan),  Memorial  dado  al  Reyen  1556.  MS.  [Spain],  1556. 
Garcia  de  la  Huerta  (Joaquin),  La  Guimalda  de  los  nifios.  Mejico.  1S55. 
Garcia. y Cubas  (Antonio),  El  Comercio  exterior  de  Mexico.  In  Soc.  Mex. 
Geog.  Boletin.  3ra  Ep.  ii. 

Garcia  y Cubas  (Antonio),  Atlas  metodico  para  la  ensenanza  de  la  Geografia 
de  la  Republica  Mexicana.  Mex.,  1874;  Compendio  de  Geografia  de  la 
Republica  Mexicana.  Mex.,  1861;  Ensayo  de  iin  Estudio  entre  lau 
Pirdmides  Egipcias  y Mexicauas.  Mex.,  1S71;  Importancia  de  la  Es- 
tadistica. Mex.,  1871;  Memoria  para  servir  a la  Carta  General  de  la 
Republica  Mexicana.  Mex.,  1801;  Noticias  Geog.  y Estad.  dc  la  Rep. 
Mex.  Mex.,  1857;  Reseiia  Geogrdfica  del  distrito  de  Soconusco  6 Tapa- 
chula.  Mex.,  1S57;  Exposicion  leida  ante  el  Gran  Jurado.  Mex.,  1850. 
Garcia  y Garcia  ( Josd  Pedro),  Prosperidade3  de  la  Union.  Mexico,  1810. 
Garcilaso  de  la  Vega  (El  Inca),  Primera  Parte  de  los  Comentarios  lleales. 
Madrid,  1723.  folio. 

Garcilaso  de  la  (Vega  (El  Inca),  La  Florida  del  Inca.  Madrid,  1723.  folio. 
Garcillasso  de  la  Vega  (el  Ynca),  La  Florida  del  Ynca,  1005.  4 to. 

Garde  (Richard),  letter  to  Rt.  Hon.  Earl  Russell,  on  the  absolute  right  of  the 
Mex.  Bondholders.  London,  1861;  London,  1862. 

Garduno  ( Josd  Victoriano),  Sale  a la  Vergiienza  el  Teniente  Don  Ramon  Parras. 
Mexico,  1828.  folio. 

Garella  (Napoleon),  Projet  d’un  Canal  de  Jonction  de  L’Ocdan  Pacifique  et 
Atlantique.  Paris,  1855. 

Gariba  (Pedro),  Proclama.  [Mexico,  1809.] 

Garviso  (Vicente),  Exposicion  al  Augusto  Congreso  del  Estado  de  Zacatecas. 
Mejico,  1832. 

Garza  (Ldzaro  de  la),  Discurso  Inaugural.  Mexico,  1S31. 

Garza  (Ldzaro  de  la),  Mdritos  y Servicios.  Mexico,  1S32. 

Garza  y Ballesteros  (L.  de  la),  Carta  que  el  Dn  dirige  al  clero  de  su  Dicicesis. 
Mex.,  1851;  Carta  Pastoral  del  Arzobispo  de  Mexico.  Mexico,  1855; 
Contestaciones  liabidas  entre  Arz.  de  Mex.  y el  Ministro  de  Just.  Mex., 
1855;  Defensa  de  la  Manifestacion.  Mex.  1860;  Edicto  para  la  publi- 
cacion  del  Santo  Jubileo  concedido  por  Pio  IX.  Mex.,  1852;  Informe 
general  de  la  visita  diocesana.  MS.  Mex.,  1855,  1856.  folio;  Manifes- 
tacion que  hacen  al  Ven.  Clero  y Fieles.  Mex.,  1859;  Opiisculo  sobre  los 
Enviados.  Mex.,  1854;  Pastoral  que  sobre  Toleran  ia  Religiosa.  Mex., 
1855;  Primera  distribucion  de  Premios.  Mex.  1841. 

Gastaueta  y Escaladoa  (Josd  Maria),  Felicitacion  que  en  cl  religioso  y solemne 
dia.  Mex.,  1840;  Oracion  que  pronuncio  en  la  Alameda.  Mex.,  1S34. 


lvi 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


Gavie  (Josd  Leal  do),  El  Regocijo  Mexicano  por  entrada  de  Francisco  Xavier 
Virrey.  Mexico,  1S10. 

Gavito  (Francisco),  Rimas.  Mejico,  1843. 

Geiger  (John  L. ),  A Peep  at  Mexico.  London,  1874. 

Gelves  (Marques  de),  Protcsto  del  Virrey  a la  audiencia.  MS. 

Genius  of  Liberty.  Vera  Cruz,  1847  et  seq. 

Gentry  (M.  P.),  Speech  on  Mexican  War,  Dec.  16,  1846.  Washington,  1846. 
Geyer  (Otto  Fei'dinand),  Panorama  of  Mexico.  Mobile,  1835. 

Gil  (Francisco),  Fundacion  de  la  Obra  Pia,  que  para  el  mayer  culto.  Mexico, 
1775.  4 to. 

Giles  (W.  F.),  Speech  in  U.  S.  House  of  Rep.  Washington,  1849. 

Gilliam  (Albert  M.),  Travels  in  Mexico.  Philadelphia,  1846. 

Gimenez  (Manuel  Maria),  El  MArito  Verdadero.  n.pl.,  18*21. 

Giordan  (Francis),  Description  de  ITsthme  de  Tehuantepec.  Paris,  1838; 

RAponse  au  libelle  sur  la  Colonie  du  Goazacoalco.  Paris,  1831. 

Girard  (Just),  Excursion  au  Mexique.  Tours,  1867. 

Gobernador  (El),  del  Departmento  al  Publico  de  Mexico  en  las  quejas.  Mexico, 
1837. 

Gobierno  de  la  Iglesia,  Dudas  que  se  proponen.  Mexico,  1826. 

Gobierno  Politico  de  N.  Espaua.  MS. 

Godoy  (Diego),  Relacion  A Hernando  CortAs  Mayo  de  1524.  In  Barcia,  Hist. 
Prim. , tom.  i. 

Godoy  (Jos<$  Maria),  Discurso  Pronunciado.  Mexico,  1846. 

Goggin,  Speech  in  U.  S.  House  of  Rep.,  Feb.  1st,  1848.  n.pl. ,n.d. 
Goldschmidt  (Albert),  see  Cartography  of  the  Pacific  Coast. 

Gomara  (Francisco  Lopez)),  Crbnica  de  la  Nueua  Espana  con  la  Conquista  de 
Mexico  y otras  Cosas  Notables.  Saragossa.  [1554.] 

Gomara  (Francisco  Lopez),  Historias  de  las  Conquistas  de  Hernando  CortAs. 

[Chimalpain  edition.]  Mexico,  1826.  2 vols. 

Gomara  (Francisco  Lopez)  Historia  di  Don  Fernando  Cortds.  Venetia,  1560. 
Gomara  (Francisco  Lopez),  Historia  de  Mexico.  Anvers,  1554. 

Gomara  (Francisco  Lopez),  La  Historia  General  de  las  Indias.  Anvers,  1554. 
Gomez,  Diario.  In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  serie  ii. , tom.  vii. 

Gomez  (JosA),  Anales  de  Mexico  1776-1798.  [Mex.,  1832.  MSS.];  Vida  de  la 
Madre  Antonia  de  San  Jacinto.  Mex.,  1689.  4to. 

Gomez  (Man.),  Vindicacion  del  Primer  Ayudante.  Mexico,  1840. 

Gomez  de  Avellaneda,  Guatimozin,  ultimo  Emperador  de  Mejico.  MAjico, 
1853. 

Gomez  y Anaya  (Cirilo),  Defensa  legal  que  hizo  por  Gen.  Negrete.  Mexico, 
1828.  4 to. 

Gonzalez,  Relacion  de  la  Marcha  de  la  Brigada  Gonzalez.  Toluca,  1857. 
Gonzalez  (Esteban  Diaz),  Contestacion  en  derecho  de  los  conventos.  Mexico, 
1830. 

Gonzalez  (Fernando  Alonso),  Regia  de  N.  S.  P.  S.  Francisco.  Mexico,  1725.  4to. 
Gonzalez  (.Joaquin),  Anotaciones  al  Papel  Titulado  Informe.  Mexico,  1822. 
Gonzalez  (.Jos6  Eleuterio),  Coleccion  de  Noticias  y Documentos  para  la  Hist. 

del  estado  de  N.  Leon.  Monterey,  1867. 

Gonzalez  de  Aragon  (Francisco),  Dictamen  Presentado  por  el  Sindico  sobre  las 
Oontratas  de  Limpia  de  Ciudad.  MAjico,  1834. 

Gonzalez  y Avendailo  (Franciscus),  Parhelion  Marianum,  Mexici  Subirbijo. 
Mexico,  1757.  4to. 

Gonzalez  y Zuniga  (Anna  Ma. ),  Florido  Ramo  que  tributa  en  las  fiestas  de 
Guadalupe.  Mexico,  1748.  4to. 

Gonzalo  (Viet.  Lopez),  Obispo  de  Puebla.  [Puebla,  1784.] 

Gordoa  (Jos6  Miguel),  Reilecsiones  que  se  hicieron  por  su  autor  A consulta  del 
Hon.  Cong,  de  Zacatecas.  Mexico,  1827. 

Gordon  (Thomas  F.),  The  History  of  Ancient  Mexico.  Philadelphia,  1832. 
2 vols. 

Gordon  (Thomas  F.),  Spanish  Discoveries  in  America  prior  to  1520.  Phila- 
delphia, 1831.  2 vols. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED.  lvii 

Gorosito  (Francisco  do)  Cartilla  en  Dialogos  acerca  de  la  confesion.  Mexico, 
1 70S. 

Gorostiza  (M.  E.  dc),  A sus  conciudadanos,  6 breve  resena  de  las  operaciones  del 
Ministro  de  Hacienda.  Mexico,  1838.  4to. 

Government  and  People  of  the  United  States  and  to  those  of  Spanish-America. 
n.p.,  n.d. 

Grambila  y Arriaga  (Antonio),  Tumultos  de  Mexico,  n.p.,  n.d.  MS.  folio. 

Granados  y Galvez  (Joseph  Joaquin),  Tardes  Americanas.  Mexico,  1778. 

Grandeza  y Excelencias  de  los  siete  principes  de  los  Angeles.  Mexico,  n.d. 

MS. 

Grant  (U.  S.),  Illustrated  Life,  Campaigns,  and  Public  Services  of.  Phila- 
delphia, 1805. 

Gratitud  del  Ayuntamiento  Constitucional  de  la  Villa  de  Coyoacan.  Mejico, 
1820. 

Gray  (Albert  Zabriskie),  Mexico  as  it  is.  New  York,  1878. 

Gray  (A.  B.),  Report  and  map  of  Mex.  Boundary.  Washington,  1853. 

Green  (George  M.),  Statement  of  his  recollections  of  life  in  Mexico,  1853-55. 
MS. 

Greene,  Speech  on  Ten  Regiment  Bill  in  U.  S.  Sen.,  Feb.  18,  1848.  Wash- 
ington, 1848. 

Gregory  (Samuel),  History  of  Mexico.  Boston,  1847. 

Grone  (Carl  von),  Briefe  fiber  Nord-Amerika  und  Mexiko.  Braunschweig, 
1850. 

Guadalajara,  Conducto  observada  por  el  Gobiemo  Eclesidstico.  Guadalajara, 
1850.  4to;  Discurso  pronunciado.  Mex. , 1824;  Ecsamen  PiVblico.  Guadal. , 
1841;  Ecsposicion  del  Cabildo.  Guadal.,  1824.  folio;  Espolios  de  los  Sres 
Obisposl759.  MS.  folio;  Explicaciones  que  el  Mayordomo.  Guadal.,  1865. 
4to;  Exposicion  hecha  por  el  Ayuntamiento.  Guadal.,  1844;  Gaceta  de 
Gobiemo.  Guadal.,  1821;  Gobiemo  Eclesidstico.  Guadal.,  1850;  Repre- 
sentacion  del  Obispo  sobre  Cementerios.  [Guad.,  1847];  Obispo  de, 
Carta  Pastoral.  Guadal.,  1850;  Observaciones  que  hace  el  V.  Cabildo. 
Guadal.,  1842.  Observaciones  que  sobre  el  projecto  de  Bases  orgdnicas 
hacen  el  Obispo,  n.pl.  1843;  Prestamos,  Contribuciones  y Exacciones  de 
la  Iglesia  de  Guadalajara.  Guadal.,  1847;  Protesta  del  Obispo  y Cabil- 
do de  la  Santa  Iglesia  de  Guadalajara.  Guadal.,  1847;  Protesta  del 
Obispo.  Guadal.,  1848;  Real  cddula  de  ereccion  del  Consulado.  Guad., 
1795.  folio;  Relacion  cristiana  de  los  males  que  ha  sufrido.  Guadal., 
1811.  4to.  Representacion  de  la  Junta  de  Fomento  de  Comercio. 
Guad.,  1852.  4to.  El  Tribuno,  1827.  folio;  Ultraje  a las  autoridades  por 
los  Canonigos.  Mex.,  1825. 

* Guadalupe  (Nuestra  Sra  de),  Coleccion  de  obras  y opusculos  pertenecientes  d 
la  milagrosa  aparicion.  Madrid,  1785. 

Guanajuato,  Continuacion  de  las  contestaciones  entre  el  Gobcrdr  y Cabildo 
de  Michoacan.  Morelia,  1857.  4to;  Constitucion  Politica.  Mex.,  1826; 
Cuenta  de  la  Fdbrica  de  la  Alhdndiga  de  Granaditas.  MS.,  1809.  folio; 
Esposicion  que  el  Sup.  Gobr.  Guan.,  1844;  Expediente  Instruido  sobre  el 
Establecimiento  de  un  Presidio  en  Atargea.  Guan.,  1848 ; Informe  que  de 
su  administration.  Guan.,  1826;  Informe  leido  por  Gobr  del  Estado. 
Mex.  [1853];  Memoria  del  Gobr-  Mex.  [1852];  ProgramadelasFunciones. 
Guan.,  1846;  Publica  Vindicacion  del  Ayuntamiento  de  Santa  F6.  Mex., 
1811;  Representacion  que  el  Ayuntamiento.  Guan.,  1840;  Segunda  Certd- 
men  juridico  y literario.  Mex.,  1852. 

Guardia  (J.  M.),  Les  Rdpubliques  de  1’  Amdrique  Espagnole.  Paris,  1862. 

Guazacoalco,  Colonie  du,  Dans  L’Etat  de  Vera  Cruz.  Paris,  1829;  Notes 
pour  servir  destruction.  Paris,  n.d. 

Giiemes  y Horcasitas  (Juan  Francisco),  Banco  de  Mineros.  Mexico,  1747.  4to. 

Guenot  (Estevan),  Proyecto  de  utilidad  comun.  Mexico,  1839.  4to. 

Guerra  (Diego),  Memorial  al  Rey  sobre  Religiosos.  [Mexico,  1631.]  folio. 

Guerra  (Jos6),  Historia  de  la  Revolucion  de  Nueva  Espana.  Londres,  1813. 
2 vols. 


lviii 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


Guerra  (Juan  Alvarez),  Modo  de  extinguir  la  Deuda  Fublica.  Mexico,  1814. 

Guerra  de  Espaua  con  Mejico,  Segundo  Articulo.  Paris,  1857. 

Guerra  Eterna  & este  Congreso.  [Mexico,  1833.] 

Guerra  entre  Mexico  y los  Estados-Unidos,  Apuntes  para  la  Historia  de. 
Mexico,  1848. 

Guerra  & todo  militar  oficinista.  Mexico,  1821. 

Guerrero,  Constitucion  politica  del  Jun.  1851.  [Guerrero,  1851.]  El  Estado 
de  Guerrero  en  la  Exposicion  Nacional,  1870.  Mexico,  1870;  Memoria 
presentada  d Legislatura.  Chilpancingo,  1872;  Noticia  extraord.  de  la 
Muerte.  Mex.,  1823.  folio. 

Guerrero  (Isidoro),  Exposicion  Corta.  Mexico,  1874. 

Guerrero  (Jose  Maria),  Dictdmen  Teoldgico  contra  el  ensayo  sobre  tolerancia 
religiosa.  Mexico,  1831. 

Guerrero  (Mariano  Soto),  Proclama  d favor  de  todos  los  buenos  y contra  todos 
los  malos.  Mexico,  1812. 

Guerrero  (Vicente),  A los  ciudadanos  militares.  Mexico.  [1821.]  folio.  Ex- 
pulsion of  Spaniards.  4to.  Ilustres  habitantes  de  la  gran  Mexico. 
[Mexico,  1822],  folio;  Manifiesto  d sus  compatriotas.  Mexico,  1829;  El 

* Presidente  de  los  Estados-Unidos  Mex.,  Compatriotas.  Mexico,  1829. 
El  Presidente  de  la  Republica.  Mex.,  1829.  folio;  Proclamacion.  Mex., 
1822.  folio;  El  Soberano  Estado  de  Oajaca.  Oajaca,  1833.  4to;  Suma- 
ria  Averiguacion.  Oaxaca,  1831.  folio. 

Guevara  (Balthazar  Ladron  de),  Maniliesto,  que  el  Real  Convento  de  Religio- 
sas.  [Mex.]  1771.  4to. 

Guevara  (Juan),  Proceso  contra.  MS. 

Guevara  (Miguel  Tadeo  de),  Sumario  de  las  Indulgencias.  Mexico,  1787. 

Guia  de  Hacienda  de  la  Rep.  Mex.  auo  de  1827.  [Mexico,  1827.] 

Guia  para  cl  conocimiento  de  monedas  y medidas.  Mexico,  1825. 

Guridi  (Jos<5  Miguel),  Apologia  de  la  aparicion  de  Nuestra  Seuora  de  Guada- 
lupe. Mexico,  1820. 

Guridi  y Alcoccr  (Jos6  Miguel),  Sermon  predicado  en  accion  de  gracias. 
Mexico,  1808. 

Guridi  y Alcocer  (Josd  Miguel),  Exhortacion  que  para  el  Juramento  de  la  Con- 
stitucion en  la  Parroquia  delSagrario.  Mexico,  1820. 

Guridi  y Aleva  (Jos<5  Mai-ia),  Ley  Justicia  y Verdad.  Mexico,  1828. 

Gutierrez  (Bias.  J. ),  de  Reforma.  Mexico,  1808. 

Gutierrez  (Josii  Ign.),  Contestacion  al  libelo  intitulado  “Apuntes  para  la  His- 
toria.” Mex.,  1850;  Documentos  justicativos  de  la  conducta  piiblica 
1810-21.  Mex.,  1850;  Vota  4 favor  de  los  primeros  caudillos  de  la  lib- 
ertad  Americana.  [Mex.]  1822.  4to. 

Gutierrez  de  Estrada  (J.  M.),  Algunas  observaciones  sobre  el  oficio  que  con 
feclia  22  de  Julio.  Mex.,  1835;  Carta  al  Presidente  sobre  la  necesidad 
de  buscar  el  remedio.  Mex.,  1840;  Discurso  pronunciado  en  el  palacio 
de  Miramar.  Paris,  1803;  Documentos  relativos  4 la  separacion  de  la  la 

• sec.  de  Estado.  Mex.,  1S35;  Mejico  y el  Archiduque  Fern.  Max.  Paris, 
1802;  Mejico  en  1840  y en  1847.  Paris,  1S48;  Mexico  y el  Archiduque 
Maximiliano.  Mex.,  1803.  4to. 

Gutierrez  de  Villanueva  (Jos6),  Discurso  20  de  Abril  de  1834.  Mejico, 
1830. 

Guzman  (Jos<5  Marla),  Breve  y sencilla  narracion  del  Viage.  Mexico,  1837. 

Guzman  (Leon),  Cuatro  Palabras  sobre  el  asesinato  del  seiior  General  D.  Juan 
Zuazua.  Monterey,  1800. 

Guzman  (S.  M.  Gozalo  de),  Carta  que  escribe  4 8 de  Marzo  de  1529.  In  Pa- 
checo and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc.,  tom.  xiii. 

H.  (R.  G.),  Memoria  sobre  la  Propiedad  Eclesidstica.  Mexico,  1804. 

Hacienda,  Real  Decreto  para  el  Establecimiento  del  General  sistema  de. 
Mexico,  1817. 

Hale  (J.  P. ),  Speech  on  increase  of  army  in  Mexico.  Jan.  6,  1848.  Wash- 
ington, 1848. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED.  lix 

Hall  (Basil),  Voyage  au  Chili,  au  PtSrou  et  au  Mdxique.  1820-22.  Paris, 
1834.  2 vols. 

Hall  (Frederic),  Invasion  of  Mexico  by  the  French.  New  York,  1808. 

Hall  (Frederic),  Life  of  Maximilian  I.  New  York,  1868. 

Hall  (Wm.  M.),  Speech  in  favor  of  a National  Railroad  to  the  Pacific,  July 
7,  1S47.  New  York,  1853. 

Halleck  (H.  W.),  Mining  Laws  of  Spain  and  Mexico.  San  Francisco,  1859. 

Hamersley  (L.  R.),  Records  of  living  officers  of  U.  S.  Navy.  Philadelphia, 
1870. 

Hardy  (Lieut.  R.  W.  H.),  Travels  in  the  Interior  of  Mexico.  London,  1829. 

Haro  (Benito),  Memoria  justificada  de  la  conducta.  Mexico,  1857. 

Haro  y Tamariz  (Antonio  de),  A sus  compatriotas.  n.pl.,  1850;  Esposicion 
dirige  & sus  Conciudadanos  y Opiniones  del  autor  sobre  la  monarquia 
constitucional.  Mex.,  1846;  Estracto  del  Espediente  sobre  deuda  Este- 
rior.  Mex.,  1846. 

Hart  (Charles),  Remarks  on  Tabasco.  Philadelphia,  1867. 

Haven  (Gilbert),  Our  Next-Door  Neighbor.  New  York,  1875. 

Haven  (S.  G.),  Remarks  on  Ten  Million  Mexican  Treaty  Bill,  June  27,  1854. 
Washington,  1S54. 

Hay  (Guillermo),  Apuntes  geogrdficos,  estadisticos  6 histdricos  del  distrito  de 
Texcoco.  Mexico,  1866. 

Hayes  (Benjamin),  Mexican  Laws.  Notes  on.  MS. 

Hazart  (Comelium),  Kirchen-Geschichte.  Wien,  1678-84.  2 vols.  folio. 

Hefeld  (Dr-),  Le  Cardinal  Ximenes  Franciscain  et  la  situation  de  l’Eglise  en 
Espagne.  Paris,  1856. 

Heller  (Carl  B.),  Mexico.  Wien,  1864. 

Heller  (Carl  B.),  Reisen  in  Mexikoin  den  jahren  1845-8.  Leipzig,  1853. 

Helps  (Arthur),  The  Conquerors  of  the  New  World  and  their  Bondsmen. 
London,  1848-52.  2 vols. 

Helps  (Arthur),  Life  of  Hernando  Cortds.  New  York,  1871.  2 vols. 

Helps  (Arthur),  The  Life  of  Las  Casas.  Philadelphia,  1868. 

Helps  (Arthur),  The  Spanish  Conquest  in  America.  London,  1855-61.  4 vols.; 
also  New  York,  1856.  2 vols. 

Henley  (Thomas  J. ),  The  War  with  Mexico.  Speech  in  U.  S.  House  of  Rep., 
Jan.  26,  1848.  Washington,  1S48. 

Henriquez  (Martin),  Instruccion  25  de  Setiembre  de  1580.  In  Pacheco  and 
Cdrdcnas,  Col.  Doc.,  tom.  iii. 

Henry  (Capt.  W.  S. ),  Campaign  Sketches  of  the  War  with  Mexico.  New 
York,  1847. 

Heraldo  (El).  Mexico,  1848  et  seq. 

Heredia  (.Jos<5  M.),  Miscelanea,  Periodico  Critico  y Literario.  Tlalpam,  1829; 
Poesia  inddita.  Mex.,  1848;  Poesias.  Mex.,  1852;  Sila,  Tragedia  en 
Cinco  Actos.  Mex. , 1825. 

Heredia  y Sarmiento  (Josef  Ignacio),  Oracion  funebre  que  en  las  solemnes  ex- 
equias.  Mexico,  1808. 

Heredia  y Sarmiento  (Jos.  Ign.),  Sermon  Panegirico  de  la  gloriosa  aparicion 
de  Nuestra  Senora  de  Guadalupe  12  de  Die,  de  1801.  MS.  Mexico,  1803. 

Hermosa  (Jesus),  Enciclopedia  Popular  Mejicana.  Paris,  1857. 

Hermosilla  (J.  G.),  El  Jacobinismo.  Mejico,  1834.  3 vols. 

Hernandez  (Francisco),  Nova  Plantarvm  Animalivm  et  Mineralivm  Mex.  his- 
toria.  Romae,  1651.  4to. 

Hernandez  (Gregorio),  Causa  de  Poligamia  ante  el  Tribunal  de  la  Inquisicion 
en  Mexico.  MS.,  1771 — 4.  folio. 

Hernandez  (Josd  Geronimo),  Grande  Empresa  de  Minas.  Mejico,  1861. 

Hernandez  (Josd  Maria  Perez),  Compendio  de  la  Geografia  del  Estado  de 
Michoacan  de  Ocampo.  Mexico,  1872. 

Hernandez  (Josd  Maria  Perez),  Estadistica  de  la  Republica  Mejicana.  Guada- 
lajara, 1862. 

Hernandez  y Ddvalos  (J.  E.),  Estado  de  Jalisco.  In  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Bole- 
tin,  2a.  Ep.  iii. 


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AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


Herrera  (Antonio  de),  Description  de  las  Indias  Occidentals.  Madrid,  1730. 
folio. 

Herrera  (Antonio  de),  Historia  General  de  los  Hechos  de  los  Castellanos  en 
las  Islas  i Tierra  Firme  del  Mar  Oc6ano.  Madrid,  1001.  4to.  4 vols.; 
also  edition  Madrid,  1726-30.  folio. 

Herrera  (J.  Antonio  de),  Vindicacion  que  hace  de  los  cargos  del  Senor  D. 
Placido  Vega.  Durango,  1861. 

Herrera  (Jos6  J.  de),  Breves  Ideas  sobre  el  arreglo  provisional  para  el  Ej6rcito 
Mexicano.  Mex.,  1845;  Discurso  al  prestar  el  juramento  para  entrar  al 
ejercicio  de  la  presidencia.  Mex.,  1845;  Ley  org.lnica  de  la  guardia 
nacional.  Mex.,  1848;  Preyecto  de  estatuto  del  ej6rcito  Mexicano. 
Mexico,  1848. 

Herrera  y Gomez  (J.  M.  Fernandez  de),  Critica  sobre  las  Cartas  Americanas 
de  Rinaldo.  Quer6taro,  1820.  MS. 

Hidalgo,  La  Defensa  del  Cura,  n.pl.,  1811. 

Hidalgo  (D.  J.),  Apuntes  para  Escribir  la  Historia  de  los  Proyectos  de  Mon- 
arquia  en  Mexico.  Mex.,  1808;  Copia  del  Expediente  relativo  al  Lugar 
del  Nacimiento  del.  Mex.,  1868. 

Hidalgo  y Costilla  (Miguel),  Biografia  del  Cura  de  Dolores.  Paris,  1869. 

llill  (S.  S. ),  Travels  in  Peru  and  Mexico.  London,  1860.  2 vols. 

Hillard  (G.  S. ),  Life  and  Campaigns  of  G.  B.  McClellan.  Philadelphia,  1864. 

Hilliard,  Speech  on  the  Mexican  War,  in  U.  S.  House  of  Rep.,  Jan.  5,  1847. 
Washington,  1847. 

Historia  de  la  Milagrosa  Imagen  de  Nuestra  Senora  del  Pueblito,  etc. 
n.pl.,  n.d. 

Histoire  de  l’Empire  Mexicain  represents  par  figures.  Paris,  1696. 

Hittell  (John  S.),  History  of  Culture.  New  York,  1875. 

Holmes  (E.  B. ),  Speech  on  Mexican  War,  June  18,  1846.  Washington,  1846. 

Hospicio  de  Pobres,  Ordenanzas  para  el  gobierno.  Mex.,  1806;  Sobre  Es- 
tablecimiento  del.  Mex.,  1774. 

Hospicios  de  Filipinas,  Documentos  Interesantes  para  saber  el  origen  de  los 
bienes,  etc.  Mexico,  1832. 

Hospital  Civil  de  Valencia,  Reglamento  general,  n.pl.,  n.d. 

Hospital  del  Divino  Salvador,  Manifiesto  que  la  Junta  de  Beneficencia  del. 
Mexico,  1844. 

Hospital  de  Indios,  Constituciones.  Mexico,  1778. 

Hospital  para  la  Tropa,  Instruccion  y metodo  con  que  se  ha  de  establecer. 
Mexico,  1774.  4to. 

Hospital  Real  y general,  Constituciones,  y Ordenanzas.  Mexico,  1778.  4to. 

Houston,  Speech  in  United  States  Senate  April  20,  1858.  n.pl.,  n.d. 

Houston  (Sam),  Letter  to  General  Santa  Anna.  Washington,  1852. 

Houston  (Sam),  Speech  in  United  States  Senate,  February  19,  1847. 

Howard  (Volney  E.),  Speech  in  U.  S.  House  of  Rep.,  July  6,  1852.  Wash- 
ington, 1852. 

Hotvitt  (Mary),  History  of  the  U.  S.  New  York,  1860.  2 vols. 

Huasteca,  Noticias  Estadisticas  de  la  Huasteca.  Mexico,  1869. 

Hudson  (Charles),  Speech  in  U.  S.  House  of  Rep.,  December  16,  1846;  Feb- 
13,  1S47.  n.pl.,  n.d. 

Huerta  (Epitacio),  Apuntes  para  servir  4 la  Historia  de  los  Defensores  de 
Puebla.  Mexico,  1868. 

Huesca  (Manuel  Gutierrez  de),  Respiracion  de  gratitud  que  un  Presbytero 
Americano.  MS. 

Humboldt  (Alex,  de),  Essai  Politique  sur  le  Royaume  de  la  Nouvelle  Espagne. 
Paris,  1811.  folio.  2 vols.  and  atlas. 

Humboldt  (Alex,  de),  Examen  Critique  de  l’histoire  de  la  Geographic  du 
Nouveau  Continent.  Paris,  1836-9.  5 vols. 

Humboldt  (Alex.),  Letters  to  Vamhagan  von  Ense.  New  York,  1860. 

Humboldt  (Alex.),  Life,  Travels  and  Books.  New  York,  1859. 

Humboldt  (Alex.),  Political  Essay  on  New  Spain.  Translated  by  John 
Black.  London,  1814. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


1x1 


Humboldt  (Alex.),  Tablas  Estadisticas  del  Reyno  de  Nueva  Espafia  en  el 
ano  de  1803.  n.p.,  n.d. 

Humboldt  (Alex,  de),  Versuch  iiber  den  politischen  Zustand  des  Konigreichs 
Neu-Spanien.  Tiibingen,  1809. 

Humboldt  (Alex.),  Volcans  des  Cordilleres  de  Quito  et  du  Mexique.  Paris, 
1854. 

Ibanez  (Manuel  de),  Coleccion  de  poesias  escogidas.  Querdtaro,  1802.  MS. 

Ibar  (Francisco),  Muerte  politica  de  le  Republica  Mexicana;  and  Regenera- 
cion  politica  de  la  Republica  Mexicana.  Mexico,  1829-30,  2 vo's. 

Icazbalceta  (Joaquin  Garcia),  Coleccion  de  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de 
Mexico.  Mexico,  1858-66.  folio.  2 vols. 

Idea  Mercurial  y descripcion  breve  de  la  plausible  jura.  Mexico,  1761.  4to. 

Ideas  necesarias  ii  todo  pueblo  Americano.  Philadelphia,  1821. 

Ideas  necesarias  4 todo  pueblo  Americano  que  quiere  ser  libre.  Puebla,  1823. 

Iglesia  de  Chiapas,  Observaciones  que  hace  la  Iglesia  Catedral  del.  Mexico, 
1826. 

Iglesia  Catedral  de  la  Puebla  de  Los  Angeles,  Reglas  y Ordenanzas  del  choro. 
Puebla,  1731. 

Iglesia  de  Guadalaxara,  Fundacion  y descripcion.  Mexico,  1S65. 

Iglesia  Metropolitano  de  Mexico,  Carta  pastoral  Sept.  10,  1811.  Mexico, 
1811. 

Iglesia  PaiToquial  de  San  Miguel,  Privilegios  y Gracias  singulares  que  goza 
esta.  Mexico,  1844. 

Iglesias  (Antonio  de  San  Miguel),  Relacion  seneilla  del  funeral  y exequias. 
Mexico,  1805. 

Iglesias  (J.  M.),  Revistas  Historicas  sobre  la  Intervencion  Francesa.  Mexico, 
1867.  3 vols. 

Iglesias  (Jos4  M.)>,  Estudio  Constitucional  sobre  facultades  de  la  Corte  de 
Justicia.  Mex.,  1874;  Manifiesto  del  Presidente  Interino  sobre  las  Nego- 
ciaciones  con  Diaz.  [Queretaro,  1876.] 

Iglesias  y Conventos  de  Mexico,  Relacion  descriptiva.  Mexico,  1863. 

Iguala,  Acta  Celebrada  en.  Mexico,  1821. 

Igualdad,  Cinco  articulos  sobre.  Mexico,  1850. 

Ilustracion  Mexicana  (La).  Mexico,  1851-3.  4 vols. 

Immaculada  Cocepcion,  Regia  y ordinaciones  de  las  Religiosas.  Mexico, 
1700. 

Imperio  de  Mexico.  A collection  relating  to  Maximilian’s  Empire. 

Importantes  Observaciones  sobre  los  Gravisimcs  Males  en  que  se  va  d ver  En- 
vuelta  la  Ration  como  resultado  del  decreto  de  10  del  Actual.  Mexico, 
1846. 

Impugnacion  d las  Cartas  de  D.  J.  M.  Gutierrez  Estrada  sobre  el  Proyecto  de 
Establecer  en  Mejico  una  Monarquia  moderada.  Mejico,  1840. 

Incitativa  de  un  Espanol  Americano  d todos  los  Espanoles  Ultramarinos  que 
se  hallan  en  la  Peninsula.  Mexico,  1820. 

Incitativa  de  un  Mejicano  d todos  los  Espanoles  en  defensa  de  la  que  se  pub- 
lied  en  la  peninsula.  Mexico,  1820. 

Indicacion  del  Origen  de  los  Extra vios  del  Congreso  Mexicano.  Mexico,  1822. 

Indicador  (El),  de  la  Federation  Mejicana.  Mejico,  1833-4.  3 vols. 

Indulgences  perpetuas  concedidas  d los  congregantes.  Mexico,  1793. 

Industria  National,  Reglainento  de  una  sociedad  para  el  fomento.  Mex. 
1839;  Representation  dirigida  al  Presidente  Provisional.  Meg.  1843. 

Infante  (Joaquin),  Solucion  d la  cuestion  de  derecho  sobre  la  Emancipation  de 
la  America.  Cddiz,  1821. 

Informacion  sobre  aranceles  en  las  doctrinas.  MS.  1749.  folio. 

Informe  de  la  Comision  nombrada  para  la  reconocimiento  del  teatro  de  Santa- 
Anna.  Mexico,  1843. 

Informe  Critico-legal  dado  al  muy  ilustre  y venerable  Cabildo.  Mexico,  1835. 

Infoime  en  Estrados  en  Defensa  de  los  Empleados  de  la  Aduana  Maritima  de 
San  Lias.  Mexico,  1843. 


Ixii 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


Informc  Secreto  al  Pueblo  Soberano.  Mexico,  1833. 

Informes  en  dereclio,  a Collection. 

Inge  (S.  W.),  Speech  in  U.  S.  House  of  Rep.,  March  22,  1848.  n.pl.  n.d. 

Inigo  (Josef),  Funeral  Gratitud  con  que  la  religiosa  comunidad.  Puebla,  1774. 

Inquisicion,  a Collection. 

Inquisieion,  Apologia.  Mexico,  1811. 

Inquisicion,  Informe  sobre  el  Tribunal.  Mexico,  1813. 

Inquisicion,  Memorial  Santa.  Mexico,  1821.  , 

Inquisicion  de  Espafia,  Anecdota  importante.  Mejico,  1820. 

Inquisicion  Mexicana,  Epitome  Sumario  de  las  Personas,  assi  vivas,  como 
difuntas,  que  se  han  penitenciado.  [Mexico],  1659. 

Inquisicion  y pub’ica  declaracion  testamento  y ultima  voluntad  de  la  Santa 
Inquisicion.  Mexico,  1850. 

Inquisidores  fiscales,  Reglas  y Constituciones.  Mexico.  1659.  4to. 

Inquisidores.  Nos  los  Inquisidores  contra  la  her6tica  pravedad,  y apostasia, 
en  este  ciudad.  Mexico,  1738. 

Instituta  Congregationis  Oratorii  S.  Mariae  in  Vallicella  de  Urbe.  Mexici, 
1830. 

Instituto  de  Ciencias,  Literatura  y Artes,  Memorias.  Mex.,  1826;  Regla- 
mcnto.  Mex.,  1825. 

Instituto  Nacional  de  Gcografia  y Estadistica,  Boletin.  See  Sociedad  Mexi- 
cana, etc.,  its  later  name. 

Instituto  Religioso,  Dcfensa.  Mexico,  1820. 

Instruccion  de  los  comisionados  de  la  direocion  general  y juzgado  privativo  de 
Alcabalas  y Pulques  del  Reyno.  Mexico,  1783.  4to. 

Instruccion,  Formada  eu  virtud  de  Real  Orden  de  S.  M.,  que  se  dirige  al 
Sefior  Comandante  General  de  Provincias  Internas  Don  Jacobo  Ugarte  y 
Loyola.  Mexico,  17S6. 

Instruccion  para  la  Infanteria  ligera  Ejdrcito  Mexicano.  Mexico,  1841. 

Instruccion  pastoral  del  ilustrisimo  Arzobispo  de  Paris,  Mexico,  1822. 

Instruccion  Provisional  para  los  Comisarios  Generales  que  han  de  Adminis- 
trar  los  Ramos  de  la  Hacienda  Piiblica.  Mexico,  1824. 

Instruccion  que  se  rcmite  de  drden  de  Su  Majestad  A las  Juntas  de  Temporal- 
idades  cstablecidas  en  los  dominios  de  Indias.  Madrid,  1784. 

Instruccion  sobre  el  cultivo  de  moreras  y cria  de  gusanos.  Mexico,  1830.  4to. 

Instrucciones  de  los  Vireycs  de  Nueva  Espafia.  Mexico,  1867. 

Insurreccion  de  1810.  A Collection. 

Insurrcccion  de  Nueva  Espafia,  Resumen  Historico.  Mexico,  1821. 

Intendentes  de  Exfircito  y Provincia,  Real  Ordenanza.  Madrid,  1786. 

Intendentes  de  Provincias  y ExArcitos,  Ordenanza  de  13  de  .Octubre  de 
1749.  Madrid,  1749.  folio. 

Intervencion  Europea  en  Mejico.  Paris,  1859;  Philadelphia,  1859. 

Interference  of  the  British  Government  in  the  dispute  between  Spain  and 
her  American  colonics.  MS. 

Iriarte  (Francisco),  Contestacion  A la  expresion  de  agravios.  Mex.,  1832; 
Manifiesto  A los  pueblos  de  la  Republica  Mejicana.  Mejico,  1829. 

Iriarte  (Francisco  Suarez),  Defensa,  21  de  Marzo  de  1850.  Mexico,  1850. 

Iris  Espanol  (El).  Mexico,  1820  et  seq. 

Isabel  la  Catolica,  Institucion  de  la  Real  6rden  Americana.  Mexico,  1816. 

Itta  (Joseph  Mariano  Gregorio),  Dia  festiva  Propio  para  el  Culto.  Mexico, 
1744. 

Iturbide  (Agustin),  Breve  disefio  critico  de  la  emancipacion  y libertad  de  la 
nacion  Mexicana.  Mexico,  1827. 

Iturbide  (Agustin),  Breve  manifiesto.  Mexico,  1821. 

Iturbide  (Agustin),  Carrera  Militar  y Politica.  Mexico,  1827. 

Iturbide  (Agustin),  Carta  al  Pensador  Mexicano.  Mexico,  1821. 

Iturbide  (Agustin),  Cartas  de  los  Sefiores  Generales.  Mexico,  1821. 

Iturbide  (Agustin),  CatAstrofe  de  el  18  de  Mayo  de  1822.  Mexico,  1826; 
Paris,  1S25. 

Iturbide  (Agustin),  Del  grande  Iturbide.  Mexico,  1838. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


Ixiii 


Iturbide  (Agustin),  Denkwurdigkeiten  aus  dem  offentlichen  lebcn  des  kaisers 
von  Mexico.  Leipzig,  1824. 

Iturbide  (Agustin),  El  generalisimo  Almirante  4 los  habitantes  del  Imperio. 
Mexico,  1822. 

Iturbide  (Agustin  de),  El  generalisimo  Almirante  4 sus  conciudadanos.  Mex- 
ico, 1822. 

Iturbide  (Agustin  de),  El  Primer  gefe  del  ex6rcito  imperial.  Mexico,  1821. 

Iturbide  (Agustin  de),  Entrada  Publica  ej  Valladolid.  Mexico,  n.d. 

Iturbide  (Agustin),  M4moires  Autographes.  Paris,  1824. 

Iturbide  (Agustin),  Mejicanos.  Puebla,  1821. 

Iturbide  (Agustin),  Plan  publicado  en  Iguala  el  24  de  Febrero  de  1821.  Mex- 
ico, 1821. 

Iturbide  (Agustin),  Poblanos  ilustres.  Puebla,  n.d. 

Iturbide  (Agustin),  Primer  premio  general  concedido  4 los  senores  gefes  y 
oficiales.  Mexico,  1821 

Iturbide  (Agustin),  Proclama  El  primer  gefe  del  ej<5rcito  imperial  de  las  tres 
garantias.  Mexico,  1821. 

Iturbide  (Agustin),  Proclamacion,  dated  July  14,  1821.  Valladolid,  1821. 

Iturri  (Francisco),  Carta  Critica  sabre  la  liistoria  de  America  del  Senor  Juan 
Bautista  Munoz.  Madrid,  1798;  Puebla,  1829. 

Ixtlilxocliitl  (Fernando  de  Alva),  Cruautcs  Horribles  des  Conqu6rants  du 
Mexique.  In  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.,  scrie  i.,  tom.  viii. 

Ixtlilxoclii.l  Relaciones.  In  Kingsborough’s  Mex.  Antiq.,  vol.  ix. 

Izaguirre  (Pedro  de),  Relacion  de  los  sitios  y calidades  de  los  puertos  de  Ca- 
ballos.  MS.  1604-5.  folio. 

Jacob  (William),  Production  and  Consumption  of  the  Precious  Metals.  Lon- 
don, 1831. 

Jaillandier  (P.),  Extraite  d’une  Lettre  dattee  de  Pondichera  au  mois  de 
Fevrier.  Pondichera,  1711.  MS. 

Jalisco,  Arancel  para  el  cobro  de  derechos  judiciales  y curia  eclesi4stica. 
Quad. , 1S25 ; Buen  Tratamiento  de  Indios.  In  Pacheco  and  Cardenas, 
Col.  Doc.,  tom.  xiv. ; Comision  Permanente.  Guad.,  1867;  Constitution 
politica.  Guad.,  1824;  Contestaciones  liabidas.*  Guad.,  1825.  4to;  Dis- 
curso  del  Gobemador.  n.pl.  [18G7];  Documentos  Importantes.  Mex., 
1868;  Documentos  oficiales  de  la  Comandancia.  Guad.,  1834.  4to;  Doc- 
umentos Oficiales  de  la  Revolucion.  Guad.,  1852;  Dictamen  presentado 
por  la  comision  de  Hacda.  Guad.,  1829;  Esposicion  4 Congreso.  Mex., 
1832.  4to;  Memoria  histdrica  de  los  sucesos  mas  notables  de  la  conquista 
particular  de  Jalisco.  Guad.,  1833;  Memoria  presentada  por  el  Gober- 
nador.  Guad.,  1857 ; Memoria  que  el  Exmo  Gob.  del  Estado  el  dia  1°  de 
Sept,  de  1S47.  Guad.,  1848;  Memoria  sobre  el  Estado  actual  de  la  ad- 
ministracion  Publica.  Guad.,  1826;  Noticias  Estadisticas.  Guad.,  1843; 
Patriotica  Iniciativa.  Guad.,  1844;  Reglamento  para  el  gov.  interior  del 
Cong.  Const.  [Guad.]  1824;  Revolution  de.  Guad.,  1852.  4to;  Santos 
Degollado.  Guad.,  1859;  Voto  general  de  los  pueblos  de  la  Provincia. 
[Mexico],  1823. 

Jay  (Guillermo),  Revista  de  las  causas  y consecuencias  de  la  Guerra  con  Mex- 
ico. Mexico,  1S50. 

Jay  (William),  Mexican  War.  Boston,  1849. 

Jenkins  (John  S. ),  History  of  Mexican  War.  Auburn,  1851 ; New  York,  1859. 

Jesuitas,  Cartas  escritas  por  el  Rey  al  papa,  extermino  de  los  jesuitas.  MS. 
1764-7. 

Jesuitas,  Colegio  de  San  Francisco  Xavier  noviciado  en  Tepotzotlan.  MS. 
1770.  folio. 

Jesuitas,  Constitucion  secreta.  Mexico,  1823. 

Jesuitas,  Documentos  y Obras  importantes.  Mexico,  1841.  2 vols. 

Jesuitas,  Instrucciones  Secretas.  MS. 

Jesus  Marla  (Nicolas  de),  La  Santidad  Derramada.  Mexico,  1748. 

Jesus  de  Atoclia  Silver  Mining  Co.,  Mex.  San  Francisco,  1863. 


lxiv 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


Jimenez  (Ldzaro),  Inquisidor  fiscal  de  este  Santo  Ofieio.  MS. 

Jimenez  (Manuel  Maria),  Apologia  de  la  Conducta  Militar  de  General  Santa- 
Anna.  Mex.,  1847. 

Jimenez  y Frias  (Jos.  Ant.),  El  F6nix  de  los  Mineros  ricos  de  la  America. 
Mexico,  1779.  4to. 

Jimenez  Pantoja  (Tomas),  Defensa  juridica.  n.pl,,  n.d.  folio. 

Jitneno  (Jos6),  Informe  dado  al  Supremo  Gobierno  sobre  la  Partida.  Mex., 
1837;  Opusculo  sobre  los  casqji  Reservados.  Mex.,  1810;  Declaracion 
breve  de  la  cartilla  que  manifiesta  las  heregias.  Mex.,  1811.  4to. 
Johnson  (Reverdy),  Speech  on  Three  Million  Bill,  Feb.  6,  1847.  Wash.  1847. 
Jones  (Charles  Lee),  Supplemental  Memorial  of,  in  relation  to  Capt.  Goo.  W. 
Hughes.  Washington,  1848. 

Jones  (Walter),  The  case  of  the  Battalion  stated.  Washington,  1847. 

Jordan  (John),  Serious  actual  Dangers  of  Foreigners  and  foreign  commerce  in 
the  Mexican  States.  Philadelphia,  1826. 

Jorry,  Historia  Univ.  de  la  Iglesia.  Mexico,  1854. 

Jourdanet  (D.),  Du  Mexique  au  point  de  vue  de  son  influence  sur  la  vie  de 
l’homme.  Paris,  1861. 

Jove  y Aguiar  (Jos 6 Alexandra),  Oracion  funebre  pronunciada  en  las  solemnes 
exequias  por  los  Espanoles.  Mexico,  1808. 

Juarez  (Benito),  Biografia.  Puebla,  1867. 

Judson  (E.  Z.  G.),  The  Volunteer;  or  the  Maid  of  Monterey.  Boston,  n.d. 

J uicio  de  Imprenta,  Documentos  relativos  al,  promovido  por  E.  Barron  contra 
B.  G.  Ferias.  Mexico,  1856. 

Juicio  de  los  Locos.  Puebla,  1S20. 

Juicio  de  un  Patriota  sobre  las  Diferentes  Opiniones  Politicas.  Mexico,  1823. 
Juicio  Privado  sobre  el  Dictamen  Presentado  al  Congreso  General.  Mexico, 
1824. 

Julien  (Antonio),  Trasformazione  dell ’America  o sia  trionfo  della  S.  Chiesa. 
Roma,  1790. 

Junta  Patri6tica,  Exposicion.  Mexico,  1850-8;  Reglamento.  Mex.,  1850. 
Junta  Provincial  de  Censura  al  Publico.  [Mexico,  1821.] 

Junta  de  Senoras,  Esposicion  que  hace  al  publico.  Mexico,  1840-1. 

Junta  Suprema  del  Reyno.  Mexico,  1810.  4to. 

Jurisdiccion  Ordinaria.  Defensa  de  los  Senores  Obispos  para  conocer  de  los 
negocios  de  los  regulares.  Mexico,  1841. 

Juzgados  de  Haeeduria,  In  Mexico,  Doc.  Ecles.  MS.  tom.  ii. 

Karsten  (D.  L.  G. ),  Tablas  Mineralbgicas  dispuestas  segun  los  descubrimientos. 
Mexico,  1804. 

Kendall  (Geo.  Wilkins),  The  War  between  the  United  States  and  Mexico. 
New  York,  1851.  folio. 

Kenly  (John  R.),  (Memoirs  of  a Maryland  Volunteer  in  the  Mexican  War. 
Philadelphia,  1873. 

Keratry  (Emil  G.),  Kaiser  Maximilians  Erliebung  und  Fall.  Leipzig,  1867. 
Keymolen  (Louis),  Manifeste  fesant  suite  ii  l’expos^  sur  le  proc6s  dit  de  Gal- 
linas.  Mexico,  1855. 

King  (Daniel  P.),  Speech  in  U.  S.  House  of  Rep.  Feb.  4,  1847.  Washington, 
1847. 

Kingsborough  (Lord),  Antiquities  of  Mexico.  London,  1831-48.  folio.  9vols. 
Kingsley  (Vine  Wright),  French  Intervention  in  Mexico.  New  York,  1863. 
Klemm  (Gustav),  Allgemeine  cultur  Geschichte  der  Menschkeit.  Leipzig, 
1847. 

Kollonitz  (Countess  Paula),  The  Court  of  Mexico.  London,  1867. 
Kottenkamp  (Franz),  Der  Unabhangigkeitskampf  der  Spanisch  - Amerika. 
Stuttgart,  1838. 

L.  (F. ),  Etudes  Historiques  sur  le  Mexique.  Paris,  1859. 

L.  P.  J.,  Memoria  para  los  Soldados  Mexicanos.  Mexico,  1833. 

Labarthe  (Charles  de),  Les  Sacrifices  liumains  au  Mexique.  Paris,  1862. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


lxv 


Lacombe  (H.  Mercier  de),  Le  Mexique  et  les  £tats-Unis.  Paris,  18G3. 

I .aounza  (Jose  Maria  de),  Discursos  Histdricos.  Mexico,  1845. 

Lacunza  (Juan  N.),  Ocho  dias  A dios.  Mexico,  1841.  4to. 

Lafragna  (J.  M.),  Memorandum  de  los  Negocios  Pendientes  entre  Mex.  yEs- 
pafta.  Poissy,  1857;  Negocios  Pendientes  entre  Mex.  y Espana.  Paris, 
185S. 

Lancaster- Jones  (Alfonso),  Documentos  importantes  del  Proceso  de  Gober- 
nador  Constitucional  de  Jalisco.  Mexico,  1SG8. 

Lanciego  y Eguilaz  (Joseph  de),  Carta  Pastoral  del  Arijobispo  de  Mexico. 
Mexico,  171G;  Oraciones  funebres  en  los  solemnes  exequias  del.  Mex- 
ico, 1728. 

Hindu  (Carlos  de),  Sobre  el  Sistema  Prohibitive.  Mexico,  1843.  4to. 
l.anda  (Diego  de),  Relation  des  choses  de  Yucatan.  Paris,  18G4. 

Langosta,  Dictamen  sobre  la,  presentado  porla  escuela  nacional  de  agricultura. 
Mexico,  1S56. 

Langsdorff  (G.  H.  von),  Voyage  and  travels  in  various  parts  of  the  world. 
Loudon,  1813. 

Lauuza  (Pedro  Josd),  Vindicaeion  del  General  Manuel  Rincon.  Mexico,  1840. 
l.arenaudifere,  El  Uni  verso  Pintoresco,  etc.  Paris,  1S46. 

1 arenaudidre,  Histoire  Abrdgde  de  l’origine  de  la,  Geographic.  Paris,  1828. 
1 .arena;; di fere,  Mexique  et  Guatemala.  Paris,  1843;  also  Paris,  1S47. 

Lures  (Teodosio),  Lecciones  de  derecho  administrative  dadas  en  el  Ateneo. 
Mexico,  1852. 

Laris  (Mariano  G.),  Discurso  civico  pronunciado  el  16  de  Setiembre,  1854. 
Morelia,  1S54. 

Larrainzar*  (Manuel),  Algunas  Ideas  sobre  la  historia  y manera  de  escribir  la 
de  Mexico.  Mexico,  1865.  4to;  La  Cuestion  de  Tehuantepec.  New 
York,  1852;  DietAmen  presentado  A la  Sociedad  de  Geog.  y Estad.  de  Mex. 
Mex.,  1865;  Estudios  sobre  la  Historia  de  America.  Mex.,  1875.  5vols; 
Noticia  ) iistorica  de  Soconusco.  Mexico,  1843. 

Larrafiaga  (Bruno  Joseph  de),  Poema  Herdyoco.  Mexico,  1804.  4to. 
Larrauaga  (Bruno  Francisco),  Prospecto  de  una  Eneida  Apostdlica  6 Epopeya. 
Mexico,  1788. 

Lascano  (M.),  Operaciones  militares  del  Ejdrcito  de  Oriente.  n.pl. , n.d. 

Las  Casas  (Bartolomd  de).  Breve  Relacion  de  la  Destruccion  de  las  Indias. 
Sevilla,  1822. 

Las  Casas  (Bartolomd  de),  Cartas,  Representaciones,  Asientos,  and  other 
Documents.  In  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc. , tom.  vii. 

Las  Casas  (Bartolomd  de),  Coleccion  de  las  Obras  del  Obispo  de  Chiapa.  [By 
Juan  Antonio  Llorente.]  Paris,  1822.  2 vols. 

Las  Casas  (Bartolomd  de),  Conqvista  dell’  Indie  Occidentali.  Venetia,  1G44. 
Las  Casas  (Bartolome  de),  Decouverte  des  Indias  Occidentales.  Paris,  1G97. 
Las  Casas  ( Bartolomei  de),  Extractos.  [From  his  Historia  de  las  Indias.]  MS. 
Las  Casas  (Bartolomd  de),  Historia  Apologdtica  de  las  Yndias  Occidentales. 
MS.  folio.  4 vols. 

Las  Casas  (Bartolomd  de),  Historia  de  Indias.  MS.  folio.  4 vols.;  also  edi- 
tion Madrid,  1875.  5 vols. 

Las  Casas  (Bartolomd  de),  Indio  Eselavo.  Puebla,  1821. 

Las  Casas  (Bartolomd  de),  Istoria  6 Breuissima  Relatione.  Venetia,  1630; 
also  Venetia,  1643. 

Las  Casas  ( Bartolomd  de),  Liberta  Pretesta  dal  suplice.  Venetia,  1640. 

Las  Casas  (Bartolomd  de),  CEuvres.  Paris,  1822.  2 vols. 

Las  Casas  (Bartolomd  de),  Real  Cddula.  In  Pacheco  and  CArdenas,  Col.  Doc., 
tom.  vii.;  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.,  serie  ii. , tom.  v.;  Florida,  Col.  Doc. 
Las  Casas  (Bartolomd  de),  Regionvm  Indicarum  per  Hispanos.  Heidelberg, 
1664. 

Las  Casas  (Bartolomd  de),  Relation  des  Voyages  et  des  Ddcouvertes.  Am- 
sterdam, 1698. 

Las  Casas  (Bartolomd  de),  Tyrannies  et  Crvavtez  des  Espagnols.  Anvers,  1579. 
Las  Casas  and  Valdivioso.  In  Cartas  de  Indias. 

Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  X.  5 


lxvi 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


Las  Casas  y la  Mota  (Lucas  de),  Memorial  relativo  al  gobiemo  de  la  Iglesia 
Catedral  de  Guadalajara.  Mexico,  1729.  folio. 

Las  Cruces,  Borderer.  Las  Cruces,  1872  et  seq. 

Laso  (Francesco),  El  Atlas  Abbreviado.  Amberes,  1711. 

Lassaya  (Juan  Lucas  de),  y Joaquin  Velasquez  de  Leon,  Representacion  que 
hacen  al  ltey  d nombre  de  la  mineria  de  Nueva  Espaiia.  Mexico,  1774.  folio. 

Lastarria  (J.  V.),  La  America.  Gante,  1867. 

Lato  Monte  (Ludovico  de),  Catecismo  de  la  Independence.  Mexico,  1821. 

Laurent  (Paul),  La  guerre  du  Mexique.  Paris,  1867. 

Ldzaro,  Carta  Pastoral  del  Arzobispo  de  Mexico.  Mexico,  1 855. 

Lazcano  (Francisco  Javier),  Vida  exemplar  y virtudes  heroicas  del  venerable 
padre  Juan  Antonio  de  Oviedo.  Mexico,  1760. 

Lazcano  (Francisco  Xavier),  Honras  funerales  que  al  R.  P.  Doeur.  Mexico, 
1763. 

Lazcano  (Francisco  Xavier),  Opusculum  Theophilosophicum  de  principatu  seu 
antelatione.  Mexico,  1750.  * 

Lazcano  (Francisco  Xavier),  Oratio  funebris  que  regia  au  Pontifica.  Mexico, 
1763. 

Lazcano  (Francis  Xavier),  Sermon  funebre.  Mexico,  1763. 

Lazcano  (Marcial),  Manifestacion  que  el  Gral  hace  al  publico.  Mexico,  1S58. 

Lazcano  (M.),  Operacioues  Militares  del  Ejercito  de  Oriente.  Vera  Cruz,  1867. 

Lebrija  y Ban-era,  Breves  Reflesciones  sobre  el  analisis  que  ban  formado. 
Mexico,  1841. 

Lebrija  y Ban-era,  Replica  de  d los  Sefiores  de  la  Compania  Empresaria  de  la 
renta  nacional  del  tabaco. . Mexico,  1841. 

Lebron  y Cuervo  (Joseph),  Apologia  Jurldica  de  los  derechos  que  tiene  el 
Sefior  Conde  de  Santiago  del  Pueblo  de  Calemaya,  etc.  Mexico,  1779.  4to. 

Lecliuga  (Antonio  Fernandez),  Dedicatoria  4 Don  P.  Arias  de  Mora  Guzman 
y Caballero.  Mexico,  1675.  4to. 

Lee  (Alfred),  The  Reformation  in  Mexico,  n.pl.,  n.d. 

Lefevre  (E. ),  Documentos  Oficiales  recogidos  en  la  Secretaria  Privada  de  Maxi- 
miliano,  Historia  de  la  Intervencion.  Bruselas,  etc.,  1869.  2 vols. 

Lefevre  (E. ),  Le  Mexique  et  l’intervention  Europdenne.  Mexico,  1862. 

Leggett  (Aaron),  Claims  upon  the  Mex.  Govt.  Washington,  1848. 

Lejalde,  Segunda  Probanza,  In  Ieazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  tom.  ii. 

Lempriere  (Charles),  Notes  on  Mexico  in  1861-2.  London,  1862. 

Leon,  Acta  Municipal  July  13,  1865.  n.pl.,  n.d;  El  Ayuntamiento  de,  pide 
la  ereccion  del  Estado  del  Centro.  Mex.,  1870;  La  Municipalidad  de, 
solemniza  la  memoria  de  su  Independence.  Leon,  1871. 

Leon  (Antonio  de),  Contestacion  del  Ciudadano.  Oaxaca,  1841. 

Leon  (Antonio  de),  Tratado  de  confirmaciones  Reales  de  Encomiendas,  Oficios 
icasos.  Madrid,  1630. 

Leon  (Francisco  Leon  de),  Hemandia.  Triumphos  de  la  f6  y gloria  de  las 
armas  Espaiiolas.  Poema  Heroyco.  Madrid,  1755. 

Leon  (Joachin  Velasquez  de),  Explicacion  de  los  adornos.  Mexico,  1771.  4to. 

Leon  (Jos6  R.  G.),  El  Cura  de  Santiago  de  Queretaro  4 sus  fieles  habitantes. 
[Queretaro,  1810.] 

Leon  (Juan  Domingo  de),  Sermon  de  la  purissima.  Mexico,  1719. 

Leon  (Joaquin  Velasquez),  Comentarias  de  las  Ordenanzas  de  Mineria.  MS. 

Leon  (Martin  de),  Manval  breve  y forma  de  administrar.  Mexico,  1640. 

Leon  (Rodriguez  de),  Panegyrico  Avgvsto  Castellano  Latino  al  Serenissimo 
Infante.  Mexico,  1639. 

Leon  (Joseph  Antonio  Ponce  de),  La  Abeja  de  Michoacan.  Mexico,  1752. 

Leon  (Joseph  Antonio  Ponce  de),  La  azucena  entre  Espinas  sobre  sentada  en 
la  vida  y virtudes  de  la  madre  Luisa  de  Santa  Catarina.  Mexico,  1 750. 

Leon  (Nicolas  Ponce  de),  Historia  de  la  singular  vida  del  venerable  hemiano 
Cristoval  de  Molina.  Puebla,  1686. 

Leon  y Gama  (Antonio  de),  Carta  que  sobre  las  Observaciones  criticas,  etc. 
MS.  [1792];  Descripcion  histdrica  de  las  dos  Piedras.  Mex.,  1832;  In- 
struCcion  sobre  el  remedio  de  las  Lagartijas.  Mex.,  1782. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


lxvii 


Lerdo  (Francisco),  Esposicion  sobre  el  Juicio.  Mexico,  1849. 

Lerdo  (Ignacio  Maria),  Esposicion  del  Doctor  Lerdo  contra  las  observaciones 
del  Pensador  Mexicano.  Mexico,  1S'2G. 

Lerdo  de  Tejada  (Francisco),  Esposicion  sobre  Administracion  de  la  Aduaua 
Maritima  de  Mazatlan.  Mexico,  1S49. 

Lerdo  de  Tejada  (Miguel  M. ),  Apuntes  Ilistoricos  de  la  Herdica  Ciudad  tie 
Vera  Cruz.  Mexico,  1S50-5.  5 parts. 

Le  Saint  (L.),  Guerre  du  Mexique.  Lille,  n.d. ; Paris,  18G7. 

Letran  (San  Juan  de),  La  Junta  Catedrdtica  Directi  va  del  Nacional  y priin- 
itivo  Colegio  de  Mexico.  Mexico,  18.30. 

Levanto  (Leonardo),  Crisis  Americana.  Madrid,  1741.  folio. 

Leyes,  Varias  Anotaciones  d muchas  leyes  de  Indias.  n.pl.,  n.d.  MS. 

Leyes  y Ordenan^as  Nuevamente  heclias  por  su  Magestad,  para  la  gouemaciS 
de  las  Indias.  Valladolid,  1603.  folio. 

Leyes  y Ordenanzas.  Madrid.  [1581.] 

Lexarza  (F.  Manuel),  Espulsion  de  los  Padres  Jesuitas  y Vida  comun  de  las 
Monjas.  n.pl.,  1763.  MS.  folio. 

Lezama  (Josd  de),  Exlxortacion  de  Paz  que,  descubierta  la  infame  revolucion  de 
tierra.  Mexico,  1811.  small  4to. 

Liberalismo  y susExectos  en  la  Republics  Mexicana.  Mexico,  1858. 

Libertad  de  Imprcnta  Defendida.  Puebla,  1821.  fylio;  Delensa.  Mej.,1821; 
Prohibida.  Mcj.,  1S20;  Triunfo  de  la  Mex.  1S21.  folio. 

Libro  de  Cabildo,  Copia  tie  la  mayor  parte.  1521-9. 

Libro  de  las  Constituciones.  Mexico,  1796. 

Liccaga  (JostS  Maria  de),  Adiciones  y rectificaciones  d la  Historia  de  Mexico. 
Guanajuato,  1868. 

Liceo  Mexicano.  Mexico,  1844.  2vols. 

Limon  (Ildefoust  Gomez),  Sermon  que  en  la  exaltacion  del  Senor  Carlos  IV., 
Mexico,  1791.  Mexico,  1791. 

Linares  (Duque  de,  Virey  de  Mex.),  Instruccion  d su  Sucesor.  n.pl.,  1716. 
MS.  folio. 

Linares  (Obispo  de),  Aclaraciones  sobre  la  circular  que  espidid  en  Tampico  d 
10  de  Oetubre  del  corriente  aiio.  Mexico,  1SG0.  4to. 

Linati(C.),  Costumes  du  Mexique.  Bruxelles,  n.d.  4to. 

Linieres  (Eduardo  Enrique  Teodorode  Turreau),  Plan  de  los  Establecimientos 
y Estatutos  Generates  de  la  Compafiia  Mcxicana  Cientifica.  Mexico,  1S35. 

Lintcma  Mdgica  6 semanario  fisonomico.  Mexico,  1822. 

Liot  (W.  B. ),  Panamd,  Nicaragua  and  Tehuantepec.  London,  1849. 

Lippard  (George),  Legends  of  Mexico.  Philadelphia,  1847. 

Lista  de  los  individuos  matriculados  en  el  colegio  de  abogados.  Mexico, 
1807. 

Lista  Interina  de  los  informantes  contra  las  victimas  de  la  noche  del  10  y 11 
de  Mayo  de  1814.  [Mexico,  1820.] 

Livermore  (Abiel  Abbott),  The  war  with  Mexico  reviewed.  Boston,  1S50. 

Lizana  (Xavier  de),  Andnimo  contra  su  pastoral.  MS.  1803. 

Lizana  y Beaumont  (Francisco),  Carta  Gratulatoria.  Mexico,  1S10;  Carta 
pastoral  que  dirige  d su  clero  sobre  la  santidad  del  estado.  Mex.,  1807; 
Elogios  Latino  y Castellano  20  y 21  de  Julio  de  1812.  Mex.,  1813;  Ex- 
hortacion  del  Arzobispo  de  Mex.  d sus  fieles.  Mex.,  1810;  Sermon  el 
dia  18  de  Agosto  de  1808.  Mex.,  1808. 

Lizana  y Beaumont  (Francisco)  Cartas  Pastorales,  A collection. 

Lizardi  (J.  J.  Fernandez  de),  Advertencias  Necesarias  para  la  Eleccion  de 
Diputados  del  Futuro  Congreso.  Mex.,  1S23;  Contestacion  del  pensador 
d la  carta  que  se  dice  dirigida  d el  Coronel  D.  Augustin  Iturbide.  Mex., 
1821;  Noches  Tristes.  Mex.,  ISIS;  Pensador  Mexicano.  Mex.,  1813, 
et  seq.;  Observaciones  que  el  Pensador  Mexicano  hace  d las  censuras. 
Mexico,  1S25;  El  Periquillo  Samiento.  Mexico,  1842.  4vols.;  Mexico, 
1865.  4 vols. 

Llano  (Manuel),  Opusculo  sobre  telegrafia-electro-magndtica  y apuntes.  Mex- 
ico, 1858. 


lxviii  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

Llanto  de  la  puebla  eu  la  traslacion  de  su  amabilisimo  prelado.  Puebla  [1S00], 

MS. 

Llave  de  Oro  para  abrir  las  puertas  del  cielo.  Mexico,  1S15. 

Llorente  (Juan  Antonio),  Aforismos  Politicos.  Mexico,  1322. 

Loayzaga  (Manuel),  Histoiia  de  la  inilagrosissima  imugen  de  Xra  Sra  de  Occot- 
lau.  Mexico,  1750. 

Lobo  (Manuel),  Relacion  de  la  Vida  y Virtudes  de  Pedro  de  San  Joseph 
Betancur,  1724.  MS. 

Logrouo  (Pedro  de),  Carta  al  Rey  Don  Felipe  II.  In  Cartas  de  Indias. 

Lombardo  (Francisco  M. ),  Informe  que  en  contestaeion  al  que  hizo.  Mexico, 
1852. 

London  Geographical  Society,  Journal.  London,  1831-70.  40  vols. 

Long  (Edward),  Speech  on  Mexican  War  in  U.  S.  House  of  Rep.,  Jan.  9, 
1847.  Washington,  1S47. 

Lopez  (Gerbnimo),  Carta  al  Emperador  Oct.  20,  1541.  In  Icazbalceta,  Col. 
Doc.,  tom.  ii. 

Lopez  (Gregorio),  Declaracion  del  Appocalipse.  Mexico,  1626.  MS. 

Lopez  (Gregorio),  Tesoro  de  Medicina  y de  las  plantas  de  la  Nueva  Espaua. 
Mexico,  1673. 

Lopez  (Jesus  de),  Discurso.  Aguascalientes,  1861. 

Lopez  (Miguel),  Refutacion  al  folleto  con  motivo  de  la  ocupacion  de  Quer6- 
taro  en  15  de  Mayo  de  1867.  Morelia,  1867.  • 

Lopez  Claros  (Pedro),  Defensa  legal  de  D.  Lorenzo  y D.  Mariano  Sisa.  Madrid, 
IS  19.  4to. 

Lopez  Matoso  (Antonio  Ignacio),  Extraeto  cuasi  d la  letra  de  la  causa  crim- 
inal. Mexico,  1S16.  MS. 

Lopez  Portillo  (Antonio),  Manifiesto  legal.  MS.  1761. 

Lopez  de  Salcedo  (Diego),  Instruccion,  descubrimiento  del  Desaguadero.  Ano 
1527.  In  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc.  vol.  xiv. 

Lopez  de  Silva  (Francisco),  Tratado  de  Plata  y Oro.  Cadiz,  1699. 

Lopez  de  Zubiria  (Josd  Antonio),  Documentos  oficiales  relativos  al  Estrana- 
miento.  Victoria  de  Durango,  1834. 

Lorenzana  (Francisco  Antonio),  Aranzel  para  curas  de  la  ciudad  de  Mex. 
[Mexico,  1777.]  folio. 

Lorenzana  y Buitron  (Francisco  Antonio),  Cartas  pastorales  y edictos.  Mex- 
ico, 1770. 

Losada  (Juan  Miguel),  El  Grito  de  Dolores.  Mexico,  1850. 

Lossada  (E.  Domingo),  Compendio  de  los  Privilegios  Regulares  de  Indias, 
Madrid,  1737. 

Liiwenstim  (Isidore),  Le  Mexique.  Paris,  1S43;  Journey  from  the  city  of 
(Mexico  to  Mazatlan,  in  London  Gcog.  Soc.,  Jour.  xi. 

Ludecus  (Edward),  Rcise  durch  die  Mexicanische  Provinzin,  Tumalipas,  Coha- 
liuila  und  Texas  im  1S34.  Leipzig,  1S37. 

Luli,  Refutacion  contra  la  memoriapresentadasobre  las  Americas.  Madrid,  1S21. 

Luz  (La).  Mexico,  I860  et  seq. 

Luz  (La),  Semanario  Religioso.  Monterey,  1877. 

Lyon  (G.  F. ),  Journal  of  a Residence  and  Tour  in  Mexico  in  1826.  London, 
182S.  2 vols. 

M.  (J.),  Minero  Comerciante.  Mexico,  1820. 

McDougall  (J.  A. ),  Speech  in  the  Senate  of  the  U.  S.,  Feb.  3.,  1863,  on  French 
interference  in  Mexico.  Baltimore,  1S63. 

Macedo  ((Miguel),  Documentos  que  maniiiestan  la  conducta  que  observo. 
Mexico,  1828. 

MTlvaine  (William),  Sketches  of  Scenery  and  Notes  of  Personal  Adventure 
in  California  and  Mexico.  Philadelphia,  1850. 

Mackenzie  (E.),  Historical,  Topographical  and  Descriptive  view  of  the  U.  S., 
Canada,  and  (Mexico.  Newcastle-upon-Tyne,  1S19. 

McLanc  (R.  M.),  Speech  on  Bill  to  supply  deficient  appropriations  for  Mexi- 
can War,  March  1,  1S48.  Washington,  1848. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


lxix 


McLanc  (R.M.),  Speech  on  War  with  Mexico,  Jan.  10, 1848.  Washington,  1S43. 
McSherry  (Richard),  El  Puchero.  Philadelphia,  1S30. 

Madeline  (Henri  de  la),  Le  Comte  Gaston  de  Raousset  Boulbon.  Paris,  1876. 
Maldonado  (Felipe  Peon),  Justa  Memoria  del  lieroismo  que  en  cl  sitio  de 
Gerona  manifestd.  Mexico,  1810. 

Maldonado  (Fernando  X. ),  Informe  elevado  al  Vice-Gobernador  de  Chiapas. 
Vera  Cruz,  1830;  Proyecto  para'que  todos  los  empleados  pubiicos.  San 
Cristobal  Las  Casas,  1S51 . 

Maldonado  (Francisco  Severo),  El  Teldgrafo  de  Guadalaxara.  [Guad.]  181 1- 
1812.  4 to.  2 vols. 

Mallol  y Herrera  (.Manuel),  Oracion  pronunciada  en  elogio  de  Revilla-Gigedo. 
Mexico,  1791. 

Malo  (Josd  R.),  Apuntes  Histdricos  sobre  D.  Agustin  Iturbide.  Mexico,  18G0. 
Malo  y Manrrique  (Juan  Leonardo),  La  Estrella  de  el  Norte  de  Mexico. 
Mexico,  1741., 

Malte-Brun,  Les  Etats-Unis  ct  le  Mexique.  Paris,.  1862. 

Malte-Brun.  Un  coup  d’oeil  sur  le  Yucatan.  Paris,  n.d. 

Mancera,  Instruccion.  In  Col.  Doc.  Indd.  tom.  xxi. 

Mancera  (Gabriel),  Ferrocarril  InteroceAnico  Discurso  del  19  de  Nov.  de  1S72. 
Mexico,  1S72. 

Vancilla  (Antonio),  Imdgen  Iris  de  hermosura.  Mexico,  1723. 

Maneiri  (Joannis  Aloysii),  De  vitis  Aliquot  Mexicanorum.  Bononiae,  1791-2. 
3 vols. 

Mancro  (Vicente  E.),  Apuntes  Histdricos  sobre  Ferrocarriles.  Mexico,  1872. 
Manifestation  de  la  Validez  del  Decreto  dc  13  de  Mayo  1840.  Mexico,  1840. 
Manifiesto  contra  las  instrucciones  comunicadas  por  el  Emp.  de  los  francescs. 
Mexico,  1811. 

Manifiesto  del  Ayuntamiento  d los  habitantes  de  la  Capital  sobre  las  causas 
del  mal  estado.  Mexico,  1848. 

Manifiesto  del  Gobierno  Provisional  acerca  de  los  negocios  de  Yucatan.  Mex- 
ico, 1843. 

Manifiesto  del  Supremo  Tribunal  de  Guerra  y Marina.  Mexico,  1848. 
Manifiesto  de  su  Justicia  que  producen  los  dueuos  de  Haciendas.  Mexico', 
1730.  4to. 

Manifiesto  que  la  Honorable  Legislatura  del  estado  libre  de  Mexico.  Mex- 
ico, 1S34. 

Manifiesto  sobre  la  nulidad  de  las  Elecciones.  Mexico,  1S20. 

Manjarres  (F.  C.),  Defensa  de  la  precedencia  de  los  hermanos  ex-Guardianes. 
Mexico,  1S41. 

Mansfield  (Edward  D. ),  Life  and  Services  of  General  W.  Scott.  Auburn,  1832. 
Mansion  (Hypolite),  Precis  Historique  sur  la  colonie  franfaise  au  Goazacoal- 
cos.  Londres,  1831. 

Mr.nso  y Zvuig'a  (Francisco),  Regia  y ordenaciones  de  las  religiosas  de  la  lim- 
pia  e immacvlada.  Mexico,  1G35. 

Manual  serAfico  6 libro  de  la  vida  de  los  Frayles  menores.  Mexico,  1779.  4to. 
Manzi  (Pietro),  II  Conquista  di  Messico.  Roma,  1817. 

Maraver,  Carta  del  presbitero  de  1°  de  Junio  de  1544.  In  Pacheco  and  Car- 
denas, Col.  Doc.,  tom.  viii. 

Marfil  (Jacinto),  Noticias  Instructivas  que  por  muerte  del  Senor  Amarillas, 
etc.  Mexico,  1700.  MS. 

Maria  Santisima  Compendio  histdrico  y novena.  Valencia,  1795. 

Marian  y Torquemada  (Jose  NicolAs),  Panegirico  de  San  Juan  Nepomuceno. 
Mexico,  1832.  sm.  4to. 

Marin  (Manuel  Gomez),  Defensa  Guadalupana.  Mex.,  1819;  Oracion  pane- 
girico que  en  la  funcion.  Mex.,  1816. 

Maria  (Miguel  Angel),  Vicla  de  San  Paphnucia  abaci.  Mexico,  1810. 

Marquez  (Leonardo),  A las  tropas  de  su  division  Enero  31  de  1864.  n.pl., 
n.d.;  Ejdrcito  Imperial  Die.  20  de  1868.  n.pl.,  n.d.;  El  General  A las 
tropas  de  su  division.  Mex.,  1864;  Manifiesto  que  hace  A la  Nacion. 
Guadalajara,  1859 ; Refuctacion  hecha  por  el  General.  Nueva  York,  1869. 


lxx 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


Marroqiu  (Josd  Maria),  Discurso.  Mex.,  1861. 

Marsh  (G.  P.),  Speech  on  Mexican  War,  Feb.  10,  1848.  Washington,  1848. 

Martin  (Ch. ),  Precis  des  dvfenements  de  la  campagne  du  Mexique.  Paris,  1S63. 

Martinez  (Antonio  Fernando),  Estado  de  las  misiones  d cargo  de  la  Provincia 
de  San  Francisco  de  Zacatecas  en  13  de  Octubre  de  1789.  MS. 

Martinez  (Antonio  Joaquin  Perez),  Oracion  funebre.  Mexico,  1808. 

Martinez  (Manuel  Silvestrc),  Libreria  de  Jueces  ultilisima.  Madrid,  1791. 

Martinez  (Miguel),  El  Pontiticado  y El  Rey  de  Roma.  Mexico,  1860;  Sermon 
panegirico  que  en  la  dedicacion.  Mexico,  1785. 

Martinez  (Rafael  G.),  Refutacion  d las  reflecsiones  mddicas  de  Don  M.  Ddvila 
y Arrillaga.  Mejico,  1535.  sm.  4to. 

Martinez  (Victor  Josd),  Sinbpsis  Histurica  Filosdfica  y Politica  de  las  Revolu- 
ciones  Mexicanas.  Mexico,  1874. 

Martyr  (Peter),  Anglimediolanensis  Opera.  Seville,  1511. 

Martyr  (Peter),  De  Nvper  svb  D.  Carolo  repertis  Insulis.  Basiliae,  1521. 

Martyr  (Peter),  De  Orbe  Decades.  Alcala,  1516. 

Martyr  (Peter),  De  Orbe  Novo  Petri  Martyris  ab  Angleria  Mediolanensis 
Protonotarrii  Caesaris  senatoris  decades.  n.pl.,  1530. 

Martyr  (Peter),  De  Rebus  Oceanicis.  Paris,  1536. 

Martyr  (Peter),  Libro  Primo  della  Historia  delle  Indie  Occidentali.  Vinegia, 
1534. 

Martyr  (Peter),  Opus  Epistolarum.  Copluti,  1530. 

Maseras  (Bartholomd),  Informe  tocante  d las  misiones  de  Nayarit  el  13  de 
Octubre  de  1785.  MS. 

Mason  (R.  II.),  Pictures  of  Life  in  Mexico.  London,  1851.  2 vols. 

Masones  Bula  de  Nuestra  Santisimo  Padre  el  Sefior  Leon  XII.  Puebla,  1830. 

Masseras  (E.),  Le  Programme  de  l’Empire.  Mexico,  1S64. 

Masseras  (E. ),  Un  essai  d’empire  au  Mexique.  Paris,  1879. 

Massey  (Thomas  E.),  Mexico  as  it  is.  Washington,  1866. 

Masson  (Ernesto),  Olla  Podrida.  Paris,  1864. 

Mata  (J.  E.  M.j,  Reflecsiones  sobre  la  guerra  entre  los  Estados  Unidos  y 
Mejico.  Nueva-Orleans,  1847. 

Mateos  ( Juan  A.),  Composicion  leida  por  la  noche  del  18  de  Octubre  de  1866. 
Mctrida,  1863;  El  Sol  de  Mayo.  Mex.,  1868;  Los  Insurgentes.  Mex., 
1869;  Saccrdote  y Caudillo.  Mex.,  1869. 

Maximilian,  Alocuciones,  cartas  ofliciales.  Mexico,  1S67. 

Maximilian  and  the  Mexican  Empire.  Non-intervention  the  true  policy  of 
the  U.  S.  New  York,  I860. 

Maximilian,  Aus  meinem  Leben  Reiseskizzen,  Aphorismen,  Gedichte.  Leip- 
zig, 1867. 

Maximilian,  Coleccion  de  las  Composiciones  Podticas.  Mexico,  1864. 

Maximilian,  Empereur  du  Mexique.  Paris,  n.d. 

Maximilian,  Memorandum  sobre  el  Proceso.  Mexico,  1S67. 

Maximilian,  Notieia  Biogrdfica.  n.pl.  [1864.] 

Maximilian,  To  Mexicans,  in  Spanish  and  Aztec,  Oct.  2,  1865.  [Mexico,  1865.] 

Maximilian  y Carlota,  Breve  Notieia  del  Recibimiento  y Permanencia  en  la 
Ciudad  de  Puebla.  Puebla,  1864. 

Mayer,  MSS.  (A  collection  of  thirty  copies,  from  Mexican  archives. ) 

Mayer  (Brantz),  History  of  the  Mexican  War.  New  York,  etc.,  1848. 

Mayer  (Brantz),  Mexico  as  it  was  and  as  it  is.  New  York,  1S44;  also  Balti- 
more, 1846;  and  Philadelphia,  1S47. 

Mayer  (Brantz),  Mexico.  Aztec,  Spanish,  and  Republican.  Hartford,  1853. 
2 vols. 

Mayer  (Brantz),  Observations  on  Mexican  History,  etc.  Washington,  1856. 

Mayora  (Juan),  Relacion  delaVida,  etc. , de  Antonio  Herdonana.  Mexico,  1758. 

Mayorga,  Derechos  sobre  tabaco  y pulques.  Mexico,  1780. 

Mayorga  (Martin  de),  Proclamacion  [War  with  Great  Britain]  Junio  20. 
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Mazariegos  (Mariano  Robles  Dominguez  de),  Memoria  Histdrica  de  la  pro- 
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AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


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Medina  (Balthassar  de),  Chrbriica  de  la  Santa  Provincia  de  San  Diego  de 
Mexico.  Mexico,  1GS2.  folio. 

Medina  (Balt,  de),  Vida  de  Fray  Bernardo  Rodriguez.  Mex.,  1G88;  Vida, 
Martyrio  y Beatificacion  del  invicto  Proto-Martyr  de  Japon  San  Felipe 
de  Jesus.  Mex.,  1683;  Madrid,  1751. 

Medina  y Sarabia  (Joseph  Diego  de),  Escrito  en  respuesta  4 los  cargos  hechos 
al  capitan.  Mexico,  1712.  folio. 

Memmi  (Juan  Baptista),  Vida  del  padre  Francisco  Maria  Galluzzi.  Mexico, 
17G1.  4 to. 

Memoria  Politico-Instructiva  enviada  desde  Filadelfia  en  Agosto  de  1821. 
Filadelfia,  1821;  Mexico,  1822. 

Memorial  Histbrico.  Mexico,  1846,  et  seq. 

Mena  (Francisco  de),  Extracto  de  los  capitulos  de  buen  gobierno  en  la  America, 
n.d.  In  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc.,  tom.  xi. 

Mendez  (Gregorio),  Reseiia  Oficial  de  los  sucesos  del  Estado  de  Tabasco,  etc. 
Mexico,  18G7. 

Mendez  (Juan  Baptista),  Regia  y constituciones  de  las  reglas  religiosas. 
Mexico,  1730. 

Mendez  (Luis),  Cbdigo  Civil  del  Distrito  Federal.  Mexico,  1871.  4to. 

Mendez  (Santiago),  Presupuesto  de  un  Ferro-Carril.  Vera  Cruz,  1857. 

Mendibil  (Pablo  de),  Resumen  Histbrico  de  la  Revolucion  de  los  Estados  Uni- 
dos  Mejicanos.  Londres,  1828. 

Mendieta  (Gerbnimo  de),  Historia  Eclesidstica  Indiana.  Mexico,  1870. 

Mendieta  (Gerbnimo  dc),  Carta  al  Rey  Don  Felipe  desde  Toluca  en  8 de  Oct. 
de  15G5.  MS.  folio;  Correspondencia  con  varios  personages  desde  1570 
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Mendizabal  (Francisco),  Carta  Edificante.  Mex.,  1842;  Representacion  que 
al  Soberano  Congreso  dirije.  Mex.,  1841. 

Mendizabal  (Pedro  Josef  de),  Sermon  en  el  30  de  Septiembre  de  1810.  Mex- 
ico, 1810. 

Mendo  (Andrbs),  Crisis  de  la  Compaiiiade  Jesus.  Mexico,  17G5. 

Meniloza  (Antonio),  Carta  d Juan  de  Aguilar.  In  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col. 
Doc.,  tom.  iii. 

Mendoza  (Antonio),  Carta  al  Emperador.  In  Cartas  de  Indias. 

Mendoza  (Antonio),  Carta  al  Marqubs  de  Gauiotte.  In  Cartas  de  Indias. 

Mendoza  (Antonio),  Carta  escrita  al  Emperador  Cdrlos  V.  dandole  cuenta  de 
lo  ocurrido  en  los  territorios  de  su  mando.  In  Florida,  Col.  Doc. 

Mendoza  (Antonio),  Fragmento  de  la  Visita  hecha.  In  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc., 
tom.  ii. 

Mendoza  (Antonio),  Provision  dada  por  el  virey  30  de  Nov.  de  1537.  In  Pa- 
checo and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc.,  tom.  xii. 

Mendoza  (Antonio),  Relacion,  apuntamientos  y avisos.  In  Pacheco  and  Cdr- 
denas, Col.  Doc.,  tom.  vi. 

Mendoza  (Antonio),  Relacion  de  la  jomada  que  hizo  Francisco  de  Sandoval 
Acazitli.  In  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  tom.  ii. 

Mendoza  (Eufemeo),  Disertacion  presentada  al  Jurado  Respectivo  para  la 
Oposicion  d la  Plaza.  Mex.,  1872;  Nociones  de  cronologla  universal,  es- 
tractadas  de  los  mejores  autores  de  Jalisco.  Guadalajara,  1868. 

Mendoza  (Javier  de),  La Cuestion  de  Mejico  y el  conde  de  Reus.  Madrid,  1859. 

Mendoza  (Juan  de),  Relacion  del  Santuario  de  Tecaxic.  Mexico,  1684. 

Mendoza  (E.),  and  Manuel  A.  Romo,  Nociones  de  Cronologla  Universal.  Mex- 
ico, 1874. 

Menonville  (Thiery  de),  Reise  nach  Guaraca  in  Neu-Spanien.  Leipzig,  1789. 

Menonville  (Thiery  de),  Traitb  de  la  culture  du  Nopal.  Paris,  1787. 

Mensagero  (El).  Mexico,  1877  et  seq. 

Mensajero  Espanol  (El.)  Mexico,  1860, et  seq. 

Mesa  (Francisco  de  Paula),  Breve  Manifestacion  que  hace  al  publico,  de  su 
conducta  como  Gobr  de  Querbtaro.  Mexico,  1849. 

Mesa  y Leompart,  Compbndio  de  la  Historia  de  America.  Paris,  1870.  2 vols. 

Meseguer  (Francisco),  El  diablo,  discurso  que  en  la  catedral  de  Mexico,  1809. 


lxxii 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


MAtodo  que  se  observa  constantemente  en  Mexico,  etc.,  para  recibir  y de- 
spachar  el  Galeon  de  Filipinas.  Cddiz,  1763.  MS. 

Mexican  Affairs,  Papers  relating  to.  Washington,  1S65. 

Mexican  Bondholders,  General  Meetings.  London,  1850  et  seq. 

Mexican  Bondholders,  Reports  of  the  Committee.  London,  1850  et  seq. 

Mexicali  Company,  Report  of  Directors,  May  1,  1828.  London,  1S2S. 

Mexican  Constitutional  Government,  Decrees  inviting  American  emigrants 
to  settle.  New  York,  1864;  San  Francisco,  1865. 

Mexican  Debt  Reports.  A Collection.  3vols. 

Mexican  Empire  (The)  and  the  American  Union,  n.jfl.,  n.d. 

Mexican  Finance  1852-6.  A Collection. 

Mexican  Imperial  Street  Railroad  Company.  New  York,  1S65. 

Mexican  Missionary  Association,  Its  Origin  and  Work.  New  York,  1871. 

Mexican  National  Debt  contracted  in  London.  London,  1860. 

Mexican  Ocean  Mail  and  Inland  Company,  Reports.  New  York,  1853  et  seq. 

Mexican  Pacilic  Coal  and  Iron  Mining  and  Land  Company,  Prospecio. 
Nueva-York,  1856;  Exploring  expedition  to  the  States  of  Guerrero  and 
Michoaean,  1S56-7.  New  York,  1858. 

Mexican  Pamphlets.  A Collection.  5 vols. 

Mexican  War.  A Collection  of  U.  S.  Government  Documents,  Scraps, 
Pamphlets,  etc.  12  vols. 

Mexican  War,  Complete  History  of  the  late,  By  an  eye-witness.  New 
York,  1850. 

Mexican  War,  History  of  the  raising  of  the  first  American  flag  on  the 
Capitol  of  Mexico.  Washington,  1S56. 

Mexican  War,  Incidents  and  Sufferings  in  the.  Boston,  etc.,  1S48. 

Mexican  War,  Messages  of  the  President  [30  Cong.  1st  Sess.  House  Ex.  CO; 
Senate  Ex.  1],  Washington,  1847-8.  2 vols. 

Mexican  War,  Official  list  of  officers  who  marched  with  the  army  under 
Scott,  etc.  Mexico,  1848. 

Mexican  War  Pamphlets.  A Collection  of  30  pamphlets. 

Mexican  War  (The)  by  an  English  soldier.  New  York,  1860. 

Mexicanisclie  Typen  und  Skizzen.  Berlin,  1870. 

Mexicanische  Zustiinde  aus  den  Yahre  1830  bis  1832.  Stuttgart,  etc.,  1837. 
2 vols. 

Mexicanos  (Los),  Descripcion  de  la  Republica  de  Mexico,  n.pl.,  n.d. 

Mexico.  London,  1846. 

Mexico.  San  Francisco,  1861. 

Mexico,  No.  1.  Shall  our  Government  Act,  etc.  n.pl.  n.d. 

Mexico,  No.  2.  Historical  and  Financial  Items,  n.pl.,  n.d. 

Mexico,  No.  3.  Biographical  Sketch  of  the  Constitutional  President  Juarez, 
n.pl.,  n.d. 

Mexico,  Aboriginal  History.  MS. 

Mexico,  Acta  del  Cabildo  celebrado  en  30  de  Mayo  de  1836.  Mexico,  1S36. 

Mexico,  Acta  constitutiva  de  la  Federacion  Mexicana.  Mexico,  1824. 

Mexico,  Actas  del  Congreso  Constituyente  Mexicano.  Mexico,  1822-5.  10 
vols. ; also  Mexico,  lS24r-5.  4 vols. 

Mexico,  Actas  de  la  Junta  de  Mineria,  1846-7.  Mexico,  1858.  MS.  folio. 

Mexico,  Actas  Provinciales  de  la  Provincia  de  Santiago  de  Mexico,  etc.,  desde 
1540  hasta  1589.  MS. 

Mexico,  Acuerdo  dela  Junta  de  guerray  Real  Hacienda,  30de  Abril  de  1772.  MS. 

Mexico,  A1  pueblo  Mexicano,  Relacion  de  las  causas  que  influeron  en  los  des- 
graciados  sucesos  de  20  de  Agosto  1847.  Mexico,  1S47. 

Mexico,  Anales  del  Ministerio  de  Fomento.  Mexico,  1854-5.  3 vols. 

Mexico,  AnAlisis  de  la  Memoria  de  la  Comision  de  Hacienda.  Mex.,  1822, 
Analysis  of  Memorial  presented  by  Sec.  of  Treas.  to  1st  Const.  Cong,  of 
United  Mexican  States.  London,  1825. 

Uexico,  Anuario  de  Ordenes  Imperiales  1S65.  Mexico,  1865,  folio. 

Mexico,  Arancel  general  de  Aduanas  Maritimas  y Fronterizas.  Mexico,  1842 
et  seq. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


lxxiii 


Mexico,  Arancel  Parroquial.  MS.  1703.  folio. 

Mexico,  Aranzeles  de  los  Tribunales,  Juzgados  y oficinas  de  Justicia.  Mex- 
ico, 1759.  4to. 

Mexico,  Archivo  Mexicano,  Actas  de  las  Sesiones  de  Cdmaras.  Mexico, 
1S52.  2 vols. 

Mexico,  Archivo  Mexicano,  Coleccion  de  Leyes,  Decretos,  etc.  Mexico, 
1856-63.  7 vols. 

Mexico,  Archivo  Mexicano,  Documentos,  Historia  de  Mexico.  Mexico,  1S52. 

Mexico,  Arreglo  del  cuerjjo  de  Artilleria.  Mexico,  1838. 

Mexico,  Auto  de  la  audiencia.  In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  serie  ii.,  tom.  iii. 

Mexico,  Autos  de  la  real  audiencia  d la  ciudad  y su  respuesta  de  Marqubs  de 
Gelves.  In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  serie  ii.,  tom.  iii. 

Mexico,  Autos  sobre  ereccion  denuevos  parroquiasde  Mexico.  In  Doc.  Hist. 
Mex.,  serie  ii.,  tom.  iii. 

Mexico,  Ayuntamiento.  Acta  del  Cabildo  en  30  de  Mayo  de  1836.  Mexico, 
1836;  Coleccion  de  Documentos  Oficiales  relativos  al  Parian.  Mexico, 
1843;  Contiuuacion  de  documentos  a la  cesacion.  Mexico,  1843;  Doeu- 
mentos  relativos  d las  contestaciones  entre  el  supremo  Gobierno  y el. 
Mexico,  1S43;  Manifiesto  al  publico  que  hace  el  de  1840.  Mexico,  1S40; 
Manifesto  del  de  1835  al  Publico  Mexicano.  Mexico,  1836;  Memoria  de 
los  Ramos  Municipales  31  de  Diciembre  de  1846.  Mexico,  1847;  Regla- 
mcnto  de  la  Secretaria.  Mexico,  1844;  Representation  que  hace  en  de- 
fensa  de  Industria  Agricola.  Mexico,  1841;  Representacion  sobre 
Distrito  Federal.  Mexico,  1S25. 

Mexico,  Balanza  general  del  Comercio  Maritimo.  Mexico,  1829. 

Mexico,  Bandos  publicados  d conseqiiencia  de  Reales  Ordenes  y cbdulas  de 
Su  Magestad,  etc.  Mexico,  1772. 

Mexico,  Bases  y leyes  Constitucionales  de  la  Rcpublica  Mexicana.  Mexico, 
1S37. 

Mexico,  Bases  Orgdnicas  de  la  Repiiblica  Mexicana.  Mexico,  1843. 

Mexico,  Bases  sobre  las  que  se  ha  formado  un  plan  de  Colonization  en  el  Ystmo 
de  Hoazacoalco,  etc.  Mexico,  1823. 

Mexico,  Battles  of.  New  York,  1S47  ; New  York,  1S48. 

Mexico,  Bienes  de  la  Iglesia.  Guadalajai-a,  1847. 

Mexico,  Boletin  de  las  leyes  del  Impcrio  Mexicano  6 sea  cbdigo  de  la  Restau- 
racion.  Mexico,  18G3-5.  3 vols. 

Mexico,  Boletin  de  Noticias.  Mexico,  1S44  et  seq. 

Mexico,  Boletin  Oficial.  Mexico,  1829  et  seq. 

Mexico,  Bosquejo  Histbrico  de  la  Revolution  de  tres  dias.  Mexico,  1828. 

Mexico,  Bosquejo  Ligerisimo  de  la  revolution.  Philadelphia,  1822. 

Mexico,  Cabildo  Metropolitano  de  Gobemador  sede  \acante.  MS.  1811. 
folio. 

Mexico,  Carta  del  cabildo  sobre  el  tumulto  de  15  de  Enero  de  1624.  In  Doc. 

• Hist.  Mex. , serie  ii. , tom.  iii. 

Mexico,  Casa  de  sus  Magestades  1865.  Mexico,  1865. 

Mexico,  Casas  de  Mbneda,  Noticias  de  Acunacion.  Mex.,  1879;  Ordenanzas 
que  para  el  manejo  y gobierno  del  apartado  de  oro,  etc.  Mex.,  1790. 

Mexico,  Causa  Instruida  contra  los  Placiarios  del  C.  Juan  Cervantes,  etc. 
Mexico,  4872. 

Mexico,  Ceremonial  para  la  Fiesta  Nacional  del  16  de  Setiembre  de  18G6. 
Mexico,  1866.  4to. 

Mexico,  Circular  sobre  nombramientos  1771-83. 

Mexico,  Circulares  y Otras  Publications  hechas  por  la  Legation  Mexicana  en 
Washington  durante  la  Guerra  de  Intervention  1862-67.  Mexico,  1S68. 

Mexico,  Cbdigo  Civil  del  Imperio  Mexicano.  Mexico,  1866. 

Mexico,  Cbdigo  de  Comercio.  Mexico,  1854. 

Mexico,  Cbdigo  de  la  Reforma  b coleccion  de  Leyes,  etc.,  desde  1856  hasta  1861. 
Mexico,  1861. 

Mexico,  Cbdigo  fundamental  de  los  Estados-Unidos  Mexicanos.  Mexico,  1847. 

Mexico,  Coleccion  completa  de  los  decretos  generales.  Mexico,  1863. 


lxxiv 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


Mexico,  Coleccion  de  constituciones  de  los  Estados  Unidos  Mexicanos. 
Mexico,  1828.  3 vols. 

Mexico,  Coleccion  de  decretoa  sobre  contribuciones  directas  y papel  sellado. 
Mexico,  1842. 

Mexico,  Coleccion  de  disposiciones  relativas  d la  renta  de  Alcabalas.  Mexico, 
1853. 

Mexico,  Coleccion  de  Itinerarios  y Leguarios.  Mexico,  1850. 

Mexico,  Coleccion  de  las  leyes,  decretos  y ordenes  1850-1,  1853-5.  Mexico, 

1850- 5.  8 vols.  • 

Mexico,  Coleccion  de  Leyes  y Decretos,  1839-41,  1844-8,  1850.  Mexico, 

1851- 2.  6 vols. 

Mexico,  Coleccion  de  Leyes,  Decretos  y Circulares  1863-67.  Mexico,  1867. 
3 vols. 

Mexico,  Coleccion  de  Leyes,  Decretos,  Circulares,  etc.,  relativas  d ladesamor- 
tizacion.  Mexico,  1861.  2 vols. 

Mexico,  Coleccion  de  leyes,  decretos  y reglamentos,  sistema  politico  del  Im- 
perio.  Mexico,  1865.  8 vols. 

Mexico,  Coleccion  de  los  decretos  espedidos  por  el  supremo  gobiemo.  Mex- 
ico, 1844. 

Mexico,  Coleccion  de  los  decretos  y drdenes  de  las  C6rtes  de  Espana.  Mex- 
ico, 1829. 

Mexico,  Coleccion  de  los  Documentos  relativos  al  prdstamo  de  medio  millon 
de  pesos.  Mexico,  1839. 

Mexico,  Coleccion  de  oficios  originales.  MS.  1779. 

Mexico,  Coleccion  de  Ordenes  y decretos  de  la  Soberano  Junta.  Mexico, 
1829.  3 vols. 

Mexico,  Coleccion  de  Sentencias  pronunciadas  por  los  Tribunales  de  la  Repub- 
lica  Mexicana.  Mexico,  1850. 

Mexico,  Colonias  Militares,  Proyecto.  Mexico,  1848. 

Mexico  como  Nacion  Independiente.  Descripcion.  Mexico,  1828. 

Mexico,  Condition  of  Affairs.  Washington,  1866.  2 vols. 

Mexico,  Conducto  ilegal  del  Ministerio  de  Hacienda  en  sus  providencias. 
Mexico,  1841. 

Mexico,  Conquest  of.  London,  n.d. 

Mexico,  Considcraciones  sobre  la  situacion  politica  y social  de  la  Republica. 
Mexico,  1848. 

Mexico,  Consolidacion  de  la  Republica  Mexicana.  Mexico,  1850-1.  3 vols. 
Mexico,  Constitucion  federal  de  los  Estados  Unidos  Mexicanos.  Mexico, 
1824  et  seq. 

Mexico,  Constitucion  politica  del  Estado  de  Mexico.  Mexico,  1827. 

Mexico,  Constituciones.  A Collection.  2 vols. 

Mexico,  Contestacion  d la  nota  dirigida  por  la  Junta  de  Colonizacion  6 Indus- 
tria.  Puebla,  1848;  Contestacion  de  la  Junta  Directiva  del  Banco  Na- 
cional.  Mex.,  1841;  Contestacion  de  la  segunda  comision  de  Hacienda. 
Mex.,  1850;  Contestacion  en  derccho  de  Don  Esteban  Diaz  Gonzalez. 
Mex.,  1830;  Contestacion  que  da  el  Ayuntamiento.  Mex.,  1840;  Contes- 
tacion que  da  la  Comision  de  Hacienda.  Mex.,  1825;  Contestaciones 
habidas  entre  el  gobiemo  Mexicano  y el  commisionado  de  los  Estados 
Unidos.  Mex.,  1847;  Contestaciones  habidas  entre  el  Senor  Arzobispo 
y el  Ministerio  de  Justicia.  Mex.,  1855. 

Mexico,  Contrata  del  ramo  de  alumbrado  de  las  calles  de  la  Capital  federal. 
Mexico,  1835. 

Mexico,  Corporaciones  civiles  y eclesidsticas,  Noticia  de  las  fincas.  Mexico, 
1856. 

Mexico,  Copia  de  una  carta  de  un  religioso  conventual  de  la  ciudad  de  Mexico 
dando  cuenta  del  tumulto  de  Junio  8 de  1692.  In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex., 
serie  ii.,  tom.  iii. 

Mexico,  Correspondencia  de  la  Legacion  Mexicana  en  Washington  durante  la 
Intervencion  Estranjera  1860-68.  Mex.,  1870;  Correspondencia  que  ha 
mediado,  Bauo  deCaballos  Mayo 25,  1845.  Mex.,  1845;  Correspondencia 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


lxxv 


que  ha  mediado  entre  la  Legacion  Extraorda  de,  y el  Dept°  de  Estado  de 
los  Ests  Unidos.  Phil.,  1S36;  Correspondence  que  ha  mediado  entre  el 
Ministro  de  Relaciones  y la  Legacion  de  Francia.  Mex.,  1845. 

Mexico,  Cosas.  Vera  Cruz,  1858. 

Mexico,  Cuademo  de  Formularios.  Mexico,  1840. 

Mexico,  Cuenta  de  la  percepcion,  distribucion  6 inversion  de  los  diez  millones 
do  pesos  que  produjo  el  tratado  de  Mesilla.  Mexico,  1855. 

Mexico,  Cuestion  de  Mejico,  si  la  monarquia  constitucional.  Madrid,  1862; 
Cuestion  relativa  d. la  provision  de  Obispados.  Mex.,  1850. 

Mexico,  Declaraciones  sobre  el  tumulto.  In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  serie  ii. , tom.  ii. 

Mexico,  Decreto  (A  very  large  number  quoted  by  date,  subject,  or  authority). 

Mexico,  Defensa  Juridica  por  el  venerable  Dean  y cabildo,  etc.  Mexico,  1741. 
MS. 

Mexico,  Derechos  Mexicanos  en  orden  d los  Agentes  comerciales.  Vera  Cruz, 
1S59. 

Mexico,  Derechos  reales  de  la  Alcabala.  Mexico,  1805.  folio. 

Mexico,  Descargos  del  Marquds  de  Gelves  d los  cargos.  MS.  folio. 

Mexico,  Description  of  the  Republic.  Philadelphia,  1846. 

Mexico,  Destierro  del  Arzobispo.  In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  serie  ii.,  tom.  ii. 

Mexico,  Diario  de  la  Junta  Nacional  Instituyente.  Mexico,  1822  et  seq. 

Mexico,  Diario  del  Gobiemo  de  la  Republica  Mexicana.  Mexico,  1840  et  seq. 

Mexico,  Diario  de  las  Sesiones  de  la  J unta  Provisional  Gubemativa  del  Im- 
perio  Mexicano.  Mexico,  1821  et  seq. 

Mexico,  Diario  del  Imperio.  Mexico,  1865  et  seq. 

Mexico,  Diario  Oficial.  Mexico,  1S70  et  seq. 

Mexico,  Dictdmen  (Several  hundred  reports  of  Committees  of  State  and 
National  Governments  cited  by  date  and  topic). 

Mexico,  Die  Auswanderung  nach  Mexico,  etc.  Leipzig,  n.d. 

Mexico,  Diferencias  entre  Franciscanos  y Curas  Pdrrocos.  MS. 

Mexico,  Direccion  General  de  la  Industria  Nacional.  MS. 

Mexico,  Discurso  pronunciado  ante  el  Congreso  General  por  Jose  Herrera. 
Mexico,  1845. 

Mexico,  Discurso  pronunciado  por  el  Presidente  1°  de  Enero  de  1852.  Mexico, 
1852. 

Mexico,  Discurso  pronunciado  por  el  Presidente  15  de  Oct.  de  1852.  Mexico, 
1852. 

Mexico,  Disposiciones  legales  y otros  documentos  relativos  d proliibicion  de 
Impresos.  Mexico,  1850. 

Mexico,  Documentos  Eclesiasticos.  MS.  folio.  5 vols. 

Mexico,  Documentos  importantes  tornados  del  Espediente  instruido.  Mexico, 
1826. 

Mexico,  Documentos  impresos  por  acuerdo  del  Supremo  Poder.  Mexico,  1840. 

Mexico,  Documentos  justificativos  sobre  la  inversion  de  los  fondos  pedidos  a la 
Junta  directiva  de  Crfidito  Publico.  Mexico,  1851. 

Mexico,  Documentos  que  publica  la  Direccion  de  Colonizacion  6 Industria. 
Mexico,  1848. 

Mexico,  Documentos  referentes  & la  cuestion  agitada  en  estos  ultimos  dias 
sobre  si  los  nombramientos  de  Jueces  Mili tares.  Mexico,  1S52. 

Mexico,  Documentos  relativos  d la  aperturade  comunicacion  de  Tehuantepec. 
Mexico,  1852. 

Mexico,  Documentos  relativos  d las  ultimas  ocurrencias  de  Nueva  Espafia. 
Madrid,  1821. 

Mexico,  Documentos  relativos  al  decreto  sobre  provision  de  las  magistraturas 
vacantes.  Mexico,  1846. 

Mexico,  Dos  Afios  en  Mexico.  Mexico,  1840. 

Mexico,  Dos  Afios  en  Mejico  6 memorias  criticas.  Valencia,  1838. 

Mexico,  Draft  for  a Convention.  Washington,  1861. 

Mexico,  Dramas.  MS. 

Mexico,  Edicto  del  Presidente  y cabildo  Metropolitano  Gobernador  del  Arzo* 
bispado.  Mexico,  1830. 


lxxvi 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


Mexico,  Edicto  sobre  pago  de  Primicias.  MS. 

Mexico,  El  Alcalde  primero  del  Ayuntamiento  publica  la  manifestacion  que 
hizo.  Mexico,  1840. 

Mexico,  El  Congreso  de  1842.  Morelia,  1842. 

Mexico,  El  Imperio  y la  Intervencion.  Mexico,  1867. 

Mexico,  El  Virey  de  Nueva  Espaua  Don  Felix  M.  Calleja  A sus  habitantes. 
Mexico,  1814. 

Mexico  en  1847.  Mexico,  1847. 

Mexico,  Encarnacion  prisoners.  Louisville,  1848. 

Mexico,  Escalafon  General  de  Artilleria.  Mex.,  1839;  Escalafon  General  del 
Ejfjrcito.  Mex.,  1843;  Escalafon  General  de  todas  Armas  del  Ej6rcito. 
Mex.,  1845. 

Mexico,  Escudo  de  Armas.  In  Figueroa,  Vindicias.  MS. 

Mexico,  Estado  Mayor  Gral.  del  Ejercito,  Escalafon.  Mexico,  1854. 

Mexico,  Estatuto  OrgAnico  Provisional  de  la  Republica  Mexicano.  Mex., 
1856;  Estatuto  para  el  Regimen  de  Plana  Mayor  del  IvjArcito.  Mex., 
1839;  Estatuto  provisional  del  Imperio  Mexicano.  Mexico,  JS65. 

Mexico,  Estatutos  de  la  Compania  de  Colonizacion  AsiAtica.  Mex.,  1866; 
Estatutos  de  la  Compania  del  Ferro-carril  de  Orizava  A Vera  Cruz.  Mex., 
1861. 

Mexico,  Espediente  con  dos  acuerdos  del  Senado  sobre  convenciones  diplo- 
mAticas.  Mexico,  1S52. 

Mexico,  Expediente  instruido  en  el  Ministerio  de  Relaciones  Esteriores  del 
Gobiemo  Constitucional.  Vera  Cruz,  1860.  4to. 

Mexico,  Exposicion  (Several  hundred  by  various  commissions  and  individuals 
on  different  topics). 

Mexico,  Expulsion  del  Arzobispo.  In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  serie  ii.,  tom.  iii. 

Mexico,  Extractos  de  CAdulas  en  los  archivos  de  la  Ciudad.  MS.  folio. 

Mexico  fiel  y valiente  en  el  erisol  que  la  pusieron  los  insurgentes.  Mexico, 

1S10. 

Mexico,  Forcible  abduction  of  a citizen  of  the  U.  S.  Washington,  1851. 

Mexico,  Franciscanos  y quejas  de  Indies.  MS.  1672.  folio. 

Mexico,  Gaceta  del  Gobiemo  Supremo.  Mexico,  1S26  et  seq. 

Mexico,  Hacienda,  1845-52.  A Collection.  6 vols. 

Mexico,  Historia  de  la  Revolucion  de  Mexico  contra  la  Dictaduradel  General 
Santa- Anna.  Mexico,  1856. 

Mexico,  Hostilities  by  (29  Cong.  1st.  Sess.  House  Ex.  Doc.  196).  Washing- 
ton, 1840. 

Mexico,  Important  official  Documents,  n.pl.,  n.d. 

Mexico  in  1842.  New  York,  1842. 

Mexico,  Indemnities,  Convention  of  Jan.  30,  1843  (28  Cong.  2d  Sess.  Sen. 
Doc.  81).  Washington,  1845. 

Mexico,  Indicacion  del  origen  de  los  estravios  del  Cong.  Mex.  Mexico,  1822. 

Mexico,  Informacion  sobre  el  tumulto.  In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  serie  ii.,  tom.  ii. 

Mexico,  Informe  (A  very  large  number  of  reports  by  various  committees, 
corporations,  and  individuals  on  different  topics  and  of  different  dates). 

Mexico,  Iniciativa  del  Gobiemo  para  la  demarcacion  de  la  linea  de  Comercio 
libre.  Mexico,  1852. 

Mexico,  Iniciativa  que  la  Exma  Junta  Departamental  hace  al  Congreso 
General.  Mexico,  1839. 

Mexico,  Instruccion  de  los  comisionados  de  la  Direccion  General.  Mexico, 
17S3. 

Mexico,  Instruccion  del  Rey.  In  Pacheco  and  CArdenas,  Col.  Doc.,  tom.  xii. 

Mexico,  Instruccion  para  la  prActica  de  los  padrones  que  se  han  de  formar. 
Mexico,  1853. 

Mexico,  Instruccion  para  que  los  administradores  de  aduanas  hagan  la  legftima 
exaccion.  Toluca,  1835. 

Mexico,  Instruccion  Provisional  A que  han  de  arreglarse  las  Comisarlas  Gen- 
erales.  Mexico,  1824. 

Mexico,  Its  present  Government  and  its  Political  Parties.  Washington,  I860., 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED.  lxxvii 

Mexico,  Juicio  Imparcial  sobre  los  Acontecimicntos  en  1S28-29.  New  York, 
etc.,  1S30. 

Mexico,  La  Intervencion  Eoropea  en  Mexico.  Filadelfia,  1S59. 

Mexico,  La  Intervencion  y la  Monarquia.  Washington,  1SG2. 

Mexico,  La  Ley.  Toluca,  1871  et  seq. 

Mexico,  Legislacion  Mcjicana,  Coleccion  completa  de  las  Leyes  1848-56. 
Mejico,  1855-6.  12vols. 

Mexico,  Ley  decretada  por  el  Congreso  general  estableciendo  un  impuesto. 
Mexico,  1844. 

Mexico,  Ley  de  4 de  Nov.  de  1848  sobre  arreglo  del  ejdrcito.  Mexico,  1848. 

Mexico,  Ley  de  Presupuestos  Generales  de  la  Republica  Mexicana  1861. 
Mexico,  1SG1. 

Mexico,  Ley  orgdnica  de  la  guardia  de  seguridad. 

Mexico,  Ley  organica  de  la  Guardia  Nacional.  Mexico,  1857. 

Mexico,  Ley  para  nl  arreglo  de  la  Admin,  de  Justicia.  Guadalajara,  1837. 

Mexico,  Ley  penal  para  los  Desertorcs  del  Ejcrcito.  Mexico,  1839. 

Mexico,  Ley  penal  para  los  Empleados  de  Hacienda.  Mexico,  1853. 

Mexico,  Ley  qne  arregla  la  renta  del  papcl  sellado  y los  usos  de  esta  decretada 
en  14  de  Feb.  de  1856.  Mexico,  1856. 

Mexico,  Ley  que  arrcg'.a  las  proccdimientos  Judiciales.  La  Paz,  1867. 

Mexico,  Ley  sobre  derechos  y observaciones  parroquiales.  Mexico,  1857. 

Mexico,  Ley  sobre  Libertad  de  Gultos.  Mexico,  1861. 

Mexico,  Leyes  .4  las  que  ha  debido  arreglarse  la  eleccion  de  los  Supremos 
Poderes.  Mexico,  1S4S. 

Mexico,  Leyes,  Deere tos  y Convenios  Relativos  d la  deuda  estrangera.  Mex- 
ico, 1848. 

Mexico,  Lista  pormenorizada  de  los  dafios,  etc.  MS. 

Mexico,  Manifcstacion  dc  las  actas  de  las  discusiones,  etc.  Tlalpam,  1829. 

Mexico,  Manifcstacion  que  hace  al  publico  la  comision  nombrada  por  los  acre- 
edores  de  Mineria.  Mexico,  1850. 

Mexico.  Manifcstacion  que  cl  Exmo  Ayuntamiento  hace  al  publico,  contratas, 
de  limpia  de  ciudad.  Mexico,  1S34. 

Mexico,  Manifcstacion  que  la  Exma  Junta  Departmental  de  Mexico.  Mexico, 
1S37. 

Mexico,  Manifesto  de  la  Cdmara  de  Diputados  en  la  legislature,  de  1831  y 
1832.  Mejico,  1832. 

Mexico,  Manifiesto  del  Congreso  General  en  el  presente  Ano.  Mexico,  1836. 

Mexico,  Manifiesto  del  Gobierno  Constitutional  d la  Nacion.  Colima,  1S59. 

Mexico,  Manifiesto  del  Supremo  Tribunal  de  Guerra,  n.pl.,  n.d. 

Mexico,  Manifiesto  del  Supremo  Tribunal  de  Guerra  y Marina.  Mexico,  1848. 

Mexico,  Memoria  de  Plumages.  In  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  tom.  xii. 

Mexico,  Memorias  (Regular  Reports  of  the  different  government  departments ; 
Agriculture,  Fomento,  Guerra,  Hacienda,  Interior,  Justicia,  Marina, 
Relaciones  Exteriores,  etc.,  from  1S22  to  latest  date;  a complete  set 
cited  by  dates). 

Mexico,  Memorandum  de  los  Negocios  Pendientes  entre  Mexico  y Espafia. 
Poissy,  1S57. 

Mexico,  Memorial  de  lo  sucedido  en  la  ciudad  de  Mexico  desde  el  dia  primero 
de  Nouiembre  de  1623,  liasta  quinze  de  Enero  de  1624.  Mexico,' 1624. 
folio. 

Mexico,  Mensagedel  Presidcnte.  [Cited  by  dates.] 

Mexico,  Merced  de  S.  M.  de  las  cosas  arzobispales  al  Obispo  D.  Fr.  Juan  de 
Zumdrraga  y sus  succesores  para  siempre  jamas.  In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex., 
serie  ii. , tom.  iii. 

Mexico,  Notes  made  in  1822.  Philadelphia,  1824. 

Mexico,  Noticia  Histdrica  de  Infanteria.  Mexico,  1S40. 

Mexico,  Noticia  Histuric-a  delos  Cuerpos  de  Caballeria.  Mexico,  1840. 

Mexico,  Noticias  dc  la  ciudad.  Mexico,  1855. 

Mexico,  Noticias  de  Mexico  y sus  contornos.  MS.  folio. 

Mexico,  Observaciones  generales  sobre  Camiuos  de  Hierro.  Nueva  York,  1833. 


lxxviii  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

Mexico,  Observaciones  que  hace  el  ejecutivo  al  Proyecto  de  Arancel  de  Adua- 
nas.  Mexio,  1870. 

Mexico,  Observaciones  que  sobre  el  proyecto  de  Bases.  Guadalajara,  1843. 

Mexico,  Observaciones  sobre  la  Influencia  del  Comercio  Estrangero.  Mexico, 
1809. 

Mexico,  Observaciones  sobre  las  facultades  del  Congreso  Constituyente.  Tlal- 
pam,  1830. 

Mexico,  Observaciones  sobre  reformas  4 las  leycs  constitucionales.  Mexico, 
1841. 

Mexico,  Observations  on  the  origin  and  conduct  of  the  war  with.  New  York, 
1847. 

Mexico,  Occupation  by  French  troops.  Message  of  the  President,  Dec.  21, 
1865. 

Mexico,  Ordenanza  de  la  division  de  la  nobilisima  ciudad  de  Mexico  en  quar- 
ters. Mexico,  1782.  folio. 

Mexico,  Ordenanza  de  la  renta  del  Tabaco,  24  de  Agosto,  1846.  Mexico,  1S46. 

Mexico,  Ordenanza  del  ramo  de  carnes.  Mexico,  1850. 

Mexico,  Ordenanza  general  de  Aduanas  Maritimas  y fronterizas.  Mexico,  1S56. 

Mexico,  Ordenanza  miiitar  para  el  regimen,  disciplina,  etc.,  del  Ej6rcito. 
Mexico,  1833.  3 vols. 

Mexico,  Ordenanza  miiitar  provisional  que  debe  observar  el  cuerpo  de  patrio- 
tas.  Mexico,  1S10. 

Mexico,  Ordenanzas  de  esta  nobilissima  ciudad.  Mexico,  1775.  MS.  folio. 

Mexico,  Ordenanzas  de  la  tiel  executoria  formadas  por  la  ciudad  de  Mexico. 
Mexico,  1730.  folio. 

Mexico,  Ordenanzas  de  Loteria.  Mexico,  1844. 

Mexico,  Ordenanzas  para  el  regimen  de  los  tenderos  y tiendas  de  pulperia. 
Mexico,  1758.  fol. 

Mexico,  Ordenanzas  que  se  han  de  observar  y guardar  en  la  muy  nobilisima  y 
leal  ciudad  de  Mexico.  [Mexico,  1729.J  folio. 

Mexico,  Pamphlets.  A Collection. 

Mexico,  Papeles  Varios.  A Collection. 

Mexico,  Papers  relating  to.  Washington,  1866. 

Mexico,  Periodico  Ofieial.  Mexico,  1863  et  seq. 

Mexico,  Piezas  Justilicativas  del  Arreglo  de  la  deuda  Estema  de  Mexico. 
Mexico,  1849. 

Mexico  Plausible  con  la  Triumphal  demonstracion.  Mexico,  1711. 

Mexico,  Present  Condition.  Messages  of  the  President  of  the  U.  S.,  April 
14,  1862,  Jan.  20,  1867.  Washington,  1862,  1867.  2 vols. 

Mexico,  Presupuesto  del  Ministerio  de  Guerra  y Marina  1°  Julio  de  1S51  4 
30  de  Junio  de  1852.  Mexico,  1852.  folio. 

Mexico,  Presupuesto  del  Ministerio  de  Hacienda  de  1°  Jul.  de  1851  A 30  de 
Junio  de  1852.  Mexico,  1852.  folio. 

Mexico,  Presupuesto  del  Ministerio  de  Justicia,  etc.,  del  1°  de  Julio  de  1S51 
4 30  de  Jul.  de  1852.  Mexico,  1851.  folio. 

Mexico,  Presupuesto  del  Ministerio  de  Relaciones,  etc.,  1849,  1°  de  Julio  de 
1851  4 30  de  Junio  de  1852.  Mexico,  1849,  1851.  folio.  2 vols. 

Mexico,  Presupuesto  de  los  gastos  que  en  un  mes.  Mexico,  1850. 

Mexico,  Proceedings  of  a meeting  of  citizens  of  New  York  to  express  sym- 
pathy, etc.,  for  the  Mexican  republican  exiles.  New  York,  1865. 

Mexico,  Proceso  instructivo  formado  por  la  seccion  del  Gran  Jurado  de  la 
edmara  de  diputados.  Mexico,  1833. 

Mexico,  Providencias  Diocesanas  de  Mexico.  MS.  n.pl.,  n.d. 

Mexico,  Proyecto  de  Basis  de  Organizacion;  de  Constitucion;  de  Ley,  etc., 
etc.  (A  very  large  number  of  important  bills  introduced  before  Mexican 
Congress.  Cited  by  topic  and  date. ) 

Mexico,  Puntos  del  parecer  que  el  Sefior  Auditor  de  guerra,  etc.,  en  4 de  Julio 
de  1744.  MS.  folio. 

Mexico,  Razon  de  los  prfetamos  que  ha  negociado  el  Supremo  Gobierno  de  la 
Federacion.  Mexico,  1829.  folio. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED.  lxxix 

Mexico,  Reales  Aranzeles  de  los  ministros  de  la  Real  Audiencia.  Mexico, 
1727.  folio. 

Mexico,  Recollections  of,  and  the  battle  of  Buena  Vista,  by  an  Engineer 
Officer.  Boston,  1871. 

Mexico,  Reflexiones  importantes  al  bien  y beneficio  de  la  Hacienda,  etc. 
Mexico,  1845. 

Mexico,  Reflexiones  importantes  sobre  la  inconveniencia  del  contrato.  Mex- 
ico, 1849. 

Mexico,  Reflexiones  sobre  el  acuerdo  del  Senado,  adopcion  del  sistema  de  par- 
tida  doble.  Mexico,  1850. 

Mexico,  Reflexiones  sobre  el  ramo  de  Alcabalas.  Mexico,  1848. 

Mexico,  Reflexiones  sobre  la  Independencia.  Guadalajara,  1S21. 

Mexico,  Reglamento  de  Aduanas  Maritimas.  Mexico,  1829.  4to. 

Mexico,  Reglamento  de  la  c.isa  de  Moneda.  Tlalpan,  1827. 

Mexico,  Reglamento  de  la  Direccion  de  Colonizacion.  Mexico,  1S46. 

Mexico,  Reglamento  de  la  Milicia  Activa  y General  de  la  Civica.  Mejico, 
1833. 

Mexico,  Reglamento  del  Archivo  general  y publico  de  la  Nacion.  Mexico, 
1846. 

Mexico,  Reglamento  del  cuerpo  de  cosecheros  de  Tabaco.  Mexico,  1842. 

Mexico,  Reglamento  del  Teatro  de  Mex.  Ap.  11.  1786.  [Mexico,  1786.] 
folio. 

Mexico,  Reglamento  6 instruccion  para  los  presidios.  Mexico,  1834.  folio. 

Mexico,  Reglamento  general  de  la  libertad  de  imprenta.  Mexico,  1827. 

Mexico,  Reglamento  interiuo  y Provisional  para  la  Comisaria  Central  de  Guer- 
ra y Marina.  Mexico,  1825. 

Mexico,  Reglamento  para  el  corso  de  particulares  enla  presente  guerra.  Mex- 
ico, 1846. 

Mexico,  Reglamento  para  el  establecimiento  de  las  colonias  militares  del 
istmo  de  Tehuantepec.  Mexico,  1851. 

Mexico,  Reglamento  para  el  gobiemo  interior  del  Congreso  General.  Mexico, 
1848. 

, Mexico,  Reglamento  para  el  Gobiemo  interior  de  la  Suprema  Corte  marcial. 
Mexico,  1837. 

Mexico,  Reglamento  para  el  Gobiemo  interior  de  los  tribunales  superiores. 
Mexico,  1838. 

Mexico,  Reglamento  para  el  gobiemo  interior  y econdmico  de  la  Secretaria  de 
Estado.  Mexico,  1852. 

Mexico,  Reglamento  para  el  Supremo  Tribunal  de  Justicia  del  Estado.  Mex- 
ico, 1825. 

Mexico,  Reglamento  para  la  administracion  y contabilidad.  Mexico,  1867. 

Mexico,  Reglamento  para  la  Comunicacion  por  la  via  Inter-Oceanica  de  Te- 
huantepec. Mexico,  1857. 

Mexico,  Reglamento  para  la  Guardia  Nacional.  Mexico,  1846. 

Mexico,  Reglamento  para  la  seccion  superior  de  los  distritos  de  Hacienda. 
Mexico,  1852. 

Mexico,  Reglamento  para  la  Tesorerla  general.  Mejico,  1831.  4to. 

Mexico,  Reglamento  para  los  Servicios  de  Honor  y ceremonial  de  la  Corte. 
Mexico,  1866. 

Mexico,  Reglamento  Provisional  para  las  funciones  y servicio  del  Estado 
Mayor.  Mexico,  1S23.  4to. 

Mexico,  Reglamento  que  ban  de  observar  el  juez,  el  administrador  Tesorero, 
el  contador  de  los  juzgados  de  Acordada  y Bebibas  probibidas.  Mexico, 
1790.  folio. 

Mexico,  Reglamento  y Arancel  de  Corredores  para  la  plaza  de  Mexico. 
Mexico,  1854. 

Mexico,  Reglamentos  de  los  Gabinetes  Civil  y militar  del  Emperador.  Puebla, 
1865.  folio. 

Mexico,  Relacion  de  los  Conquistadores.  In  Doc.  InCd.,  tom.  i. 

Mexico,  Relacion  del  estado  en  que  el  MarquCs  de  Gelues  halld  los  Reynos  de 


lx  XX 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


la  Nueva  Espaiia.  Madrid,  162S;  Relacion  del  principio  y ca.isa  del  Al- 
voroto.  MS.  folio;  Relacion  particular  y descripcion  de  toda  la  provincia 
del  Santo  Evangelio.  MS.  folio;  Relacion  Svmaria  y Puntual  del  Tu- 
multo  en  Mexico  15  Enero  1624.  n.pl.,  n.d.  4to.  , 

Mexico,  Report  of  the  Committee  on  Public  Credit,  etc.,  on  the  adjustment 
of  the  English  Debt.  London,  1S50. 

Mexico,  Reports  and  Dispatches  exhibiting  operations  of  the  U.  S.  Naval 
forces  during  the  War  with  Mexico.  Washington,  1S49. 

Mexico,  Represen tacion  dirigida  A la  camara  de  Diputadoa  por  el  Supremo 
Tribunal  de  Guerra  y Marina.  Mexico,  1885. 

Mexico,  Rcpresentacion  dirigida  al  Virey  de  Nueva  Espaiia.  Mexico,  1812. 

Mexico,  Representacion  por  la  Junta  directiva  de  la  Industria  Nacional  sobre 
necesidad  de  su  fomento.  Mexico,  1843. 

Mexico,  Representacion  que  hace  el  Ayuntamiento  en  defensa  de  la  industria 
agricola.  Mexico,  1841. 

Mexico,  Representacion  umilde  que  hace  la  ciudad  en  favor  de  sus  naturales  A 
Carlos  III.  en  2 de  Mayo  de  1771.  Mexico,  1771.  MS.  2 vols. 

Mexico,  Representacion  que  la  Junta  de  Fomento  y Administrativa  de  Min- 
eria.  Mexico,  1S50. 

Mexico,  Representacion  sobre  pago  de  primicias  en  las  doctrinas.  MS. 

Mexico,  Reseua  de  las  festividades  que  han  tenido  lugar  en  Puebla  de  Sara- 
goza.  Puebla,  1S70. 

"Mexico,  Reseua  historica  de  las  negociaciones  entre  Espaiia  y Mexico.  Ma- 
drid, 1S57. 

Mexico,  Reseua  histbrica  y explicativa  de  los  ultimos  sucesos  de  Mexico. 
Paris,  1857.  4to. 

Mexico,  Reseua  sobre  el  estado  de  los  principals  ramos.  Mexico,  1S50. 

Mexico,  Revolucion  en  Mexico.  Marzo  de  1860.  Monterey,  1860. 

Mexico,  Segunda  representacion  que  hace  el  comercio  de  Megico  al  Supremo 
Congreso.  Megico,  1S40. 

Mexico  (Servicio).  In  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  tom.  vi. 

Mexico,  Sesion  secreta  ordinaria  de  11  de  Marzo  de  1830.  [Tlalpam,  1830.] 

Mexico,  Sesiones  tenidas  por  el  Congreso  Constituyente  del  Estado  en  los  dias 
28  y 20  del  ultimo  Mayo.  Tlalpam,  1830. 

Mexico,  Silver  Mines  in  Mexico,  n.pl.,  n.d. 

Mexico,  Sindico  segundo  del  Exmo  Ayuntamiento  sobre  la  nueva  respnesta. 
[Mexico,  1S3S.] 

Mexico,  Sitio  de  Puebla  de  Zaragoza.  Mexico,  1863. 

Mexico,  Stories  of.  New  York.  n.d. 

Mexico,  Tarifa  para  el  cobro  de  los  derechos  de  Alcabala  y Municipal. 
Mexico,  1853.  4to. 

Mexico,  Tarifas  de  los  Haberes  liquidos  mensuales  que  corresponden  d todas 
las  c'ases  pertenecientes  al  ramo  de  guerra.  Mexico,  1840. 

Mexico,  Tercera  parte  sobre  Consolidacion  de  la  Republica  Mexicana.  Mexico, 
1S51. 

Mexico,  Terrible  situacion  de  la  Republica.  Mexico,  1852. 

Mexico,  Testimonio  de  la  averiguacion  practicada  por  brden  del  Supremo 
Gobierno.  Mexico,  1S61. 

Mexico,  Testimonio  simple  de  los  autos  de  la  Audiencia  en  el  asunto  de  la  ex 
pulsion  del  Arzobispo  1624.  In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  serie  ii. , tom.  ii. 

Mexico,  The  complaint  of  Mexico  and  conspiracy  against  liberty.  Boston, 
1843. 

Mexico,  The  Country,  History  and  People.  London,  1863. 

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Washington,  1852. 

Mexico,  The  Mexican  Empire,  its  actual  situation.  New  York,  1866. 

Mexico,  The  Republic  of  Mexico  restored.  Mexico,  1867. 

Mexico,  The  West  Coast  of.  Washington,  1880. 

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Mexico,  Tunvulto  de  1624.  In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  serie  ii,  tom.  ii. 

Mexico,  Ultimas  Notas  Diplom&ticas  cambiadas  entre  el  Ministro  de  Rela- 
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Mexico,  Ultimo  Adios  al  Congreso  Constituyente  del  Estado.  Mexico,  1830. 
Mexico,  V arias  cartas  del  cabildode  Mexico  4 los  senores  del  consejo  sobre  el 
tumulto  de  15  de  Enere  de  1624. 

Mexico,  Verdadera  Noticia  de  los  Tres  Dias  de  Ministerio.  Mexico,  1839. 
Mexico  and  Havauna,  A Voyage  to. . .by  an  Italian.  New  York,  1841. 
Mexico  and  Mr  Poinsett,  Reply  to  a British  Pamphlet.  Philadelphia,  Dec. 
21,  1829. 

Mexico  and  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  n.pl.,  n.d. 

Mexico  and  the  United  States,  An  American  view  of  the  Mexican  Question. 
San  Francisco,  1866. 

Mexico  and  the  United  States,  Treaties  of  1832;  1848;  1849;  1862.  Mexico, 
etc.,  1832-62.  11  vols. 

Mexico  y Guatemala,  Cuestion  de  Limites.  Mexico,  1875. 

Mexico  y la  Intervencion.  Mexico,  1861. 

Mexico  ysusAlrededores,  Coleccionde Vistas,  etc.  Mexico,  1855-7.  atlas,  folio. 
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Mexico,  Texas  and  Canada,  Message  of  the  President,  Jan.  8, 1838  (25th  Cong. 

2d  Sess.  H.  Ex.  doc.  74).  Washington,  1838. 

Mexiko,  Aus  ciner  Discussion,  etc.  New  York,  1865. 

Mexique,  De  la  Revolution  au  Mexique.  Mars,  1S60. 

Mexique,  Description  Situation  ii  vue  de  la  Ville.  n.pl.,  n.d. 

Mexique,  Documents  relatifs  a la  protection  des  sujets  strangers  rdsidant,  etc. 
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Mexique,  Documens  sur  le  Commerce.  Paris,  1847. 

Mexique  (Le)  et  l’Europe  ou  expose  de  la  situation  actuelle.  Paris,  1847. 
Mexique  (Le)  ct  l’lntervention.  Paris,  1861. 

Mexique  (Le)  et  ses  Richesses.  Nouvelle-Orl6ans,  1862. 

Mexique,  Etudes  Ilistoriques  au  point  de  vue  politique  et  social.  Paris,  1859. 
Mexique,  Le  General  Prim  Le  S6nat,  etc.,  dans  la  question  du  Mexique. 
Paris,  1863. 

Mexique,  L’Empereur  du  Mexique.  Paris,  1S64. 

Mexique,  L’Empire  et  l’intervention.  Leipzig.  1869. 

Mexique,  L’lntervention  framjaise  au  Mexique.  Paris,  1868. 

Mexique,  Memorandum  des  negotiations  pendantes  entre  le  Mexique  et 
l’Espagne.  Poissy,  1857. 

Mexique,  Recueil  de  pieces  relatives  a la  Conquete  de.  Paris,  1838. 
Mexique,  Recueil  (second)  de  pieces.  Paris,  1846. 

Mexique,  Commission  Scientifique,  Archives.  Paris,  1865-9.  3 vols. 
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Michelena  (Jose  Mariano),  Contestacion  que  did  ante  laseccion  del  gran  Jurado. 

Mex.,  1836;  Esplicacion  de  la  conducta  en  algunos  puntos.  Mex.,  1827. 
Michoacan,  Analisis  Estadistico  en  1822  por  J.  J.  L.  Mex.,  1S24;  Arancel  de 
los  lionorarios  y derechos  judiciales  que  se  han  de  cobrar.  Mex.,  1840; 
Constitucion  politica  del  Estado.  Mex.,  1825;  Decretos  del  Congreso 
Constituyente  1824-5.  Mex.,  1828;  El  Senor  Diputado  al  Congreso  Gen. 
Don  Ricardo  Villasenor  y su  Retractacion,  etc.  Mex.,  1861 ; Gobernador 
del  Estado  d todos  sus  liabitantes,  Marzo  28  de  1835.  Morelia,  1835; 
(Historia  de  la  Prov.  de  San  Nicolas  de  Tolentino  del  orden  de  San  Agus- 
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23  de  Octubre  de  1787.  MS.  Informes  dados  al  Sup.  Gob.  de  la  Re- 
publica  por  las  autoridades.  Moi'elia,  1845;  Iniciativa  que  la  Asamblea 
Departamental  elevd  en  28  de  Febrero  de  1845.  Morelia,  1845 ; Manifiesto 
que  para  justilicar  ante  la  opinion  priblica.  Morelia,  1849;  Memoria  de 
la  Admon  piiblica  del  Estado  de.  Morelia,  1830;  Protesta  del  Senor 
Obispo  y venerable  cabildo  contra  la  ley  de  1 1 de  Enero  de  1847.  Guada- 
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Mier  (Servando  Teresa),  Profecia  politica,  discurso  13  de  Die.  1823.  Mexico, 
1849. 

Mier  (Servando  Teresa),  Vida,  aventuras,  escritos,  y viages.  Mexico,  1865. 

Mier  y Teran  (Manuel  de),  Manifestacion  del  ciudadano  al  publico.  Mexico, 
1825.  < 

Mills  (Nicholas),  History  of  Mexico.  London,  1824. 

Mina  (Francisco),  Breve  Extracto  de  la  vida.  London,  1825. 

Mina  de  la  Luz,  Recurso  de  Atentado  que  algunos  de  los  dueiios  de  la  mina. 
Mexico,  1848. 

Mina  de  San  Clemente,  Dictdmenes  de  varios  abogados  sobre  el  fallo.  Megico, 
1840. 

Mineria,  Informe  dado  por  el  Establecimiento  de,  A la  Comision  de  Industria 
del  Congreso  General.  Mcx.,  1836;  Informe  del  Establecimiento  al  Seuor 
Ministro  de  Hacienda.  Mex.,  1838;  Manifestacion  que  con  motivo  de  la 
nota  pasada.  Mex. , 1850 ; Representaciones  del  Real  Tribunal  de.  Mex. , 
1791. 

Mineria  de  Nueva-Espana,  Reales  ordenanzas  para  la  direccion,  rdgimen  y go- 
biemo.  Madrid,  1783.  folio;  Representaciones  del  Real  Tribunal  de. 
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Miqueorena  (Augustin  de),  Vida  de  la  Venerable  Madre  Michaela  Josepha  de 
la  Purificacion.  Puebla,  1755. 

Miramar  A Mexico,  Viaje  del  Empereur  Maximiliano  y de  la  Emperatriz 
Carlota.  Orizaba,  1864. 

Miramon,  Defensa  de  los  ministros.  A collection. 

Miramon  (Michel),  Gdndral  de  division  Chef  de  l’Arm^e  et  President  substi- 
tut  de  la  Ri'publique  Mexicaine  A la  Nation.  [Chapultepec,  1859.] 

Miranda  (Cathalina  de),  Proceso  y causa  criminal  contra.  MS.  1690. 

Miranda  (Francisco  Javier),  Algunas  Reflexiones  sobre  la  cuestion  de  la 
Paz.  Mex.,  1860;  Esposicion.  n.pl.,  n.d.;  Panegirico  pronunciado  16 
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Miranda  (Francisco  Montero  de),  Memoria  sobre  la  provincia  de  Verapaz. 
MS.,  1575.  folio. 

Miranda  (Jacinto),  Causa  de  homicidio.  MS.,  1792.  folio,  92  pages;  folio, 
10  pages. 

Miscelanea,  A Collection.  7 vols. 

Miscelanea  Curiosa,  A Collection.  3 vols. 

Miscelanea  del  Messico,  A Collection. 

Miscellaneous  Pamphlets,  A Collection. 

Miscellany,  A Collection.  10  vols. 

Missa  Gothica  seu  Mozarabica,  etc.  Angelopoli,  1770.  folio. 

Miss*  pro  defunctis.  n.pl.  n.d.  4to. 

Mittheilungen  eines  jungen  Bayers  uber  dessen  See  Miinchen,  1827. 

Moderados  (Los)  y el  Estado  de  Mexico.  Toluca,  1861. 

Modem  Traveller  (The),  Mexico  and  Guatemala.  London,  1825.  2 vols.; 
Boston,  18$).  2 vols. 

Molina  (Alonso  ae),  Ordinamjaz  para  estas  Ospitalles.  MS. 

Molina  (Alonso  de),  Vocabulaxio  en  lengua  Castellana  y Mexicana.  Mexico, 
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Molinero  del  Cerro  (Caralampio),  Cartas  de.  Mexico,  1868. 

Monardes  (Nicolds),  Historia  medicinal  de  las  cosas  que  se  traen  de  Indias 
Occidentales.  Sevilla,  1574. 

Monglave  (Eugene  de),  Resume  de  l’histoire  du  Mexique.  Paris,  1826. 

Monitor  Constitucional  Independiente.  Mexico,  1845  et  seq. 

Monitor  Ultramarino  (El).  Madrid,  1822. 

Monroy  (Antonio  de  Villaseuor),  Oraciones  panegyricas  fdnebres  en  las  ex* 
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Montana  (Joseph  Isidro),  El  corazon  de  las  Rosas.  Puebla,  1765. 

Montana  (Luis),  Cardcter  politico  y marcial  de  los  insurgentes.  Mex.,  1810; 
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lxxxiii 


sobre  los  alborotos  acsecidos  en  algunos  pueblos  de  Tierradentro.  ilex., 
1810. 

Montejo,  Testimonia.  In  Col.  Doc.  In<5d.,  tom.  i. 

Montemaior  (Joannes  Franciscas),  Excvbationes  Semicentvm  ex  Decisionibus 
Regi<e  Chancellarue  Sancti.  Mexici,  1667. 

Montemaior  (Joannes  Franciscus),  Pastor  Bouus  Dominus  Jesus.  Mexico, 
1676. 

Montemaior  (Juan  Francisco  de),  Discurso  politico  histdrico  Juridico  del 
derecho  y repartimiento  de  presas.  Mexico,  1858. 

Montemayor  y Cordova  de  Cuenca  (Juan  Francisco  de),  Svmarios  de  las 
Cedvlas  Ordenes  por  su  Mages  tad  hasta  1677.  Mexico,  1678.  4to. 

Montenegro  (A.  de  la  1\),  Itinerario  para  Parochos  de  ludios.  Amberes,  1754. 

Montepio,  Reglamento  para  el  Govierno  del  Monte  pio  viudas  de  ministros  de 
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Monte  Pio  de  Oficinas,  Prontuario  general  en  cinco  Tarifas.  Mexico,  17S4. 

Monterde  (Pedro  M.  de),  Proclama  que  el  Intendente  de  la  Provincia  de  Mex- 
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Montes  de  Oca  y Obregon  (Ignacio),  Oracion  fiinebre  que  en  las  honras  de 
Juan  Ruiz  de  Alarcon.  Mexico,  1878. 

Montesclaros-,  Carta.  In  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  tom.  vi. 

Montesdeoca  (Dcmetrio),  Oracion  civica  el  dia  16  de  Sept,  de  1851.  Guana- 
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Montesquieu,  Esprit  des  lois.  Paris,  1867. 

Montgomery  (H.),  Life  of  Zachary  Taylor.  Auburn,  1851. 

Montlong  (Wilhelm  von),  Authcntische  Enthiillungen  iiber  die  letzten  Ereig- 
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Montufar  (Lorenzo),  Respuesta  al  Segundo  Opusculo  sobre  Jesuitas.  Leon, 
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MonumentOs  IlistoTicos  de  la  dominacion  Espanola  en  Mexico.  MS.  folio. 

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Moore  (Nathan  B.),  Geological  Sketch.  MS.  folio. 

Mora,  Mexico  y sus  Revoluciones.  In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  seric  ii. , tom.  iii. 

Mora  (J.  M.  L.)  Mejico  y sus  Revoluciones.  Paris,  1S36.  3 vols. 

Mora  (Jos6  Joaquin),  De  La  Libertad  delComercio.  Mexico,  1853. 

Mora  (Jos6  Maria),  Memoria  que  para  informar  sobre  el  origen  y estado  ac- 
tual de  las  lagunas.  Mexico,  1823. 

Mora  (.Jos6  Maria  Luis),  Obras  Sueltas.  Paris,  1837.  2 vols. 

Mora  (Juan  Antonio  de),  Alientos  d la  Verdadera  Confianza.  Mexico,  1721. 

Morales  (Juan  Bautista),  Disertacion  contra  la  Tolerancia  Religiosa.  Mejico, 
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Moran  y Butron  (Jacintho),  La  Azvcena  de  Qvito  que  brotd  en  el  florido 
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Moran  y Crivelli  (Tomds),  Juicio  critico  sobre  el  sistema  de  Hacienda  en  Mex- 
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Moreno  (Diego),  Maniliesto  sobre  la  conducta  observada  al  dejar  el  gobierno 
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Moreno  (Geronymo),  Reglas  ciertas  y precisamente  necessarias  para  Juezes  y 
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Moreno  (Juan  Becerra),  Relacion  del  Funeral,  entierro  y exequias  de  el  illmo 
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Moreno  (Manuel),  Vida  y Memorias.'  Londres,  1812. 

Morfi  (Juan  Agustin),  Coleccion  de  Documentos.  MS.  folio;  Desdrdenes  que 
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Morfi  (Juan  Augustin),  La  nobleza  y Piedad  de  los  Montaneses  demonstrada 
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Moriana  y Zafrilla  (Marcos),  Solemnes  exequias  el  9 y 10  de  Mayo  de  1810. 
Mexico,  1810. 

Morillo  (Pablo),  M6moires  relatifs  aux  campagnes  en  Amdrique  de  1815  & 
1821.  Paris,  1826. 

Moro  (Gerardo),  Informe  en  derecho  sobre  que  la  compaiiia  de  el  Real  asiento 
de  la  Gran  Bretaiia.  Mexico,  1724.  folio. 

Morse  (Isaac  E.),  Speech  in  defence  of  the  Mexican  War,  Dec.  1846.  Wash- 
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Mosaico  Mexicano  (El).  Mexico,  1840-42.  7 vols. 

Mota  Padilla  (Matias  de  la),  Historia  de  la  conquista  de  la  Nueva-Galicia. 
Mexico,  1843.  MS.;  Mexico,  1870. 

Motolinia  (Toribio),  Carta  al  Emperador  Cdrlos  V.  In  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc., 
tom.  i. 

Motolinia  (Toribio),  Historia  de  los  Indios  de  Nueva  Espana.  In  Icazbalceta, 
Col.  Doc.,  tom.  i. 

Motolinia  (Toribio),  La  Vida  y Muerta  de  tres  ninos  de  Tlaxcala.  MS. 

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Moya  y Contreras  (Pedro),  Carta  al  Presidente  de  los  Reales  Consejos  de 
Indios.  In  Cartas  de  Indias. 

Moya  y Contreras  (Pedro),  Carta  Relacion  al  Rey  Don  Felipe  II.  In  Cartas 
de  Indias. 

Mucharrez  (Josd  Antonio),  Contestacion  del  Ensayador  y Juez  de  Balanza. 
Mex.,  1846;  Esposicion  sobre  reformas  constitutionales.  Mex.,  1841. 

Muerde  Quedito  (El),  Papel  jocoso,  serio,  satlrico  y moral.  MS.  1714. 

Muller  (Baron  J.  W.  von),  Reisen  in  den  Vereinigten  staaten  Canada  und 
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1851;  Mex.,  1852;  Un  voto  independiente  en  la  cuestion  del  juramento. 
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Munguia  (Clemente  de  Jesus),  Defensa  Eclesidstica.  Mex.,  1858.  4to.  2 
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Munoz  (Juan  Bautista),  Memoria  sobre  las  Apariciones  y el  culto  de  Nuestra 
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Murphy  (Tomds),  Memoria  sobre  la  Deuda  csterior  de  la  Republica  Mexicana. 
Paris,  1S48. 

Muzzarelli,  Opusculo  de  la  escomunion.  Guadalajara,  1824;  Opusculo  xi.  de 
las  riquezas  del  Clero.  Guad.,  1824;  Opusculo  xviii.  Inmunidad  eclesids- 
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Nacion  (La),  Mexico,  1856  et  seq. 

Nacion  Mexicana,  Plan  de  la  constitucion  politica.  Mexico,  1823. 

Nahuatl  MS.  1576. 

Najera  (Domingo),  Estracto  del  Informe  que  ante  la  tercera  sala.  Mexico, 
1SC5. 

Nardi  (Francesco),  Visita  dell’  Imperatore  6 Imperatrice  del  Messico  al  S. 
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Narte  (Sejo  Amira  de),  Clamores  de  la  America.  Mexico,  1811. 

Nautical  Description  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  and  Bay  of  Honduras.  London, 
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Nava  (Joseph  Ignacio  Maria  de),  Elogio  funebre  que  en  las  honras  de.  Mex- 
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Navarrete  (J.  G.),  Esposicion  que  dirige  al  Congreso  General.  Mexico,  1S32. 
Navarrete  (Manuel),  Entretenimientos  Porticos.  Mexico,  1823.  2 vols. 
Navarrete  (Martin  Fernandez),  Coleccion  de  los  Viages  y Descubriinientos  que 
hicieron  los  Espaiioles  desde  fines  del  Siglo  XV.  Madrid,  1825-37.  5 vols. 
Navarro  (Jose  Antonio),  Estado  de  las  misiones  de  Nayarit,  infonne  dado  eu 
2G  de  Julio  de  1785.  MS. 

Navarro  y Ibarra  (Joaquin),  Discurso  pronunciado  el  27  de  Sept,  de  1845. 
Mexico,  1845. 

Navarro  y Noriega  (Fernando),  Catdlogo  de  los  Curatos  y Misiones  que  tiene 
la  Nueva  Espafia.  Mexico,  1813. 

Navarro  y Noriega  (Fernando),  Memoria  sobre  la  poblacion  del  Reino  de 
N.  E.  Mexico,  1820. 

Nayarit,  Fragmento  Historico.  MS. 

Nayarit,  Informe  de  la  audiencia  de  Guadalaxara  fechado  d 26  de  Agosto  de 
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Nayaricas,  Relaci  >n  de  la  Conquista.  Madrid.  [1722.] 

Nebel  (Curios),  V ige  pintoresco  y Arqueolojico  de  la  Rep.  Mex.  Paris,  etc., 
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Nebrija  (Antonio  de),  Explicacion  de  los  libros  qvarto  y quinto.  Puebla, 
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Negocios  de  Mexico,  Diseusion  en  el  Senado  Espauol  sobre  los.  Mexico,  1863. 
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Negocios  Pendientes  entre  Mexico  y Espana.  Paris,  1858. 

Negocios  Eclesiusticos,  Dictamen  de  laConiision  de.  Mexico,  1833. 
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Newcomb  (James  P.),  History  of  Secession  Times  in  Texas  and  Travels  in 
Mexico.  San  Francisco,  1863. 

Nicolie  (Rlivd),  Newe  vnd  warliaffte  relation  von  deme  was  sich  in  beederly. 
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Nicolin  (Josd  Raimundo),  La  Division  del  Territorio  en  Yucatan,  Mexico, 
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Nieuw  Spaanje.  In  Aa.,tom.  x. 

Niles  (John  M.),  History  of  South  America  and  Mexico.  Hartford,  1844.  2 
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Noamira  ( J.  R.  Z. ),  Memoria  Instructiva  sobre  el  Maguey  6 Agave  Mexicano. 
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1860. 

Norman  (B.  M.),  Rambles  by  Land  and  Water.  New  York,  1845. 

Norman  (B.  M.),  Rambles  in  Yucatan.  New  York,  1843. 

Notas,  Vocabulario  Geogrufico.  In  Cartas  de  Indias. 

Noticia  Biografica  del  Archiduque  Fernando  Maximiliano  de  Austria,  n.pl. 
n.d. 

Noticia  de  los  Procedimientos  en  la  Reposicion  de  la  Sagrada  Imdgen,  etc. 
Mexico,  1S46. 

Noticia  Estraordinaria.  Division  de  operaciones  en  la  Barra  de  Tampico. 
[Mexico,  1829.]  folio. 

Noticia  individual  de  los  derechos  que  segvn  lo  reglado  en  el  ultimo  real 
proyecto.  Barcelona,  1732. 

Noticias  de  las  espediciones  que  ban  hecho  los  Espaiioles  para  la  Conquista 
Mex.  MS.  folio. 

Noticias  historicas  de  la  Nueva  Espana  publicadas  con  la  proteccion  del  Min- 
isterio  de  Fomento.  Madrid,  1878.  folio. 


lxxxvi 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


Noticias  interesantisimas  contra  la  independencia.  Mexico,  1821.  folio. 

Noticioso  General.  Mexico,  1815  et  seq. 

Noue  de  le  Isole  & Terra  fcrma  Nouamente  trouate  in  India.  Sevilla,  1522. 

Nueva  Espaua,  Acuerdos  de  la  Junta  Superior  de  Real  Hacienda.  Mexico, 
1794.  MS. 

Nueva  Espaua,  Breve  Resumen  del  Descubrimiento  de  la.  Madrid.  [1767.] 
MS.  royal  folio.  2 vols. 

Nueva  Espaiia,  Respuestas  d las  preguntas  hechas  sobre  el  estado  de  los  In- 
dies. MS. 

Nuevas  Reflexiones  sobre  la  cuestion  Franco-Mexicana.  Mexico,  1S62. 

Nuevo  Diccionario  de  la  lengua  Castellana. 

Nuevo  Leon,  Dictdmen  de  la  comision  eclesidstico.  [Apr.  30, 1834.  Monterey, 
1834.] 

Nuevo  Leon,  Dictdmen  presentado  sobre  introduccion  de  Algodon.  Mon- 
terey, 1845. 

Nuevo  Leon.  Dictdmen  sobre  reforma  de  las  Bases  Orgdnicas.  Monterey,  1845. 

Nuix  (Juan),  Reflexiones  Imparciales.  Madrid,  1782. 

Nunez  (Alonso),  Carta  Pastoral.  Mexico,  1777.  4to. 

Nunez  (Alonzo),  Constituciones.  Mexico.  [1775.] 

Nunez  (Antonio),  Distribuciones  de  las  obras  ordinarias  y extraordinarias. 
Mexico,  1712.  4to. 

Nunez  (Ildefonzo),  Relacion  de  la  funebre  ceremonia  y exequias.  Mexico,  1802. 
4to. 

Nunez  de  Haro  y Peralta  (Alonzo),  Carta  Pastoral.  Mexico.  [1776.] 

N uiio  Pinto,  In  Ramirez,  Pi'oceso  contra  Alvarado. 

Nye  (James  W.),  Speech  in  Sen.  of  U.  S.,  July  12,  1867.  n.pl.,  n.d. 

Oajaca,  Asuntos.  In  Mex.  Doc.  Ecles.  MS.  tom.  ii. 

Oajaca,  Carta  del  Ayuntamiento.  In  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc. , tom.  xiii. 

Oajaca,  Constitucion  del  Estado  de.  Oax.,  1857 ; Copias  de  las  Contestaciones. 
Mex.,  1S25;  Discurso  que  Pronuncio  el  ciudadano  J.  M.  Arteaga  2 de 
Enero  de  1S43.  Oax.,  1843;  Esposicion  por  el  Gobierno  al  Soberano  Con- 
greso,  1843  et  seq.;  Iniciativa  que  la  Asamblea  elevb  19  Feb.  1845  sobre 
reformas  do  bases  Orgdnicas.  Oax.,  1845;  Ley  de  Instruccion  Piiblica 
1867.  n.pl.,  n.d.;  Ley  Orgdnica  para  el  Gobierno  y Administracion  In- 
terior. Oax.,  1867;  Reglamento  espedido  por  el  Hon.  Asamblea  7 de 
Feb.  1S44.  Oax.,  1844;  Reparacion  de  la  Catedral  de  Antequera.  MS. 
1723-4;  La  Victoria.  Oaj.,  187S  et  seq. 

Obispo  dc  la  Puebla,  Memorias  al  Rey.  MS.  1652. 

Observaciones  acerca  del  Parecer  Fiscal  y Acuerdo  de  la  corte  suprema  de 
Justicia.  Mexico,  1848. 

Observaciones  al  dictdmen  de  la  segunda  comision  de  Hacienda  de  la  Cdmara 
de  Diputados.  Mexico,  1840. 

Observaciones  de  los  Fabricantesy  Agricultores  de  Mexico.  Mexico,  1861. 

Observaciones  Imparciales  acerca  de  la  Administracion  Financiera.  Mexico, 
1845. 

Observaciones  sobre  las  Cuestiones  que  el  abate  Testory,  etc.  Guadalajara,  1865. 

Observaciones  y comentarios  d la  carta  que  Mauuel  Payno  ha  dirijido  al  gen- 
eral Forey.  [Vera  Cruz,  1863.] 

Observador  de  la  Republica  Mexicana  (El).  Mexico,  1827.  3 vols. 

Observador  Judicial  y de  Legislacion.  Mexico,  1842  et  seq. 

Ocaua,  Carta.  In  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc.,  tom.  xiii. 

Ochoa  (Anastacio  de),  Don  Alfonso,  Trageilia.  Mexico,  1811.  MS. 

Olmo  (Josd  del),  Relacion  Historica  del  auto  general  de  Fd.  Mejico,  1849. 

Ouate  (Zacarias),  Algo  sobre  los  Ultimos  acontccimientos  de  Querdtaro.  Querd- 
taro, 1869. 

Onis  (Luis  de),  Letter  of  5th  of  January,  1818.  In  Annals  of  Congress  1819. 
vol.  ii. 

Onis  (Luis  de),  Memoir  upon  the  Negotiations  between  Spain  and  the  United 
States.  Baltimore,  1821. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


lxxxvii 


Oposicion  (La).  Mexico,  1834  et  seq. 

Opusculo  de  la  verdad  y de  la  razon  contra  el  proyecto  de  un  monopolio  co- 
mercial.  Mexico,  1839. 

Oraciones  Civicas.  A Collection. 

Oratoria  Espauola  y Americana,  Discurso  Hiatdrico-Critico.  MS.  folio. 

Orcolaga  (Diego  Ambrosio  de),  La  Luz  del  PharoMas  Pura.  Mexico,  1718. 

Ordenanza  dc  la  renta  de  Tabaco.  Mexico,  1846. 

Ordenanza  Mill  tar,  tratado  cuarto,  Reglamento  para  el  Ejercicio  y Maniobras 
de  la  Infautcria  Mexico,  1834.  2 vols. 

Ordenanzas.  n.pl.,  1548. 

Ordenanzas  de  Indias.  A Collection.  4to. 

Ordenanzas  de  la  Junta  de  Guerra  de  Indias.  [Madrid]  1634. 

Orden  de  Cdrlos  III. , Real  Despacho.  Madrid,  1775.  folio. 

Ordcnes  de  la  Corona.  A Collection.  MS.  folio.  7 vols. 

Orellana  (Manuel),  Manifestacion  quo  hace  al  Publico.  Mexico,  1859.  4to. 

Orizava,  Libro  curioso  que  contienc  algunos  apuntes  particulares  acaecidos  en 
esta  Villa.  MS.;  Reglamento  4 que  debe  sujetarse  el  cuerpo  de  cose- 
clieros  del  di  dto  10  de  Mayo  1842.  Mex.,  1842;  Reglamento  del  cuerpo 
de  cosecheros  de  Tabaco  del  distrito  de  13  de  Agosto  de  1842.  Mexico, 
1S42. 

Orizava  y Cordova,  Documentos  referentes  4 los  sucesos  ocurridos.  Vera 
Cruz,  1S34. 

Ormaechca  (Juan  B.),  Oracion  funebre  en  las  solemnes  honras,  Josd  Santiago. 
Mexico,  1845. 

Orozco  y Berra  (Manuel),  Cartografia  Mexicana.  Mexico,  n.d. ; Geografia 
de  las  Lenguas  y Carta  Etnografica  de  Mexico.  Mexico,  1864;  Historia 
de  Mexico;  Memoria  para  el  Plano  de  la  ciudad  de  Mex.  Mex.,  1867; 
Memoria  para  la  Carta  Hidrografica  del  Valle  de  Mex.  Mex. , 1864.  4to. ; 
Noticia  Ilistorica  del  Marquis  del  Valle.  Mex.,  1853. 

Orquesta  (La).  Mexico,  1870  et  seq. 

Orrio  (Francisco  X.  A.  de),  Solucion  del  Gran  Problema.  Mexico,  1763.  4to. 

Orta  (Francisco  de  P.),  Refutation  al  maniiiesto  de  la  Guamicion  de  Vera 
Cruz.  Mexico,  1839. 

Ortega  (Amado),  Voto  fundado  de  uno  de  los  ministros  de  la  corte  de  justicia. 
Mexico,  1S33. 

Ortega  (Eulalio  Maria),  Plaidoyer  sur  F incompetence  du  conseil  de  Guerre 
Francais.  Mexico,  1864. 

Ortega  (F.),  Poesias.  Mejico,  1839. 

Ortega  (Fernando  de),  Alegacion  Juridica  por.  Mexico,  1714.  folio. 

Ortega  (Jesus  G.),  Protesta  del  Presidente  de  la  Corte  Suprema  de  Justicia. 
[Mexico]  1865.  4to. 

Ortega  (Lucas  Fernandez),  Vida  de  la  Madre  Maria  Magdalena,  religiosa  del 
Monasterio  de  San  Ger6nimo  de  Mex.  MS.  [1636.]  4to. 

Ortega  (Manuel  del  C.),  El  Trono  de  Mexico  1864.  Mexico,  1864. 

Ortega  y San  Antonio  (Joseph  Joachin),  Xueva  Aljaba  apostolica  con  varias 
canciones.  Mexico,  1757. 

Ortiz  (Tadeo),  Mexico  considerado  como  nacion  independiente.  Burdeos, 
1832. 

Ortiz  de  Ayala  (Tadeo),  Resumen  de  la  Estadistica  del  Imperio  Mexicano. 
Mexico,  1822. 

Osborne  (John),  Guide  to  the  West  Indies,  Madeira,  Mexico,  etc.  London, 
1S45. 

Ossorio  (Diego),  Americano  serdphico  llanto  de  esta  pro vincia  del  Santo  Evan- 
gelio.  Mexico,  1737.  4to. 

Ossuna  (Joachin),  Peregrinacion  chi’istiana  por  el  camino  real.  Mexico,  1756. 

Oswald  (Felix  L.),  Summerland  sketches.  Philadelphia,  1880. 

Otero  (Mariano),  Comunicacion  sobre  las  negociacioues  entre  Estados-Unidos 
y Mexico.  Mexico,  1847. 

Otero  (Mariano),  Ensayo  sobre  el  verdadero  estado  de  la  cuestion  social  y 
politica,  Mexico,  1842.  Mex.,  1S42. 


lxxxviii 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


Otero  (Mariano),  Obras.  LIS.  1859-60.  7 vols. 

Otero  (Mariano), Oracion  civica  eldia  16  de  Setiembre  de  1843.  Mexico,  1843. 

Oviedo  (Juan  Antonio  de),  Vida  admirable,  apostolicos  ministerios  y herdicas 
virtudes.  Mexico,  1752.  4to. 

Oviedo  y Valdds  (Gonzalo  Fernandez  de),  De  la  Natural  Hystoria  de  las  In- 
dias.  Toledo,  1526. 

Oviedo  y Valdes  (Gonzalo  Fernandez  de),  Historia  General  y Natural  de  las 
Indias.  Madrid,  1851-5.  4 vols.  4to. 

Oviedo  y Valdds  (Gonzalo  Fernandez  de)  Sommario.  In  Ramusio,  Viaggi. 
tom.  iii. 

Oviedo  Herrera  y Rueda  (Luis  Antonio  de),  Poema  sacro  de  la  pasionde  Jesu 
Cristo.  Mexico,  1780.  4to. 

Owen  (Tom),  Anecdotes  and  Letters  of  Zachary  Taylor.  New  York,  1848. 

Pabellon  Nacional.  Mexico,  1844  et  seq. 

Pacheco  ( J oaquin  F. ) and  Cardenas  et  at. , Coleccion  de  Documentos  Indditos 
relativos  al  Descubrimiento,  Conquista  y Colonizacion  de  las  Posesiones 
Espanolas  en  America.  Madrid,  1864-81.  34  vols. 

Pacheco  (Josd  Ramon),  Cuestion  de  Mexico.  Mexico,  1863 ; Descripcion  de  la 
solemnidad  fiinebre  etc.  de  Iturbide.  Mex.,  1849;  Exposicion  del  exmin- 
istro  de  relaciones.  Querdtaro,  1847 ; Guerra  de  Espana  con  Mejico. 
Paris,  1856;  Lettres  sur  le  Mexique.  Bordeaux,  1833. 

Pacto  Social  sobre  Leyes,  Jueces  y Abogados,  contra  el  nuevo.  [Mexico,  1822.] 

Palacio  (Mariano  Riva),  and  Rafael  Martinez  de  la  Torre,  Memorandum  sobre 
el  Proceso  del  Maximiliano.  Mexico,  1867. 

Palacio  (Vicente  Riva),  Soberania  de  los  Estados  y la  Suprema  Corte  de  Jus- 
ticia.  Mexico,  1874. 

Palafox  y Mendoza  (Juan),  Obras.  Madrid,  1762.  folio.  15  vols.  [Most  of 
which  works  also  exist  in  separate  form.] 

Palanca  (La).  Guadalajara,  1826  et  seq. 

Panes  (Diego  Garcia),  Extension  interesante  de  la  Plaza  de  Vera  Cruz.  MS. 
18C0. 

Panes  y Abelian  (Diego),  Cronologia  de  los  Vi-reyes  de  Nueva  Espana.  MS. 

Papalotla,  Instalacion  de  su  Ayuntamiento.  MS. 

Papel  de  Estrasa  en  que  se  filtra  el  Baratillo  y se  cuela  de  iSTulgo.  MS.  1753. 

Papeles  en  Derecho.  A Collection. 

Papeles  de  Jesuitas.  A Collection.  MS.  folio. 

Papeles  Franciscanos.  A Collection.  MS.  folio.  2 vols. 

Papeles  Sueltos.  A Collection. 

Papeles  Varios.  A Collection  of  Spanish  and  Mexican  Pamphlets.  218  vols. 

Parada  (Vicente  Gomez),  Segunda  esposicion  que  hace  al  Soberano  Congreso. 
Mexico,  1841. 

Pardo  (Diego),  Mdtrica  exposicion  de  la  regia  serdfica,  etc.  MS.  1650. 

Parecer  de  los  Senores  Thedlogos  de.  Salamanca,  1541. 

Paredes  (Antonio  de),  Carta  edificante.  Mexico,  1791;  Carta  edificante,  ex- 
tinguida  Compafna  de  Jesvs.  Mexico,  1784;  Voto  Particular,  en  la  Junta 
de  Mineria  de  16  de  Marzo.  Mexico,  1868. 

Paredes  (Mariano),  Breve  Esposicion  que  el  General  hace.  Mex.,  1847. 

Paredes  y Arrillaga  (Mariano),  Breve  esposicion  que  haced  susconciudadanos. 
Mex.,  1847;  Contestaciones  que  d la  circular.  S.  L.  Potosi,  1845;  Espo- 
sicion que  d sus  conciudadanos.  Mex.,  1841;  Manifiesto  de  la  Repub- 
lica  Mexicana.  Mex.,  1846. 

Parescer  6 Determinacion  de  los  senores  thedlogos  de  Salamanca.  Londres, 
1854.  4to. 

Parian  (El),  Coleccion  de  documentos  oficiales  relativos  d la  construccion, 
etc.,  del.  Mex.,  1S43;  Esposicion  d la  Camara  por  Demolicion  de.  Mex., 
1S44 ; Primera  represen tacion  del  Comercio  solicitando  una  indemnizacion. 
Mex.,  1849. 

Parker  (Theodore),  A Sermon  on  the  Mexican  War.  June  25,  1848.  Boston, 
1848. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


lxxxix 


Parkman  (P.),  Informe  quo  di6  el  perito  facultativo,  minas  del  mineral  del 
Gallo.  Mexico,  1848.  4to. 

Parra  (Francisco),  Conquista  de  la  provincia  de  Xalisco,  Nuevo  Reyno  de 
Galicia,  etc.  MS.  [1805]  4to. 

Parra  (Joseph  Gomez),  Importantissimas  y verdaderas  resoluciones  para 
Eclcsiasticos.  Puebla,  1712. 

Parres  (Luis),  Manifestacion  del  Contador  de  la  Aduana  Maritima  de  Mata- 
moros.  Matamoros,  1839. 

Parrodi  (A.),  Memoria  sobre  la  Evacuacion  militar  del  puerto  de  Tampico. 
Tamaulipas,  1846. 

Parthe  (Ernst),  Die  Intervention  in  Mexico.  Leipzig  and  Stuttgart,  1SG4. 

Pasatiempo  (El),  Coleccion  de  Novelas,  An<5cdotas,  etc.  Mejico,  1839. 

Pastoral  en  dos  Actos.  MS.  1828. 

Patino  (Pedro  Pablo),  Disertacion  critico  theo-filos6fica  sobre  la  conservacion 
de  la  Santa  imiigen.  Mexico,  1801.  4to. 

Patronato  analizado  contra  el  Patronato  embrollado.  Mcjico,  1833. 

Patronato,  Didiogo  entre  tin  cura  y un  Abogado.  Mexico,  1827. 

Patronato,  Opstisculos  sobre.  A Collection. 

Patterson  (Geo.  W.),  Across  Mexico  to  California.  MS. 

Pattronatto  de  Partte  (1726  hasta  1742).  MS. 

Pauw  (Corneille),  Recherches  philosophiques  sur  les  Amdricains.  Londres, 
etc.,  1770.  3 vols. 

Payno,  Cronologia  de  Mexico.  In  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  tom.  vi. 

I'ayno  (Manuel),  Compendio  de  la  Historia  de  Mexico.  Mexico,  1870 ; Cuadro, 
sinoptico  de  la  Historia  Antigua  de  Mexico.  Mcx. , 1867 ; Cuentas,  Gastos 
Acreedores  y otros  asuntos.  Mex.,  186S ; La  Convencion  Espanola. 
Mex.,  1857;  La  Deuda  Interior  de  Mex.  Mex.,  1865;  Memoria  sobre  cl 
Maguey  Mex.  Mex.,  1864  ; Memoria  sobre  la  Revolucion  de  Die.  de  1857 
y Enero  de  1858.  Mex.,  1860 ; Mexico  and  her  Financial  Questions 
with  England.  Mex.,  1862;  Proyectos  de  arreglo  de  los  gastos  de  la 
Hacienda.  Mex.,  184S. 

Paz  (La).  Mexico,  1858  et  seq. 

Paz  (Jos<5  Ignacio),  Plan  de  estatutos,  constituciones  y ejercicios.  Mexico, 
1819. 

Pearce,  Speech  on  Ten  Regiment  Bill.  Jan.  13,  1848.  Washington,  1848. 

Pearce,  Speech  on  Three  Million  Bill.  March  1,  1847.  Washington,  1847. 

Pedraza  (Manuel  Gomez),  Acusacion  presentada  en  la  edmara  de  diputados,  2 
Die.  1830.  Mex.  1830;  Impugnacion  d la  contestation  del.  Mex.,  1827; 
Manifiesto  (Jul.  30,  1823).  (Mex.,  1823);  Notas  al  manifiesto  Publicado. 
Mex.,  1831 ; Reflexiones  importantes  al Mensage  de  Pedraza.  ilex.,  1833. 

Pedroza  (F.  de  J. ),  Biografias  de  los  principals  Caudillos  de  la  Independencia. 
La  Paz,  1878  ; Compendio  Histdrico  de  la  Conquista  de  Mexico.  La  Paz, 
1877. 

Pelletan  (Eugenio),  Profession  de  f<5  del  Siglo  Diez  Y Nueve.  Mexico,  1861. 

Pena  (Ignacio  de  la),  Trono  Mexicano  en  el  Convento  de  religiosas  pobres 
capuchinas.  Madrid,  172S.  4to. 

Pena  (Luis  de  la),  La  Muerte  Temprana  pero  Madura.  Mexico,  1725. 

Pena  y Pena  (Manuel  de  la),  Coleccion  de  los  documentos  mas  importantes 
relativos  a la  instalacion  y Reconocimiento.  Mex.,  1847 ; Discursos  pre- 
sentados  4 la  Academia  de  Jurisprudencia.  Mex.  1850;  Lecciones  de 
Prdctica  Forense  Mejicana.  Mex.,  1835-9.  4 vols;  Revoquese  esta 
sancion  por  el  bien  de  lp,  Nacion.  Mex.,  1841.  folio;  Voto  fundado  por, 
en  la  causa  contra  Alaman.  Mex.,  1835. 

Pena  y Pena  (Manuel  de  la),  Comunicacion  Circular  sobre  la  Cuestion  de  Paz 
6 Guerra.  Querdtaro,  1848. 

Pensamiento  Nacional  (El).  Mexico,  1855  et  seq. 

Penuelas  (Pablo),  Sermon  que  en  accion  de  gracias  por  la  exaltacion  al  trono. 
Mexico,  1791. 

Penuelas  (Pablo  Antonio),  Breve  noticia  de  la  prodigiosa  imdgen  de  Nuestra 
Senora  de  Los  Angeles.  Mexico,  1781. 


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AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


Peralta  (Antonio  de),  Disertaciones  scholastic*  de  Divinis  Decretis.  Mexico, 
1727. 

Peralta  (Juan  Suarez  de),  Noticias  Ilistoricas  de  la  Nueva  Espafia.  Madrid, 
1878.  folio. 

Peraza  (Juan),  Proceso  contra  negro  esclauo  de  Guillen  Peraza.  MS.,  1599. 

Peredo  (Vicente  del),  Historia  de  la  Santisima  Virgen  Maria.  Mexico,  1823. 

Perez,  Proclama  del  Capitan  General.  Mexico,  1 809. 

Perez  (Antonio  Joaquin),  Oracion  funebre,  Salvador  Biempica  y Sotomayor. 
Madrid,  1804. 

Perez  y Camoto  (Florencio),  Representacion  que  4 favor  del  libre  comercio, 
etc.  Habana,  1818.  4to. 

Perez  (Gio.),  and  Gio.  Battista  Zappa,  see  Relatione  Della  Missione,  etc. 

Perico  (El).  Mexico,  1862  et  seq. 

Periodicos  Miscelaneos.  A Collection. 

Pex-iddicos  Varios.  A Collection. 

Perry  (J.  A.),  Travels,  Scenes,  and  Sufferings  in  Cuba,  Mexico,  etc.  Boston, 

1853. 

IMsamc  A los  Mexicanos  por  la  muerte  de  la  Patria.  6 Sea  oposicion  4 la  ley 
sobre  cobre,  Tabaco  y Tejas.  Mexico,  1841. 

PAsame  de  PAsamcs  y Respecto  de  respectos.  MS. 

Peterson  (Charles  J. ),  The  Military  Heroes  of  the  War  of  1812  and  of  the  war 
with  Mexico.  Philadelphia,  1858. 

Peypus  (Frederick),  Em  auszug  ettlicher  sendbrieff  dem  aller  durchleuchti- 
gistcn.  Nuremburg,  1520. 

Phelps,  Speech  in  U.  S.  Senate,  Jan.  27,  1848.  Washington,  1848. 

Phillips  (John),  Mexico  Illustrated.  London,  1848.  folio. 

Pierard  (A.),  Souvenirs  du  Mexique.  Bruxelles,  1S67. 

Pierron  (Eduardo),  Datos  para  la  Geografia  del  Imperio  Mexicano.  Mexico, 
I860.  4to. 

Pieseliel  (Carl),  Die  Vulkane  der  Republik  Mexiko.  Berlin,  1856.  folio. 

Pillow,  Defence  of,  before  court  of  inquiry,  n.pl.  [1848.] 

Pimentel  (Francisco),  Cuadro  descriptivo  y comparative  de  las  lenguas  indl- 
genas  de  Mexico.  Mex.,  1862.  2vols.;  Disertacion  leida  en  la  Sociedad 
Mexicana  de  Historia  Natural.  Mex.,lS69;  La  Economia  Politica.  Mex., 
1866;  Memoria  sobre  las  Causas  que  lian  originado  la  situacion  actual  de 
la  raza  indigena  de  Mex.  Mexico,  1864. 

Pina  y Cuevas  (Manuel),  Esposcion  al  Tribunal  Superior  del  Distrito  Federal. 
Mexico,  1861. 

Pinal  (L. ),  Catecismo  de  economia  politica.  Mexico,  1856. 

Pinart  (Alphonse),  Coleccion  de  documentos  originales  para  la  historia  de 
Mexico.  MS. 

Pineda  (Emeterio),  Descripcion  Geografica  del  departmento  de  Chiapas  y So- 
conusco.  Mexico,  1845. 

Piquero  (Ignacio),  Breve  Instruccion  sobre  las  Contribuciones.  Mexico,  1845. 

Pius  V.,  Bulla  Confirmationis.  1568. 

Pizarro  (Xicolas),  Catecismo  politico  constitucional.  Mejico,  1867. 

Pizarro  y Orellana  (Fernando),  Varones  Ilvstres  del  Nvevo  Mvndo.  Madrid, 
1639.  folio. 

Plan  de  Hacienda  para  la  Repiiblica  Mexicana.  Mexico,  1847. 

Plancarte  (Joseph),  Sermon  de  gracias  que  en  la  exaltacion  al  trono.  Mexico, 
1791. 

Plateria,  Ordenanzas  de  la  nobilissimo  arte.  Mexico,  1715.  folio. 

Plausible  gozo  de  la  N.  Espaua  por  la  prision  de  crueles  insurgentes.  [Mexico] 
n.d.  4to. 

Plaza  de  Mexico,  Balanza  Mercantil,  1843-5.  Mexico,  1844-6.  folio. 

Pleitos.  A Collection.  6 vols. 

Poblanos  (Los),  4 los  liabitantes  de  Mejico.  Puebla,  1821.  folio. 

Pobre  Peregrino  (El).  Vera  Cruz,  1844.  folio. 

Poesias  Mexicanas  1700-1860.  A Collection.  2 vols. 

Poinsett  (J.  R.),  Contestacion  del  Ministro  Americano.  Mex.,  1829;  Esposi- 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


xoi 


cion  fie  la  conducta  politica  de  los  Estados-Unidos.  Mex.,  1827;  Mani- 
fiesto  de  los  principios  politicos.  Mex.,  1828;  Notes  on  Mexico.  London, 
1825. 

Polichinelle  (Platon),  El  Area  del  Pueblo.  Mexico,  1858.  2 vols. 

Politica  de  los  espaiioles  en  la  couquista  y colonizacion  de  America.  Madrid, 

1S82. 

Polk  (J.  K.),  Mensage  del  Presidente  de  los  Estados-Unidos.  Mexico,  1S48. 

Ponmarede  (J.  A.),  Nouveau  moycn  de  prevenir  les  Inondations  de  la  Ville 
et  la  Valle  de  Mex.  Mexico,  1800. 

Poore  (Ben  Perley),  Life  of  Gen.  Zachary  Taylor.  Boston,  n.d. 

Portegueda  (Juan  Ventura  de),  Sentimientos  sublimes  de  religion.  Mexico, 
1811. 

Porter  (Charles  T.),  Review  of  the  Mexican  War.  Auburn,  1849. 

Portfolio  (The).  Philadelphia,  1817. 

Portilla  (Ansel mo  de  la),  Espaua  en  Mexico.  Mexico,  1871;  Mejico  en  1856  y 
1857.  New  York,  1858. 

Portilla  (J.  de  la),  Episodio  Histbrico  del  gob.  Dictatorial  en  la  Republica 
Mcxicana.  Mexico,  1801. 

Portilla  (Jesus  Lopez),  Esposicion  que  dirige  al  Publico  el  Gobemador  de 
Jalisco.  Mexico,  1853,  4to. 

Portilla  (Pedro  de  la),  Representacion  que  el  ciudadano  hace  al  soberano 
Congrcso,  1S26.  Mexico,  1820. 

Portugal  (Juan  Cayetano).  [Pastoral  letter  22  de  Feb.  1850.]  MS.  [Morelia, 

1850.] 

Posadas  (.Manuel),  Alegato  de  defensa.  Mexico,  1830. 

Potestad  Pontificia.  Madrid,  1826. 

Poussin  (Guillaume  Tell),  De  la  Puissance  Ambricaine,  etc.  Paris,  1 848.  2 vols. 

Powell  (C.  Frank),  Life  of  Maj.-Gen.  Zachary  Taylor.  New  York,  1840. 

Pradt  (Dufour  de).  The  Colonies  and  the  Present  American  Revolutions. 

• London,  1817. 

Presas  Josb),  Juicio  Imparcial  sobre  las  principales  causas  de  la  revolucion  de 
la  America  Espaiiola.  Burdeos,  1828. 

Presas  (.Josef  de),  Memoria  sobre  el  estado  y situacion  politica  en  que  se  hal- 
laba  cl  reyno  de  Nueva-Espafia  en  Agosto  de  1S23.  Madrid,  1824.  4to. 

Prescott  (William  II.),  Historia  de  la  Conquista  do  Mexico.  Mexico,  1844—0. 
3 vols.;  also  Mexico,  1845-6,  3 vols.;  also  Madrid,  1847-50,  4 vols. 

Prescott  (William  II. ),  Historia  de  la  Conquista  del  Peril.  Mexico,  1850.  2 
vols. 

Prescott  (William  H.),  Historia  del  Reinado  de  los  Reyes  Catblicos  D.  Fer- 
nando y Isabel.  Mexico,  1854.  2 vols. 

Prescott  (William  H.),  History  of  the  Conquest  of  Mexico.  New  York, 
1S44.  3 vols. ; also  Philadelphia,  1860.  3 vols. 

Prbstamos,  Contribuciones  y Exacciones  de  la  Iglesia  de  Guadalajara.  Guada- 
lajara, 1S47. 

Prieto  (Guillermo),  Algunas  ideas  sobre  organizacion  de  la  Hacienda.  Mex., 
1S01 ; Indicaciones  sobre  el  orxgen,  etc.,  de  las  Rentas  Generales  de  la  Fed. 
Mex.  ilex.,  1850;  LeccioDes  Elementales  de  Economia  Politica.  Mex., 
1871 ; Viaje  d los  Estados  Unidos  1877.  Mex.,  1877-9.  3 vols.;  Viages 
de  Ordcn  Supremo.  Mex.,  1857. 

Prim  (General),  Discurso  en  el  Scnado  Espaiiol,  Cuestion  Mex.  Mexico,  1862. 
4to;  Speech  upon  the  Mexican  question  in  the  Senate  of  Spain.  San 
Francisco,  1863. 

Primer  gefe  del  Ejercito, imperial  d los  habitantes  de  Mexico.  Mexico,  1821. 
folio. 

Proceso  por  el  Real  Audiencia  de  la  Espaiiola.  In  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc. , tom.  i. 

Proccso  sobre  la  fuga  de  siete  religiosos  del  Convento  de  la  Merced.  MS. 
Mexico,  1S00. 

Proclama  de  una  Americana  d sus  compatricias.  [Mexico,  1810.] 

Proclama  del  Arzobispo  Virey  contra  los  engauos  pbrfidos  de  los  Bonapartes. 
[Mexico,  1810.] 


xcii 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


Proclaim  que  tlirige  d los  espauoles  Europeos.  Mexico,  1810. 

Prontuario  por  materias  y drden  alfabdtico.  Mexico,  1S28. 

Prospectus  and  Act  Incorporating  the  American  and  Mexican  Railroad  and 
Telegraph  Company.  New  York,  1869. 

Protesta  del  Ilhno  Senor  Arzobispo  de  Cesarea  y vicario  Capitular.  Mexico, 
1848. 

Providencias  sobre  Azogues,  1670-73.  MS. 

Provincia  de  San  Diego  de  Mexico,  Alternativa  que  se  ha  observado.  MS. 

1772.  t 

Provincia  de  San  Nicolds,  (Por  la)...De  la  Orden  de  San  Augustin  en  el 
Pleyto  con  el  Padre  presen tado  Fray,  n.pl.,  n.d. 

Provincia  del  Santo  Evangelio  de  Nueva  Espana.  [A  collection  of  MSS.  of 
the  16th  century.]  folio. 

Provincial  del  Carmen,  Esposicion  que  por  las  exenciones  de  la  Provincia  de 
Mexico,  1851. 

Provincias  Internas,  Copia  de  una  carta  del  Ministro  de  Guerra  de  Espana  de 
24  de  Julio,  1812.  MS. 

Provincias  Internas,  Real  Orden  de  11  de  Marzo  de  17S8  concediendo  alvirey 
de  N.  Espafia.  MS. 

Provincias  Internas,  Real  Orden  de  la  Regencia  de  12  de  Julio,  1812.  MS. 

Provision  de  Obispados,  Cuestion  relativa  A la.  Mexico,  1850. 

Proyecto  de  Comunicacion  Ocednica  por  el  Centro  de  la  Republica.  Vera 
Cruz,  1851. 

Proyecto  de  un  Fcrrocarril  y Teldgrafo  desde  la  Linea  Division  de  Mexico  y los 
Estados-Unidos.  Mexico,  1868. 

Proyecto  para  Galeones  y Flotas  del  Peru  y Nueva- Espana.  Madrid,  1720. 
folio. 

Proyecto  sobre  un  establecimento  de  Papel  Moneda.  Mexico,  1822. 

Puebla,  Arancel  de  los  honorarios  y derechos  judiciales.  Puebla,  1841 ; Mex., 
1840;  El  Ayuntamientode  Puebla  dlos  habitantes  de  su  comarca.  [Mex., 
1821.]  folio;  Breve  Descripeion  de  los  festivos.  n.pl.  [1767]  4to;  Con- 
testacion  dada  por  el  Sr*  Obispo  de  Puebla.  Mex.,  1847;  Contestaciun 
dirigida  al  exmo  Sr-  Gob.  Puebla,  1851.  4to;  Contestaeion  al  Manifiesto 
que  seis  individuos  del  Ayunt0  de  Puebla.  Puebla,  1840.  4to;  Coleccion 
de  Acuerdos  y Decretos.  Puebla,  1832.  4to;  Coleccion  de  los  Decretos, 
etc.,  del  1°  Cong.  Constitucional  en  1826-8.  Puebla,  1828.  folio;  Consti- 
tucion  Politica  del  Estado  Libre  de  Puebla.  Puebla,  1825;  Puebla,  1S4S; 
Puebla,  1861 ; Corona  Civica  d los  li <5 roes  del  2 de  Abril  de  18C7.  Merida, 
1868;  Decreto  de  28  de  Setiembre  de  1861.  n.pl.,  n.d. ; El  C.  Francisco 
Ibarra  gobemador  intcrino  d sus  habitantes,  sabed.  [Puebla,  1865];  Inici- 
ativa  que  para  impedir  la  importacion  de  hilaza  estraugera  y demas  efectos 
Prohibidos.  [Puebla,  1841.]  4to;  De  la  Junta  de  industria  de  Puebla, 
n.pl.,  1846.  4to;  Libcrtad  de  Puebla.  [Mexico,  1828];  Manifiesto  que  el 
Batallon.  Puebla,  1830;  Manifiesto  del  Senor  Obispo  con  otros  docu- 
mentos  para  desengaiio  de  los  incautos.  Mexico,  1812;  Manifiesto 
que  hacen  al  publico  el  Alcalde,  Regidores  y Sindico.  Puebla, 
1S40;  Memoria  presentada  al  Congreso  de  Puebla  de  los  Angeles  por  el 
Secretario  del  Despaeho  de  Gob0  sobre  el  estado  de  la  Admin,  pub11,  ano 
de  1827.  Mex.,  1827.  4to;  Memoria  presentada  al  Congreso  de  Puebla 
de  Los  Angeles  por  el  Secretario  del  despaeho  de  Gob0  sobre  el  estado 
de  la  Admin,  pub®,  ano  de  1830.  Mex.  [1830]  4to;  Noticias  Sagradas 
que  ;1  mayor  honra  y gloria  de  Dios.  Puebla,  n.d.  4to;  Nuevos  Medios 
para  una  Comunicacion  Inter-Ocednica.  Puebla,  1851;  Ofrecimiento  de 
los  Seuadores  Eclesidsticos  de  la  Ciudad  de  Puebla.  Mex.,  1821;  Orde- 
nanzas  para  elnuevo  estab.  de  Alcaldes  de  Quartel.  Puebla,  1796.  folio; 
Parte  Gen.  que  sobre  la  eampana  de  Puebla.  Mex.,  1856.  Proclama 
Oct.  24,  1846.  [Puebla,  1S46.]  folio;  Reilexiones  sobre  varios  Articulos 
del  Proyecto  de  Constitucion.  Puebla,  1S23;  Refutacion  d la  Contesta- 
cion.  Puebla,  1840;  Representacion  del  Ex1110  Ayuntamiento  de  la  cap- 
ital de  Puebla.  Puebla,  1836.  4to;  Representacion  que  la  exm®  junta 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


xciii 


Departmental  de  Puebla.  [Puebla,  1S41.]  4to;  Representacion  que  la 
junta  disectiva  de  industria.  Puebla,  1 S3 1 . 4to;  Representaciou  de  la 
Junta  de  industria.  n.p.  1S46.  4to;  Representacion  que  la  junta  de  in- 
dustria de  Puebla  eleva  al  honorable  congreso.  Puebla,  1850.  4to. 

Puebla  de  los  Angeles,  Noticias  sagradas  que  d mayor  lionra.  Puebla,  1G91. 

Puebla  de  Zaragoza,  Sitio  de.  Mexico,  1803. 

Pueblo  Mexicano,  Relacion  de  las  causas  que  influyeron  en  los  degraciados 
sucesos  del  dia  20  de  Agosto  de  1847.  Mex.,  1847. 

Ibiente  Escala  aereo,  Ligera  descripcion.  [Mexico,  1841.] 

l’uente  (Pedro  de  la),  Reflexiones  sobre  el  Bando  de  25  de  Junio  Ultimo. 
Mexico,  1S12.  4to. 

Puerta  (Juan  de  la),  Carta  al  Emperador.  In  Cartas  de  Indias. 

Puerto  ct  al..  Carta  al  Consejo  de  las  Indias.  In  Cartas  de  Indias. 

l’ucrtocarrero,  Testimonio  de,  In  Col.  Doc.  Indd.,  tom.  i. 

l’uga  (Vasco  de),  [Cedulario]  Provisiones,  Cddulas,  Instrumentos  de  su  Ma- 
gestad.  Mexico,  1503. 

Puigblanch  (Antonio),  La  inquisicion  sin  mdscara,  6 disertacion.  Mexico, 
1824. 

Pulque  Blanco,  Ordenanijas  de  los  Senores  Virreyes.  [Mexico,  1053.]  folio. 

Purchas,  His  Pilgrimes.  London,  1025-0.  5 vols.  folio. 

l’urdy  (John),  Whittle  and  Laurie’s  complete  Sailing  Directions.  London, 
1819. 

Tusalgas  (Ignacio),  El  Nigromdntico  Mejicano.  Barcelona,  1838.  2 vols. 

Quarterly  Review.  London,  1809  et  seq. 

Que  Muera  el  Papel  Moncda  yaque  Comenzd  d Enfermar.  [Mexico,  1823.] 

Queipo  (Manuel  Abad),  Carta  pastoral  del  ilnstrisimo  Senor  Obispo  electo  y 
Gobemador.  Mexico,  1813;  Coleccion  de  los  escritos  mas  importantes 
que  dirigid al  Gobierno.  Mex.,  1813;  Edicto instructivo.  [Sept.  30,  1810. 
Mex.,  1810.] 

Quejas  de  los  Mexicanos  A,  su  Ilustre  Presidente.  Mexico,  1841. 

Querdtaro,  Caida  de...en  18G7.  Mex.,  18G8;  Constitucion  Politica  del 
Estado  el  12  de  Agosto  de  1825.  Mex.,  1833;  Dictdmen  que  la  Junta 
departamental.  Querdtaro,  1840;  Dos  Palabras  eu  Honor  de.  Quer., 
1842;  El  Congreso  de  Querdtaro  d sus  Comitantes.  Mex.,  1849;  El 
Cura  de  Santiago  de,  d sus  fieles  habitantes.  n.pl.,  u.d. ; Espediente  for- 
mado  sobre  la  suspension  que  decretd  cl  Supremo  Gobierno.  Quer.,  1S44; 
Estadistica  del  Departamento.  Quer.,  1840;  Iniciativa  que  la  Honorable 
Legislatura.  Quer.,  1848;  Querdtaro  Libre.  Mex.,  1830;  Notas  esta- 
disticas.  Mex.,  1848;  Ocurrencias  en  los  dias  18  y 19  de  Enero  de  1847. 
Quer.,  1847;  Ordenanza  que  para  la  Division  de  la  ciudad  de  Santiago, 
ilex.,  1790;  Relacion  Histdrica  que  liace  la  Exma  Asamblea.  Quer., 
1845. 

Quijar  (Gerdnimo),  Alegato  de  Buena  Prueba  presentado  por  el.  Durango, 
1S71. 

Quijotita  (La),  y su  prima.  Mexico,  1831-2.  4 vols. 

Quinet  (Edgar),  La  Espedicion  de  Mexico.  Mexico,  1803. 

Quiiiones  (Josd  Garcia),  Descripcion  de  las  demostraciones.  Puebla,  1809. 

Quintana  Roo  (Andres),  Acusacion  presentada  en  la  Cdmara  de  Diputados  el 
2 deDic.  de  1830.  Mex.  1830;  Amplicacion  que  el.  Mex.,  1832;  Cuarta 
representacion  d la  Cdm  de  Dip.  Mex.,  1831;  Discurso  en  la  Alameda 
el  10  de  Sept,  de  1S45.  Mex.,  1845;  Informe  del  Apoderado  de  los 
Acreedores,  etc.  Mex.,  1834;  Observaciones  sobre  un  informe  que  did. 
Mex.,  1835. 

Quiroga,  Carta.  In  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc.,  tom.  xiii. 

Quiroga  (Domingo),  Compendio  breve  de  la  Vida,  etc.  Mexico,  1729. 

Quiros  (Josd  Maria),  Memoria  de  Estatuto.  Vera  Paz,  1817;  Voz  imperiosa 
de  la  Verdad.  Mex.,  1S10. 

Quixano  (Dr),  Discurso  sobre  la  Insurrecion  de  Amdrica.  Mexico,  1814; 
Guadalaxara,  1814. 


XC1V 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


Ramirez  (Antonio  do  Guadalupe),  Breve  Compendio  de  todo  lo  que  debe  saber 
y entender.  Mexico,  1785. 

Ramirez  (.Josd  Fernando),  Acusacion  presentada  al  Gran  Jurado.  Mejico, 
n.d.;  Apuntes  para  escribir  la  Historia  del  valor  y origen  de  las  Monedas 
que  corrian  en  Mexico  en  el  siglo  de  su  conquista.  MS.  folio;  Apuntes 
para  scrvir  d la  historia  de  las  Convenciones  Diplomdticas.  Mex. , 1852; 
Documentos  rclativos  d la  fundacion  del  Hospital  del  Amor  de  Dios.  MS. ; 
Informe  que  liizo  en  defensa  de  Bonilla.  Mex.,  1SG1;  Memorias,  Nego- 
ciaciones  y Documentos  para  servir  d la  Historia  entre  Mexico  y los  Es- 
tados-Unidos  [cuestion  Tehuantepec].  Mex.,  1853;  Noticias  Histdrieas 
y Estadisticas  de  Durango.  Mex.,  1851;  Observaeiones  hechas  al  docu- 
mento  n°  4 de  la  memoria.  Mej.,  1852;  Proceso  de  Residencia  contra 
Pedro  de  Alvarado.  Mex.,  1847;  Vida  de  Motolinia.  In  Icazbalceta, 
Col.  Doc.,  tom.  i. 

Ramirez  (Josd  Miguel),  yoto  Particular  al  proyecto  de  reformas  de  las  leyes 
constitucionales.  [Mex.,  1S40];  Voto  Particular  que  sobre  el  punto  de 
Patronato  presentb  al  Sob.  Cong.  Mex.,  1824. 

Ramirez  (Josephus),  Via  lactea  seu  vita  candidissima  S.  Philippi  Neiii.  Mex- 
ico, 1698. 

Ramirez  Ponce  de  Leon  (Juan  Felix),  Testimonio  del  Testamento  Memoria  y 
dos  Cobdicillos.  MS.,  1714.  folio. 

Ramirez  de  Prado  (Marcos)  and  J.  de  0.  Montanez,  Coleccion  de  las  Ordenan- 
zas  que  para  el  Gobierno  de  cl  Obispado  de  Michoacan.  Mexico,  177G. 

Ramirez  y Sesma  (Joaquin),  Coleccion  de  Decretos  para  el  Ejdrcito.  Mexico, 
1827. 

Ramon  (Domingo),  Derrotero  para  las  misiones  de  los  presidios  internos.  In 
Mayer  MSS. 

Ramos  (Alonso),  Lvz  de  Vcrdades  Catholicas.  Mex.,  1691;  Primera  Parte  de 
los  Prodigios  de  la  Omnipotencia.  Puebla,  1689. 

Ramsey  (Albert  C.),  The  Other  Side.  New  York,  1850. 

Ramusio  (Giovanni  Battista),  Navigation!  et  Viaggi.  Venetia.  tom.  i.,  1554; 
tom.  ii. , 1583;  tom.  iii. , 1505.  3 vols.  folio. 

Rangel  (Joaquin),  Defensa  que  el  Sefior  General  Tomds  Requena  hizo.  Mex., 
1845;  Esposicion  hecha  por  los  individuos  do  la  estinguida  Corte  Marcial, 
etc.  Mex.,  1845;  Segunda  defensa  del  Sr.  Gen.  Requena.  Mex.,  1845; 
Tercera  Brigada  del  Ejdrcito  Mexicano.  Mex.,  1847. 

Rankin  (Melinda),  Twenty  Years  among  the  Mexicans.  Cincinnati,  1881. 

Ranking  (John),  Historical  researches  on  the  Conquest  of  Peru.  Mexico, 
etc.  London,  1827. 

Raso.  tn  Soc.  Mex.  Geog. , Boletin,  tom.  iii. 

Ratos  Entretenidos  6 Miscelanea  util  y curiosa.  Mexico,  1S19.  2 vols. 

Ratzel  (Friedrich),  Aus  Mexico  Reiseskizzen,  1874  und  1875.  Breslau,  1878. 

Ravignan  (X.),  De  los  Jesuitas  y de  su  Instituto.  Mexico,  1845. 

Rawson  (William),  The  present  operations  and  future  prospects  of  the  Mex- 
ican Mine  Associations.  London,  1825. 

Raymond,  Del  Catolicismo  en  las  sociedades.  Mexico,  1851. 

Rayon,  Asedio  y Defensa  de  Mexico  6 sucesos  del  13  de  Agosto  al  15  de , 
Setiembre  de  1847.  Mexico,  1S47.  MS. 

Razon  (La).  Mexico,  1857  et  seq. 

Razonador  (El).  Mexico,  1847  et  seq. 

Reales  Cddulas,  Ordenes  y Decretos.  In  Col.  Doc.  Indditos;  Navarrete,  Col. 
de  Viages;  Ordenes  de  la  Corona;  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc. 

Real  Declaracion  de  17  Junio  1773  sobre  Monte  Pio  militar.  Madrid,  1773. 
folio. 

Real  Executoria.  In  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  tom,  xii. 

Reavis  (L.  U.),  The  New  Republic.  St.  Louis,  1867. 

Ilecopilacion  de  las  Leyes  del  Gobierno  Espaiiol  que  Rigen  en  la  Republica. 
Mexico,  1851. 

Recopilacion  de  Leyes  de  Los  Reynos  mandadas  Imprimir  y Publicar  por  Cdr- 
los  II.  Madrid,  1791.  folio.  4 vols. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


xcv 


Reflecciones  sobre  el  Dictdmen  de  las  Comisiones  Eclesidstica  y de  relaciones 
acerca  de  enviado  & Roma.  Mexico,  1826. 

Reflecsiones  sobre  algunas  reformas  d la  Constitucion  Federal  de  la  Repub- 
lica  Mexicana.  Mexico,  1S35. 

Reflexiones  Confidenciales  d sea  Carta  d un  Amigo  sobre  el  Opusculo.  Mex- 
ico, 1865. 

Reflexiones  sobre  la  ley  que  declara  irredimibles  los  capitales  pertenecientes 
d corporaciones  y obras  pias.  Mexico,  1847. 

Refutacion  de  un  espanol- Americano  d proclamas  de  Josd  Bonaparte.  Mex- 
ico. 1810. 

Refutacion  eu  la  parte  histdrica  del  articulo  de  fondo.  Mexico,  1849. 

Rcgistro  Trimestrc.  Mexico,  1832-3.  2 vols. 

Registro  Yucateco.  Mdrida,  1845.  2 vols. 

Regia  de  la  Purissima  Concepcion,  Orclen  que  se  ha  de  guardar.  Mexico,  n.d. 

Regia  y Constitucioncs  de  las  Religiosas  Descalzas  de  la  Orden  de  la  gloriosis- 
sima  Virgen  Maria  del  monte  Carmelo.  Madrid,  1733. 

Reglamento  de  las  Ordenes  militares  de  Fernando  y San  Hermenegildo. 
Mexico,  1816. 

Reglamento  de  una  sociedad  para  el  fomento  de  la  industria  Nacional.  Mex- 
ico, 1839. 

Reglamento  en  los  Hospitales.  In  Reales  Ordenes.  tom.  iL 

Reglamento  para  el  establecemiento  de  uua  Comisaria  de  guerra.  Mex.,  1S17. 
folio. 

Reglas  de  la  Compafna  de  Jesus.  Mexico,  1742. 

Regulares.  A Collection.  Mexico,  1809  et  seq. 

Rejon  (Manuel  Crecencio),  Justificacion  de  la  conducta  desde  Oct.  de  1841, 
hasta  la  feclia.  New-Orleans,  1S46;  Observaciones  del  Diputado  saliente 
contra  los  Tratados  de  Paz.  Querdtaro,  1848. 

Relacion  Andnirna  de  los  disturbios  acaecidos.  In  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col. 
Doc.,  tom.  vii. 

Relacion  de  las  causas  que  influyeron  los  Desgraciados  Sucesos.  Mexico, 
1847. 

Relacion  de  las  Tribulaciones  de  los  Fieles.  Mexico,  1804. 

Relacion  de  el  Tumulto  de  15  Henero  1024  en  Mexico  con  cl  Virrey,  etc.  MS. 

Relatione  d’alcvne  cose  della  Nuoua  Spagna  della  gran  citta  de  Temistitan 
Mcssico  fatta  per  un  gentil’  huomo  del  Signor  Fernando  Cortese. 

Religion  Bcthldknitica,  Regia  y Constituciones.  Mexico,  1751. 

Religiosas  de  Santa  Brigida,  Regia  y Constituciones.  Mexico,  1822. 

Religiosos  de  la  Nueva  Espaiia,  Copia  y relacion  de  las  facultades  y breves 
apostdlicos.  MS. 

Religious  Ceremonies  and  Customs.  London,  1731.  folio.  3 vols. 

Remcsal  (Antonio  de),  Historia  de  la  Provincia  de  S.  Vicente  de  Chyapa. 
Madrid,  1619.  4to. 

Renta  del  Tabaco,  Instruccion  general  para  los  visitadores.  n.pl.,  n.d. 

Repartimientos  de  Indios,  Parecer  del  Padre  Provincial  y otros  religiosos 
thedlogos  de  la  Orden  de  San  Francisco.  MS.,  folio.  Mex.,  1594. 

Repertorio  de  Literatura  y Variedades.  Mejico,  1841-2.  3 vols. 

Representacion  de  los  Caporetos  al  Senor  Gobernador  del  Distrito  Federal. 
[Mexico,  1833.] 

Representacion  por  el  clero  de  Mexico  alGobiemo  Supremo.  [Mexico,  1847.] 

Representacion  que  los  subditos  ingleses  hacen  al  Senor  Ministro  de  S.  M.  B. 
Mexico,  1859. 

Republica  Mexicana,  Consideraciones  sobre  la  situacion  politica  y social. 
Mex.,  1848;  Lij  era  Reseiia  de  los  Partidos,  etc.  Mex.,  1851. 

Requena  (Tornds),  Defensa.  Mex.,  1845;  Segunda  defensa.  Mex.,  1845. 

Rescriptos  Reales  sobre  Asuntos  Eclesidsticos.  MS.  folio. 

Reseiia  Histdrica  de  la  formacion  de  operaciones  del  ejdrcito  del  Norte  durante 
la  interveneion  francesa,  etc.  4to. 

Reseiia  Histdrica  y Explicativa  de  los  ultimos  Sucesos  de  Mexico.  Paris, 
1857. 


xcvi  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

Respuesta  d las  Dudes  sobre  Gobiemo  de  la  Iglesia.  Mexico,  1827. 

Respuesta  de  un  Americano  a las  Preguntas  que  hizo  Iturbide  al  Pensador 
Mejicano.  [Mexico,  1821.] 

Respuesta  que  da  un  Soldado  de  la  Almiranta.  n.pl.,  n.d. 

ILestaurador  (El. ) Mexico,  1S4G  et  seq. 

Revilla  (Josd  de  la),  Resumen  Historico  de  la  Conquista  de  Nueva  Espana. 
In  Solis,  Hist.  ilex.  Edition  Madrid,  1843. 

Revilla  Gigedo  (Conde  de),  Extractos  de  la  carta  de  27  de  Diciembre  de  1793. 
MS.;  Instruccion  que  debe  observarse  para  el  arreglo,  etc.  Mex.,  1794; 
Instruccion  Reservada  que  did  d su  sucesor.  Mex.,  1831-2;  Instruccion 
sobre  el  cultivo  de  moreras  y cria  de  gusanos  de  seda.  [Mex.,  1830]; 
Real  Ccdula  (sobre  Pulque  bianco  10  de  Mayo  1753.  Julio  9, 1753.  [Mex. , 
1753.]  4to.  2 vols. ; Residencia  de.  [1795]  MS.  folio;  Ynstruccion  que 
el  Exmo.  Sr.  dejo  escrita  1789-94.  MS.  2 vols. 

Revista  Catdlica.  [Mexico]  1851  et  seq. 

Revista  Espauola.  Madrid,  1836  et  seq. 

Revista  Minora,  PeriGdico  Cientlfico  <5  Industrial.  Madrid,  1859  et  seq. 

Revolucion  de  Nueva  Espaiia,  Verdadero  origen,  caracter,  causas,  resortes, 
etc.  Mexico,  1820. 

Revolucion  de  Vera  Cruz,  Nuevas  ocurrencias.  [Mexico,  1822.] 

Revue  Orientale  et  Amdricaine.  Paris,  1859  et  seq. 

Reygadas  (Fermin),  Discurso  contra  cl  fanatismo  y la  impostura  de  losrebeldes 
de  Nueva  Espana.  Mexico,  1811. 

Ribadencyra  y Barrientos  (A.  J.  de),  Escudo  Real  en  Dcfensa.  MS.  4to; 
Manual  Compendio  de  cl  Regio  Patronato  Indiano.  Madrid,  1755.  4to. 

Ribas  (Andrds  Perez  de),  Historia  de  los  Trivmphos  de  Nvestra  Santa  Fd 
eutre  gentes  las  mas  bdrbaras  y fieras  del  Nueuo  Orbe.  Madrid,  1045. 

Ribera  (Antonio  de),  Razon  de  la  sentencia  defiinitiva  que  did.  n.pl.,  n.d. 

Ribera  (Miguel),  Informe  que  por  el  derecho  que  assiste.  Mexico,  1771. 

Ribero  (L.  Miguel),  Proyeeto  de  Monarquia  en  Mejico.  Madrid,  1846. 

Richards  (Antonio  D.),  El  General  W.  S.  Rosecrans  y el  Ferrocarril  de  Tux- 
pan  al  Pacifico.  Mex.,  1870;  Historia  de  la  Concesion  del  Ferrocarril 
Proyectado  de  Tuxpan  al  Pacifico..  Mex.,  1872. 

Richthofen  (Emil  K.  H.  F.  von),  Die  Ausseren  und  inneren  Politischen  Zus- 
tande  de  Republik  Mexicana.  Berlin,  1854. 

Richthofen  (Emil  Freih),  Die  Mexicanische  Frage.  Berlin,  1862. 

Ricsgo  (Pascual),  La  Gran  Artista  y la  Gran  Seflora.  Mexico,  1855.  3 vols. 

Rincon  (Manuel),  Justificado  d los  ojos  de  los  Mcxicanos  imparcialcs.  Mex., 
1831;  Manifesto  que  dirige  d sus  Compatriotas.  Mex.,  1839;  Vindica- 
cion  ante  el  Consejo  de  Guerra.  Mex.,  1840. 

Rios  (E.  J.  de  los),  Compendio  de  la  Historia  de  Mexico.  Mexico,  1852. 

Riperdd  (Baron  de),  Carta  al  Seiior  Baron  de  Croix  comandante  general  de  las 
provincias  internas,  27  de  Abril  de  1777.  MS. 

Riperdd,  Carta.  In  Texas,  Doc.  Hist.  Ecles. 

Ripley  (R.  S.),  The  War  with  Mexico.  New  York,  1849.  2 vols. 

Rivas,  Cartas  Pastorales.  A Collection.  2 vols. 

Rivas  de  Velasco  (Diego  Rodriguez),  Carta  Pastoral,  n.pl.,  n.d. 

Rivera  (Juan  Antonio),  Diario  Curioso  de  Mexico.  In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  serie 
ii.,  tom.  vi. 

Rivera  (Manuel),  Historia  Antigua  y Modema  de  Jalapa.  Mexico,  1869-71. 
5 vols. 

Rivera  (Manuel),  Los  Gobemantes  de  Mexico.  Mexico,  1872.  2 vols. 

Rivera  (Mariano  Galvan),  La  Tierra  Santa.  Mexico,  1842.  3 vols. 

Rivera  (Mariano  P.  de),  Manifestacion  que  hace.  Mexico,  1810. 

Riviere  (E.),  San  Felipe  de  Jesus  Patron  de  Mexico.  Mexico,  1853. 

Rivero  (Luis  M.  del),  Mejico  en  1842.  Madrid,  1844. 

Robertson  (J.  B.),  Reminiscences  of  a campaign  in  Mexico.  Nashville,  1849. 

Robertson  (William),  The  History  of  America.  London,  1777.  2 vols.  4to.; 
also  London,  1783.  3 vols. 

Robertson  (William  Parrish),  A visit  to  Mexico.  London,  1853.  2 vols. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


xcvu 


Robertson  (William  Parish),  Foreign  debt  of  Mexico,  etc.  London,  1S50. 

Robinson  (Fayette),  Mexico  and  her  military  chieftains.  Philadelphia,  1S47. 

Robinson  (W.  D.),  A cursory  view  of  Spanish  America.  Georgetown,  1815. 

Robinson  (William  Davis),  Memoirs  of  the  Mexican  Revolution.  Philadel- 
phia, 1S20;  also  London,  1821.  2 vols. 

Robleda  (Maria  de  las  Nieves),  El  Senador  Megicano  d Carta  de  Lermin  A 
Claucolde.  Madrid,  1S36. 

Robles  (Antonio  de),  Diario  de  los  anos  1665  y 1703.  In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex., 
serie  i.,  tom.  ii. 

Robles  (Mariano  Robles),  Memoria  histdrica  de  la  Provincia  de  Chiapa.  Cadiz, 
1813. 

Rocafuerte  (Vicente),  Carta  A CArlosM.  Bustamante.  Mex.,  1831 ; Consider- 
aciones  generates  sobre  la  bondad  de  un  gobiemo.  Mex.,  1831 ; Contes- 
tacion  6 sea  Banderilla.  Mex.,  1831 ; Cuademoque  contiene  el  prdstamo 
hecho  A Colombia.  Mex.,  1829;  Ensayo  Politico.  Nueva  York,  1823; 
Ensayo  sobre  el  nuevo  sistema  de  carceles.  Mex.,  1830;  Ensayo  sobre 
Tolerancia  Religiosa.  Mex.,  1831;  Ideas  Necesarias  4 todo  Pueblo 
Americano  Independiente.  Mex.,  1S61 ; Impugnacion  4 la  nueva  secta 
de  Sublimes  Cristianos.  Mex.,  1832;  Observaciones  sobre  la  carta inserta 
en  el  registro  oiicial  del  4 de  Oct.  Mex.,  1831 ; Un  regalo  de  ano  nuevo 
para  el  Seuor.  Mex.,  1832. 

Roche  (I.  L.),  Fernand  Cortez.  Lille,  1858. 

Rodenbaugh  (Theo  F.),  From  Everglade  to  Caflon.  New  York,  1875. 

Rodriguez  (Ignacio),  Munoz,  Visitador  de  Mejico.  Mejico,  183S. 

Rodriguez  (Joseph  Manuel),  Relacion  Juridica  sobre  Fray  An  dr  (5  s Picazo. 
Mex.,  1769;  Vida  Prodigiosa  del  V.  Siervo  de  Dios  Fray  Sebastian  de 
Aparicio.  Mex.,  1769. 

Rodriguez  (Mathias),  Explicacion  de  las  sesenta  y cinco  proposiciones  prohi- 
bidas  por  Inocencio  XI.  Puebla,  1684. 

Rodriguez  y Cos  (Josd  M.),  El  Anahuac.  Mex.,  1853;  Ensayos  porticos. 
Mex.,  1849. 

Rodriguez  y Valero  (Josd  Antonio),  Cartilla  hist6rica  y Sagrada.  Mexico, 
1759. 

Roman  (J.  Dixon),  Speech  on  Mexican  War,  Jan.  25,  1848.  Washington,  1848. 

Romero,  The  situation  of  Mexico.  Speech  on,  Dec.  16,  1863.  New  York,  1864. 

Romero  (Josd  Guadalupe),  Noticias  para  formar  la  Historia  y la  Estadistica 
del  Obispado  de  Michoacan.  Mexico,  1862. 

Romero  (Matias),  Apuntes  para  formar  un  Bosquejo  Histdrico  del  Regreso  4 
la  Republiea.  ilex.,  1868;  Contratos  hechos  en  los  Estados-Unidos,  etc. 
Mex.,  1868;  Dinner  to ...  on  March  29,  1864.  New  York,  1866;  Inicia- 
tiva  de  Hacienda.  Mex.,  1869;  Tabla  sindptica  de  los  tratados  y con- 
venciones  que  lian  negociado  los  Est.  Un.  Mex.  Tabasco,  1859. 

Roo  (Andrds  Q),  Informe  del  Apoderado.  Mejico,  1834;  Observaciones  sobre 
un  informe  que  Did.  Mejico,  1835;  Mai  Maromero  salid  el,  etc.,  de  los 
FanAticos.  Mex.,  1823. 

Root  (Joseph  M.),  Speeches  in  U.  S.  House  of  Rep.,  May  13,  1846;  December 
24,  1846;  March  15,  1848.  Washington,  1846,  1848.  3 vols. 

Rosa  (Agustin  de  la),  Opusculos.  A collection. 

Rosa  (Luis  de  la),  Contestacion  del  Arzobispo,  etc.  Mex.,  1847 ; Discurso  en 
la  Alameda  16  de  Setiembre  1846.  Mex. , 1846 ; Ensayo  sobre  la  Admin- 
istracion  Publica  de  Mex.  Mex.,  1853.  4to;  Impresiones  de  un  viage  de' 
Mex.  4 Washington.  N.  Y.,  1844;  Observaciones  sobre  varios  puntos. 
Balt.,  1851. 

Rosa  y Figueroa  (F.  Antonio  de  la),  Quejas  contra  Indios.  A collection  of 
Memorials.  MS.  1722. 

Rosas  (Landa),  Manifestacion  que  hace  al  publico  con  motivo  de  la  conducta 
que  observd  en  la  campana  de  la  Sierra  Gorda.  Mexico,  1857. 

Roscio  (J.  G. ),  El  triunfo  de  la  libertad  sobre  el  despotismo.  Oajaca,  1828. 

Rosecrans  (W.  S. ),  Actual  Estado  del  Asunto  del  Ferrocarril  InteroceAnico. 
Mex.,  1873;  El  Ferrocarril  InteroceAnico,  Ultimas  Comunicaciones  Cam- 
Mist.  Mex.,  Vol.  I.  7 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


xcviii 

biadas.  Mex.,  1873;  Ferrocarriles,  Carta  del  General.  Mex.,  1872; 
Ferrocarriles,  La  Concesion  hecha.  Mex.,  1872;  Historia  de  laConcesion 
del  Ferrocarril.  Mex.,  1872;  Mexico  fiecesita  sus  Ferrocarriles.  Mex., 
1872. 

Roure  (M.  P.),  Conquete  du  Mexique.  Paris,  1811. 

Rubio  (C. ),  Informe  dc  la  empresa  de  tabacos  al  publico.  Mexico,  1841. 
Rubio  (Juan),  Ejemplos  Morales  6 las  Consecuencias  de  la  Buena  yde  la  Mala 
Edticacion  en  los  Varios  Destinos  de  la  Sociedad.  Mexico,  1820. 

Rubio  (Manuel),  Demanda  promovida  en  Guanajuato,  Mina  de  la  Luz.  Mex., 
1849;  Demanda  promovida  en  Guanajuato  por  los  herederos.  Mex.,  1848; 
Informe  que  en  contestacion  al  que  liizo  el  Sr.  Lie<lo  Don  Jos<5  Ma  Cuevas. 
Mina  de  la  Luz.  Mex.,  1852;  Informe  que  hizo  el  Licdo  Dn.  Jose  M» 
Cuevas  [suit  about  Mina  de  la  Luz].  Mex.,  1852;  Informe  que  en  con- 
testacion hizo  el  Licdo  Franco  M.  Lombardo  [suit  about  Mina  de  la  Luz], 
Mex.,  1852;  Pedimentodel  Sr.  Fiscal  supleute  [suit  about  Mina  de  la  LuzJ. 
Mex.,  1850;  Pedimento  del  Sr.  fiscal  suplente,  mina  de  la  Luz.  Mex., 
1850;  Recurso  de  atentado  que  algunos  de  los  dueiios  de  la  mina  de  la 
Luz.  Mex.,  1848. 

Rubio  y Salinas  (Manuel  J oseph),  Aranzel  de  derecho  parrochial.  Mex. , 1 757 ; 
Carta  Pastoral  que  cl  Arzobispo.  Mex.,  1756;  Carta  Circular.  Mex., 
1762;  Carta  Circular  28  Sep.  1704.  n.pl.,  n.d.;  Explicacion  de  el  Arco 
erigido  en  la  puerta  de  el  Palacio  Arz.  de  Mex.  Mex.,  1760. 

Ruder  ( F.  A. ),  Gedriingtes  Gemiilde  des  Zustandes  von  Mexico.  Leipzig,  1 828. 
Ruiz  (Ivan),  Discurso  hecho sobre dos impressiones  meteoroldgicas.  n.pl.,  n.d. 
Ruiz  (.Jos6),  Septenario  Devoto.  Mexico,  1861. 

Ruiz  (Manuel),  Informe  que  ante  la  Suprema  Corte  de  Justicia.  Mexico, 
1863. 

Ruiz  (Tclcsforo),  Apuntes  Pobticos.  Mexico,  1866. 

Ruiz  dc  Cabrera  (Christbual),  Algunos  singulares  y extraordinarios  sucesos  del 
gouierno  de  Marques  de  Galves.  MS.  folio. 

Ruiz  y Cervantes  (Joseph  Manuel),  Memorias  de  la  portentosa  Senora  de 
Xuquila.  Mexico,  1791. 

Rusk  (Thos.  J.),  Speech  on  Mexican  War,  Feb.  17,  1848.  Washington, 
1848. 

Sacramento  del  Altar.  A Collection. 

Saenz  de  Santa  Maria  (Jos.),  Carta  edificante  6 relacion  sumaria  de  la  vida. 
Cddiz,  1807. 

Sagazeta  (Gabriel),  Acusacion  que  eleva  contra  Jos6  Gomez  de  la  Cortina. 
Megico,  1836. 

Sahagun  (Bernardino  de),  Historia  de  la  Conquista  de  Mexico.  Mexico, 
1829. 

Sahagun  (Bernardino  de),  Historia  General  de  las  cosas  de  Nueva  Espaiia. 
Mexico,  1829-30.  3 vols. 

Sahagun  (Bernardino  de),  Relacion  de  la  Conquista  de  esta  Nueva  Espaiia. 
Mexico,  1840. 

Saint  Cloud,  Historia  secreta  de  la  corte.  Mexico,  1808.  2 vols. 

Saint  Jure  (J.  B.),  El  liombre  espiritual  6 la  vida  espiritual.  MS.  n.pl.,  n.d. 
Saint-Martin  (Vivien  de),  Rapport  fait  k la  Comission  Scientifique  du  Mex- 
ique. Paris,  1865. 

Sala  (Juan),  Ilustracion  del  Derecho  Real  de  Espaiia.  Mexico,  1852.  2 vols. 
Sala  (Juan),  Sala  Hispano-Mejicano.  [Paris,  1844.]  2 vols. 

Salazar  (Francisco  Cervantes),  Mexico  en  1554.  Mexico,  1875. 

Salazar  (Juan  Francisco  Regis),  Sermon  funeral  en  las  honras.  Mexico,  1759. 
Salazar  de  Mendoza  (Pedro),  Monarquia  de  Espaiia.  Madrid,  1770-1.  folio. 
3 vols. 

Salazar  y Olarte  (Ignacio  de),  Historia  de  la  Conquista  de  Mexico.  Segunda 
Parte.  [Continuation  of  Solis.]  Cordova,  1743.  folio;  also  Madrid, 
1786.  4 to. 

Saldana  (Ignacio),  La  Penitente  Paloma.  Mexico,  1758. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED.  xcix 

Salesii  (Francisci),  De  confessionibus  scrupulosorum  brevis  tractatus.  Mecici, 
1715. 

Salguero  (Pedro),  Vida  de  Friar  Diego  Basalenque.  Mexico,  1C64.  4to. 
Salinas  del  Penon  Blanco,  Comunicados  y Documentos.  Zacatecas,  1 S45. 
Salm  Salm  (Felix  de),  Contestacion  d Don  Miguel  Lopez.  Mexico,  1SG7. 

Salm  Salm  (Felix  de),  Mis  memorias  sobre  Querdtaro  y Maximiliano.  Mexico, 
1S69. 

Salm  Salm  (Felix),  My  Diary  in  Mexico  in  1S67.  London,  1868.  2 vols. 

Salm  Salm  (Felix),  Ten  Years  of  my  life.  Detroit,  1877. 

Salm  Salm  (Inds  de)  Querdtaro,  Apuntes  del  Diario  de  la  Princesa  lues  de 
Salm  Salm.  Mexico,  1869. 

Salmeron,  Carta  30  de  Marzo  de  1531.  In  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc., 
tom.  xiiL 

Salmeron  (Pedro),  Vida  de  la  Venerable  Madre  Isabel  de  la  Encamacion. 
Mexico,  1675.  4to. 

Salvatierra  (Andrds  Vernal  de),  El  Camino  Verdadero.  Mexico,  1718. 
Salvatierra  y Zappa,  Correspondencia  entre  los  Venerables  Padres.  MSS., 
1G7S-93. 

Samaniego  (Francisco),  Representacion  tocante  d su  salario.  Mexico,  1647. 
Sdmano,  Ordenanzas  Reales.  In  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc.,  tom.  xii. 
San  Agustin  de  las  Cuevas,  Esposicion  documentada,  Colegio  y Escuelas. 
Mexico,  1827. 

San  Anastasio  (Juan  de),  Coloquios  Candnico-morales.  Mexico,  1816. 

San  Clemente,  Dictdmenes  de  Varios  Abogados.  Megico,  1S40;  Escrito  de 
Suplica  Especial,  ilex.,  1839. 

San  Francisco  (Juan  de),  Vindicacion  del  R.  P.  Provincial  de  Carmelitas. 
Mexico,  1846. 

San  Francisco  de  Mexico,  Libro  de  entradas  y profesiones  de  los  novicios. 
MS.  [1597-16S4.] 

San  Francisco  de  Mexico,  Libro  de  recepciones  de  este  Santo  Noviciado.  MS. 
[1597-1680.] 

San  Francisco  de  Mexico,  Libro  segundo  de  recepciones  y Profesiones  en  este 
convento.  MS. 

San  Ignacio  (Maria  Anna  Agueda  de),  Varias  Devociones.  Puebla,  1758. 

San  Luis  Potosi,  Composiciones  leidas  en  el  teadro  de  Alarcon.  S.  L.  Potosi, 
1867 ; Dictdmen  de  la  comision  segunda  de  puntos  constitucionales.  Mex., 
1S50;  Exposicion  de  la  Audiencia.  Mex.,  1826;  Exposicion  que  la 
Honorable  Legislatura  del  Estado.  S.  L.  Potosi,  1850;  Las  garantias  in- 
dividuates en  el  departamento  de  Mex. , 1841 ; Protesta  del  Illmo  Seuor 
Obispo  de.  [ilex.]  185S;  Relacion  de  las  demostraciones  con  que  la 
ciudad  de,  n.pl.,  n.d.;  Revolucion  comenzada  el  dia  14  de  Abril  de  1837. 
ilex.,  1S37. 

San  Miguel  (Evaristo),  Historia  de  Felipe  II.  Madrid,  1844-7.  4 vols. 

San  Miguel  (Juan  Rodriguez),  La  Republica  Mexicana  en  1S4G.  ilexico, 
1S45;  Pandectas  Hispano-Megicanas.  Paris,  1852.  3 vols. ; RectiScacion 
de  Graves  Equivocaciones  del  Fondo  Piadoso.  ilexico,  1845. 

San  Miguel  (Maria),  La  dignidad  de  una  Esposa  de  Cristo.  ilexico,  1682. 
MS.  4to. 

San  ililian  (Francisco  Lorenzo),  Juez  oficial  de  la  casa.  n.pl.,  n.d. 

San  Pedro  (Joaquin),  and  F.  Rodriguez,  Comentarios  a las  leyes  de  minas,  etc. 
Madrid,  1861. 

San  Salva'dor,  Carta  de  un  padre  4 sus  hijos.  [Mexico.  1810.] 

San  Salvador  (Agustin  P.  Fernandez),  Disenganos  que  d los  Insurgentes. 
Mex.,  1812;  Memoria  Cristiana  Politica.  ilex.,  1S10;  Sentimiento  de 
la  Xueva  Espaiia.  n.pl.,  n.d. 

San  Salvador  (Fernando  Fernandez),  Defensa  juridica  de  la  Sra.  Maria  Micaela 
Romero  de  Terreros.  ilex.,  1796;  Reilexiones  del  Patriota  Americano, 
ilex.,  1810. 

San  Vicente  (Juan  Manuel  de),  Exaeta  Descripcion  de  la  magnifica  Corte 
Mexicana.  Cddiz,  n.d. 


c 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


Sanchez  (Francisco),  Informe  y Parecer  acerca  de  las  razones.  Puebla,  1G91 ; 
Principios  de  Retorica  y Poetica.  Mex.,  1825;  Rosario  de  la  Virgen 
Marla.  Mex.,  1G84. 

Sanchez  (Juan  de  Villa),  Justas  y debidas  honras  que  liicieron.  Puebla,  1756 ; 
Puebla  Sagrada  y Profana.  Puebla,  1835;  Sermon  funebre  el  1 1 de  Julio 
de  1748.  Mexico,  1749. 

Sandoval  (Prudencio),  Historia  de  la  vida  y hechos  del  Emperador  Cdrlos  V. 
Pamplona,  1034.  folio.  2 vols. 

Santa- Anna  (Antonio  Lopez),  Alegato  hecho  ante  el  Juez  Primero  de  lo  crim- 
inal por  el  Apoderado.  Mex.,  1849;  Apelacion  al  buen  criterio  de  las  na- 
cionalesycstrangeros.  Mex., 1849;  Apuntamientosparalahistoria.  Mex., 
1841;  Biografla.  Mex.,1857;BiografiadelGen.  Mex. ,1847;  Causacriminal 
instruidaal  ExmoSr.  Mex.,  1846;  Collection  of  Pamphlets;  Comunicacion 
oficialdelExmoSr.  Orizava,1848;  Guadalajara,  1848;  Contestacionaloficio. 
Orizava,  1847;  Correspondencia  rccogida  d los  agcntes  de  Santa- Anna. 
Zacatecas,  1858;  Defensa  de.  Mex.,  1822;  Detail  de  las  operaeiones 
ocurridas  cn  la  defensa  de  la  Capital.  Mex.,  1847;  Didlogo  entre  un 
abogado  y un  capitan.  Mex.,  1832;  Dictdmen  de  las  sesiones  unidas  del 
Gran  Jurado.  Mex.,  1845;  El  General  d los  Mexicanos,  Junio  5,  I860. 
Elizabethfort,  1866;  El  General  d sus  Compatriotas.  San  Thomds,  1858; 
El  General  de  division  d sus  compatriotas  [dated  Die.  15,  1829.]  Mex. 
1829;  Estas  si  son  Claridades.  Mex.,  1833;  Esposicion  dirigida  al  Exmo 
Sr.  Gen.  Presidente.  Mex.  1853;  Esposicion  que  dirige  desde  la  Forta- 
leza de  S.  Cdrlos  de  Perote.  Mex.,  1845;  La  despedida  del  General. 
Mex.,  1847;  Manifestacion  que  hace  un  ciudadano  Mex.,  etc.  Mex. 
1834;  Manifesto,  Cartajena,  1858;  Manifiesto  d sus  conciudanos.  Mex., 
1823;  Manifiesto  del  Exmo  Sr.  Mex.,  1844;  Manifiesto  del  General  de 
Division  Benemerito  de  la  Patria.  Mex.,  1848;  Manifiesto  del  Presidente 
de  la  Republica  d la  nacion.  Mex.,  1847;  Manifiesto  de  sus  Operaeiones 
en  la  Campana  de  Tejas,  etc.  VeraCruz,  1837;  Manifiesto  que  hace  al 
publico  [Oct.  10,  1821].  Mex.,  1821;  Manifiesto  que  hace  de  la  conducta 
que  ha  observado  7 de  Julio  de  1821.  Puebla,  1821;  Muerte  del  Sr. 
Poncha,  Manifiesto,  Oct.  5,  1821.  Mex.,  1821;  Proceso  del  Gen.  Mex., 
1845;  Proclama  del  impdvido  Tcniente  Coronel.  Oct.  9,  1821.  Puebla, 
[1821];  Proclamas  d los  liabitantes  y tropa  de  Vera  Cruz.  Mex.,  1822; 
Pronunciamieuto  de  Perote.  Mex.,  1829;  Rdpida  Ojeada  sobre  la  Cam- 
pana & segunda  parte.  Mex.,  1847;  Representacion  dirigida  al  Congreso 
Nacional.  Mex.,  1837;  VindicaciondelosCrimenes.  Mex.,  1837;  What 
Santa  Anna’s  professions  of  Republicanism  are  worth,  n.pl.,  n.d. 

Santa  Anna  Castro  ( Jos<3  Manuel),  Diario  de  sucesos  notables,  comprende  los 
anos  de  1752  d 1758.  In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  serie  i.,  toms.  iv.  v.  vi. 

Santa  Imdgen  de  la  Macana.  In  Papeles  de  Jesuitas.  MS. 

Santa  Maria,  Carta  al  Emperador  Don  Cdrlos.  In  Cartas  de  Indias. 

Santa  Maria,  Poder  que  otorgd  el  Provincial.  In  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col. 
Doc.,  tom.  vii. 

Santa  Maria  (Miguel),  Exposicion  y Protesta.  MS.,  1834 ; also  Mexico,  1834. 
Santa  Theresa  (Manuel  de),  Compendio  de  Institvciones  Gramaticales.  Mex., 
1724;  Instructorio  Espiritual  de  los  Terceros,  etc.  Mex.,  1816. 

Santa  Teresa  de  Jesus  Silver  Mining  Company,  Reports,  etc.  San  Francisco, 
1864. 

Santander,  Carta  el  Emperador.  In  Doc.  ImSd.,  tom.  xxvi. 

Santangelo,  (0.  de  A.),  A Circular  to  the  World.  N.  Y.,  1842;  Claims  on 
Mexico.  Baltimore,  1846. 

Santiago  de  los  Dominicos.  In  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc.,  tom.  v. 
Santiago  de  Papasquiero,  Descripcion.  MS.  1793. 

Santisteban,  Carta.  In  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc. , tom.  xiv. 

Santo  Catharina,  Panegyrico  d la  vida  y glorioso  Martyrio  de.  n.pl.,  n.d. 
Santo  Thomds  (Diego  de),  Ceremonial  y Manual  sacado  del  Missal  Romano. 
Mexico,  1660. 

Sard  (Antonio  de),  Ensayo  sobre  las  Glorias  Franciscanas.  Mexico,  1860. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


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Sardo  (Joaquin),  Relacion  hist6rica  de  la  portentosa  imdgen,  etc.  Mexico, 
1810. 

Sariuana  (Severo  M.),  Trovas  Mexicanas.  Mexico,  1850. 

Sariuana  v Cuenca  (Ysiilro),  Solemne  dedicacion  del  Templo  Metropolitano. 
Mexico,  106S. 

Sartorius  (Cdrlos),  Importancia  de  Mexico  para  la  emigracion  Alemana. 
Mexico,  1S52. 

Saussure  (Henri  de),  Coup  d’ceil  sur  l’Hydrologie  du  Mexique.  Geneve,  1802. 
Saussure  (Henri  de),  Voyage  au  Mexique,  etc.  Paris,  1857. 

Schadtler  (Gustavo),  Documentos  relativos  d la  admision  por  la  Junta  Mer- 
cantil  de  Fomento.  Mexico,  1S44. 

Scherr  (Johannes),  Das  Frauerspiel  in  Mexiko.  Leipzig,  186S. 

Schmidt  (Gustavus),  The  Civil  Law  of  Spain  and  Mexico.  New  Orleans,  1851. 
Scott  (Winfield),  Illustrated  Life  of.  New  York,  1847. 

Scott  (Winfield),  Life  of.  New  York,  1852. 

Scott  (Winfield),  Memoirs  of  Lieut. -General  Scott.  New  York,  1864.  2 vols. 
Scott  and  Taylor  Correspondence,  Message  of  the  President,  March  20,  1848. 

[30  Cong.  1st  Sess.  H.  Ex.  Doc.  56.]  Washington,  1848. 

Seager(D.  W.),  The  Resources  of  Mexico.  Mexico,  1867. 

Seaman  (Henry  I.),  Speech  on  Mexican  War  February  13,  1847.  Washing- 
ton, 1847. 

Sedicion  en  la  ciudad  de  Mexico  el  15  de  Enero  de  1624,  Causas  y principio 
de  ella.  MS.  folio. 

Segundo  Quinze  de  Enero  de  la  Corte  Mexicana.  Mexico,  1730. 

Segur,  La  Revolucion.  Mexico,  1863.  ’ 

Segura  ( Francisco  Ildephonso),  Consultas  Varias  Morales  y Mysticas.  Puebla, 
1728. 

Segura  (Nicolds  de),  Defensa  Canonica  por  las  Provincias  de  la  Compania  de 
Jesus  de  la  Nueba  Espaua  y Philipinas.  MS.  [1767.] 

Segura  (Vicente),  Apuntes  para  la  Estadistica  del  Departamento  de  Orizava. 
Jalapa,  1831. 

Select  Pamphlets.  A Collection. 

Semanario  de  la  Industria  Mexicana.  n.pl.,  n.d. 

Semanario  Judicial  de  laFederacion,  Colcccion  de  las  Sentencias  pronunciadas 
por  los  Tribunale3  Federalcs,  etc.  Mexico,  1871.  4to.  _ 

Semanario  Politico  y Literario  de  Mejico.  Mexico,  1820-1.  2 vols. 

Semanario  Religioso.  n.pl.,  n.d. 

Semblanzas  de  los  mienibros  que  lian  compuesto  la  Cdmara  de  Diputados  del 
Congreso  de  la  Rep.  Mex.,  1827-28.  New  York,  1828. 

Semblanzas  de  los  Represen  tan  tes  que  compusieron  al  Cong.  Const,  de  183G. 
Mexico,  1837. 

Semmes  (Raphael),  The  campaign  of  General  Scott.  Cincinnati,  1852. 
Semmes  (Raphael),  Service  ailoat  and  ashore.  Cincinnati,  1851, 

Series  of  intercepted  letters  captured  by  the  American  Guard  at  Tacubaya, 
August  22,  1847.  Mexico,  1S47. 

Sermones,  A Collection  of  634  sermons  preached  in  Mexican  Towns,  1617-1860. 
64  vols. 

Sermones  in  Festis  Sanctorum.  MS. 

Sermones  Varios,  A Collection  of  MSS.  Sermons  probably  preached  in  Mex- 
ico. folio. 

Serna  (Juan  Perez),  Auto  cessatio  d Divinis.  In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  serie  ii. , 
tom.  ii. 

Serna  (Juan  Perez),  Auto  en  que  levanta  la  cesacion  d Divinis.  In  Doc.  Hist. 
Mex.,  serie  ii.,  tom.  ii. 

Serna  (Juan  Perez),  Decreto  del  dicho  declarando  excomulgados.  In  Doc. 
Hist.  Mex.,  serie  ii.,  tom.  ii. 

Serna  (Juan  Perez),  Otra  informacion que mandd  recibir.  In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex., 
serie  ii.,  tom.  ii. 

Serna  (Juan  Perez),  Representacion  d la  Real  Audiencia.  In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex., 
serie  ii.,  tom.  ii. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


cii 

Serna  (Juan  Perez),  Representacion  & uno  de  los  ministros  del  consejo  en  que 
dice  haberle  agraviado  la  audiencia  de  Mexico,  1624.  In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex., 
serie  ii. , tom.  ii. 

Seward  (William  H.),  Relations  with  Mexico.  Washington,  1853. 

Shackford  (Charles  C.),  A citizen’s  appeal  in  regard  to  the  War  with  Mexico. 
Boston,  1848. 

Shepard  (A.  K.),  The  Land  of  the  Aztec.  Albany,  1859. 

Sierra  (Ivan  de),  Dictdmen  de  Consciencia,  informe  apologbtico  del  estado  y 
govierno  de  esta  Provincia  del  Santo  Evangelio.  MS.  1702.  folio. 

Sierra  y Rosso  (Ignacio),  Arenga  civica  el  11  de  Sept.  1854.  Mex.,  1854; 
Discurso  que  por  encargo  de  la  Junta  Patribtica.  Mex.,  1842;  Discurso 
que  pronuncib  en  la  colocacion  en  Santa  Paula.  Mex.,  1842;  Exposicion 
documentada  que  dirigib  el  ministro  de  Hacienda.  Mex.,  1852;  Repre- 
sentacion dirigida  al  Congreso  Nacional.  Mex.,  1837. 

Sigala  (Geronimo  Morales),  Discurso  Theojuridico.  Mexico,  1744. 

Sigiienza  y Congo ra  (Carlos),  El  Fenix  de  la  America.  [Mexico,  1688.]  MS. 
folio;  Anotaciones  Crlticas  sobre  el  primer  apostol  de  Nueva  Espana  y 
sobre  el  Im.igen  de  Guadalupe.  MS.  folio;  Carta  al  Almirante  Don 
Andres  de  Pez  sobre  alboroto  y motin  de  los  Indios  de  Mexico.  MS. 
folio;  Glorias  de  Querbtaro.  (Mex.,  1803;  Paraiso  Occidental  plantado 
y Cultivado.  Mexico,  1684;  Teatro  de  Yirtudes  Politicas.  In  Doc. 
Hist.  Mex. , serie  iii. 

Siliceo  (Ignacio  Nunez),  Oracion  civica  pronunciada  en  la  plaza.  Guanajuato, 
1S4G. 

Silva  (Beatriz  deb'Vida  de  fundadera  de  la  brden  de  la  primera  concepcion. 
Mexico,  1830.  MS. 

Sistema  Mbtrico-Decimal,  Tablas  que  establecen  la  relacion.  Mexico,  1857. 

Smith  (S.  Compton),  Chile  con  came.  New  York,  1857. 

Smith  and  Hardcastle,  Map  of  the  Valley  of  Mexico.  Reports  of  the  Secre- 
tary of  War,  January  17  and  26,  1849  [30  Cong.  2d  Sess.  Sen.  Ex.  19;  31 
Cong.  1st  Sess.  Sen.  Ex.  4].  Washington,  1849.  2 vols. 

Sociedad,  Humboldt  Anales,  Mexico,  1872. 

Sociedad  de  Mejoras  Materiales  Morales  Beneficencia  y Socorros  Mutuos  de 
Texcoco,  Documentos  relativos.  Mexico,  1805. 

Sociedad  Mexicana  de  Geografia  y Estadistica,  Boletin.  Mexico,  1861  et  seq. 
[Includes  Instituto  Nacional.] 

Sociedad  Mexicana  de  Geografia  y Estadistica,  Reglamento.  Mexico,  1862. 

Sociedad  Mexicana  Promovedora  de  Mejoras  Materiales,  Reglamento.  Mexico, 
1851. 

Sociedad  Patribtica,  Estracto  de  las  sesiones  de  la.  Mexico,  1839. 

Soden  ( Julius),  Die  Spanier  in  Peru  und  Mexico.  Berlin,  1794.  2 vols. 

Solana  (Juan),  Prontuario  6 manual  y correspondencia  de  delitos  y penas. 
Mexico,  1844. 

Solano  (Franco),  El  Tunante  de  Fabio  o pintura  de  Buenaparte.  Mexico,  1808. 

Solis  (Antonio  de),  Historia  de  la  Conquista  de  Mexico.  Madrid,  1684;  Bar- 
celona, 1691.  folio.  2 vols;  Amberes,  1704;  Paris,  1704.  2 vols.;  London, 
1724.  folio;  Madrid,  1783.  4to.  2 vols.;  Londres,  1807.  3 vols.;  Madrid, 
1843. 

Solbrzano  Pereyra  (Juan  de),  Obras  varias  Posthumas.  Madrid,  1776. 

Soria  (Francisco  de),  Istoria  y Fundacion  de  la  Ciudad  de  Tlaxcala,  1718.  MS. 

Soria  (Francisco  Joseph),  Descripcion  Fiestas  Tehuacan  Templo  de  Nuestra 
Sefiora  del  Cbrmen.  Mexico,  1783. 

Soriano  (Juan  Guadalupe),  Prblogo  liistorial.  MS.  folio. 

Sosa  (Francisco  de  P.),  Manual  de  Biografia  Yucateca.  Mbrida,  1866. 

Soto  (Manuel  F.),  El  Nuevo  Estado.  Mex.,  1856;  Proyecto  de  Comunica- 
cion  Interoceanica.  Mex.,  1869. 

Sotomayer  (Gab.),  Epitome  del  computo  bclesibstico.  Mexico,  1827. 

Spain,  Constitucion  Politica  de  lb  Monarquia  Espaiiola.  Mex.,  1812;  Mani- 
fiesto  de  los  Procedimientos  del  Consejo  Real.  Madrid,  1808. 

Speeches,  A Collection  of. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


ciii 


Speeches  in  Congress,  A Collection  of. 

Stapp  (William  Preston),  The  Prisoners  of  Perote.  Philadelphia,  1845. 
Stephenson  (Edmundo),  Proyecto  sobre  formacion  de  Companias  Nacionales 
para  construir  ferrocarriles  en  la  Republica.  Mex.,  1869;  Speech  [Feb. 
13,  1S61].  [Guanajuato,  1861.] 

Stern  (Adolf),  Kaiser  Maximilian  I.  von  Mexico.  Dresden,  1868. 

Stevens  (Isaac  I.),  Campaigns  of  the  Rio  Grande  and  of  Mexico.  ^lew  York, 
1851. 

Stewart  (Wm.  M.),  Speech  in  U.  S.  H.  of  Rep.,  Feb.  13,  1847.  Washington, 
1S47. 

Strong  (William),  Speech  in  U.  S.  House  of  Rep. , March  4,  1848.  Washington, 
184S. 

Struvius  (Bare.  Gotth.),  Bibliotheca  historica.  Lipsiae,  1782-1804.  22vols. 
Sturm  (Herman),  The  Republic  of  Mexico  and  its  American  Creditors.  In- 
dianapolis, 1869. 

Suarez  y Navarro  (Juan),  El  General  Santa  Anna  Burldndose  de  la  Nacion. 
Mex.,  1856;  Historia  de  Mexicoy  del  Gen.  A.  L.  de  Santa-Anna.  Mex., 
1850 ; Informe  sobre  las  causas  y caracter  de  los  frecuentes  cambios  poli- 
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Subsi  lio  Eclesidstico  en  las  Indias.  MS.  1721-92.  folio. 

Samaria  criminal  contra  Tres  Religiosos  Agustinos.  MS.  1811.  folio. 

Sumario  del  Derecho  Popular  dedicado  d las  Naciones  de  America.  Mejico, 
1S34. 

Sumpter  (Arthur),  The  lives  of  General  Z.  Taylor  and  General  W.  Scott,  etc. 
New  York,  1848. 

Sun  of  Andhuac.  Vera  Cruz,  1847  et  seq. 

Tabaco,  Demostracion  de  los  tdrminos  en  que  ha  obtenido  la  Renta  del.  Mex., 
1846;  Documentos  que  justifican  el  desistimiento  de  la  Empresa  de.  Mex., 
1S41;  Informe  de  la  Empresa  de,  etc.  Mex.,  1841;  Observaciones  al 
dietdmen  de  la  2a  comision  de  Hacienda.  Mex.,  1840;  Oflcio  dirigido  d 
la  comision  de  Hacienda.  Mex.,  1841;  Ordenanzas  de  la  Real  Renta  del 
Tabaco.  Mex.,  1768;  Restablecimiento  del  estanco  de  la  siembra.  Mex., 
1S39. 

Tabasco,  Manifiesto  del  Gobernador  del  Estado.  Tabasco,  1847;  Representa- 
cion  del  Batallon  Guardacostas  de,  Junio  8.  S.  Juan  Bautista,  1845. 
Tabeles  Cientificos.  A Collection. 

Tagle  (Francisco  M.  S. ),  Discurso  sobre  creacion  de  un  Poder  Conservador. 

Mex.,  1835;  Obras  Po6ticas.  Mex.,  1852.  2 vols. 

Tamaulipas,  Conversiones  del  Rio  Verde,  Panuco  y Tampico,  n.pl.,  n.d. ; Die 
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terior de  las  municipalidades  del  Departamento  de.  Victoria,  1843. 
Tampico  de  Tamaulipas,  Memoria  sobre  la  evacuacion  militar  del  Puerto. 
[San  Luis  Potosi,  1848.] 

Tapia  (Andres  de),  Relacion  sobre  la  conquista  de  Mexico.  In  Icazbalceta, 
Col.  Doc.,  tom.  ii. 

Tiipia  (Eugenio  de),  Febrero  Novisimamente  redactado.  Madrid,  1845-6. 
8 vols. 

Tarayre  (E.  Guillemin),  Exploration  Min6ralogique  des  Regions  Mexicaines. 
Paris,  1869. 

Tastera,  et  al.,  Carta  al  Emperador  Don  Carlos.  In  Cartas  de  Indias. 

Taylor  (Fitch  W.),  The  Broad  Pennant.  New  York,  1848. 

Taylor  (Fitch  W.),  The  Flag  Ship.  New  York,  1840.  2 vols. 

Taylor  (Isaac),  The  Mine.  Philadelphia,  1841. 

Taylor  (Zachary),  A brief  review  of  the  career,  character,  and  campaigns  of. 
Wash,  n.d.;  A review  of  the  life,  character,  and  political  opinions  of. 
Boston,  1848;  A sketch  of  the  Life  and  character  of.  By  the  one-legged 
Sergeant.  Boston,  1847 ; A sketch  of  the  Life  and  Public  Services  of. 
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Civ 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


N.  Y.,  1848;  Life  and  Public  Services  of.  By  an  officer  of  the  U.  S.  A. 
N.  Y.,  1846;  N.  Y.,  1850;  Life  and  Public  Services  of,  also  life  and  ser- 
vices of  Millard  Fillmore.  Hartford,  1S4S;  Life,  Battles, and  Despatches. 
Phil.,  1847 ; The  Life  and  Public  Services  of.  Phil.,  n.d.;  The  Life  of. 
N.  Y. , 1 847 ; The  Life  of,  and  a history  of  the  War  in  Mexico.  N.  Y.  1847. 

Taylor  and  Fillmore,  Sketch  of  the  lives  of.  Boston,  n.d. 

Taylor  and  His  Campaigns,  A Biography.  Philadelphia,  1848. 

Taylor  and  His  Generals.  Philadelphia,  1847. 

Taylor  and  His  Staff.  Philadelphia,  1848. 

Tehuantepec,  An  Account  of  the  Isthmus  of.  London,  1846;  Andlisis  del 
Dictdmen  de  la  Comision  sobre  el  negocio  de.  Mex. , 1852 ; Camino  Carre- 
tero,  Camino  de  Fierro  y Canal  por  el  istmo  de.  Mex.,  1870 ; Cuestion 
de  Nueva-York,  1852;  Docreto  del  Supremo  Gobiemo  para  la  apertura 
del  Istmo.  Mex.,  1853;  Dictdmen  de  la  Comision  Especial,  con  motivo 
del  privilegio  concedido  6.  Jos<5  Garay.  Mex.,  1851 ; DieUmen  de  la 
Mayoria  de  las  Comisiones  de  Industria.  Mex.,  1852;  Dictdmen  de  la 
Mayoria  de  la  Comision  especial  de  la  Cdmara  de  Diputados.  Mex., 
1851 ; Discurso  pronunciado  por  el  Seiior  Fuente,  29  de  Noviembre.  Mex. , 
1852 ; Documentos  relatives  d la  aperturade  unavia.  Mex.,  1852 ; Memoria 
iustructiva  de  los  derechos  y justas  causas  que  tiene  el  Gobiemo.  Mex., 
1852;  Proyecto  de  colonizar  el  istmo.  [Mex.,  1823];  Reglamento  para  el 
Establecimiento  de  las  Colonias  Militares  del  Istmo.  Mex.  1851 ; Regla- 
mento para  la  Comunicacion  por  la  via  Inter-Ocednica.  Mex. , 1857 ; Right 
of  way.  n.  pi.  [1853];  Vindicaciondelaconductapoliticadelos.  Oaxaca, 
1847. 

Tehuantepec  Canal,  A Collection. 

Tehuantepec  Canal,  A memorial  setting  forth  the  rights  and  just  reasons  for 
not  recognizing  the  validity  of  the  privilege  granted  to  D.  Josd  Garay. 
New  York,  1852. 

Tehuantepec  Canal,  A Review  of  the  Tehuantepec  Controversy.  Georgetown, 
1853. 

Tehuantepec  Railway,  Its  location,  features,  and  advantages  under  the  La 
Sere  Grant  of  1809.  New  York,  1869. 

Tepic,  Manifesto  que  el  Ayuntamiento.  Guadalajara,  1845;  Santa  Cruz  que 
se  venera  en  el  convento  de  Religiosos  Franciscanos  de  la  ciudad.  Guada- 
lajara, 1853. 

Temaux-Compans  (Henri),  Recueil  de  Documents  et  Mdmoires  originaux  sur 
l’Histoire  des  Possessions  Espagnoles  dans  l’Amerique.  Paris,  1840. 

Ternaux-Compans  (Henri),  Voyages,  Relations  et  M (-moires  originaux  pour 
servir  d l’histoire  de  la  Ddcouverte  de  l’Amdrique.  Paris,  1837-41.  2 
series,  10  and  8 vols. 

Testimonio  d la  letra  del  Espediente  mandado  formar  por  el  Arzobispado  de 
Cesarea.  Mexico,  1S48. 

Testimonio  de  Hidalguia  de  Cortds.  In  Col.  Doc.  Ined.,  tom.  iv. 

Testory  (Abate),  El  Imperio  y el  Clero  Mejicano.  Mexico,  1865. 

Tezozomoc,  Recopilacion  de  tradiciones.  MS. 

Tezozomoc  (Alvaro),  Histoire  du  Mexique.  Paris,  1853.  2 vols. 

Thiers  (A.),  Historia  del  Consulado  y del  Imperio  de  Napoleon.  Mexico,  1843. 

Thomas  (Lewis  F.),  Cortez,  the  Conqueror.  Washington,  1857. 

Thompson  (John  Lewis),  History  of  the  wars  of  the  United  States.  Phila- 
delphia, I860.  2 vols. 

Thompson  (Waddy),  Recollections  of  Mexico.  New  York,  etc,  1847. 

Thorpe  (T.  B.),  Our  Army  at  Monterey.  Philadelphia,  1847. 

Thorpe  (T.  B.),  Our  Army  on  the  Rio  Grande.  Philadelphia,  1846. 

Thiimmel  (A.  R.),  Mexiko  und  die  Mexikaner.  Erlangen,  1848. 

Thiimmel  (A.  R.),  Neueste  Geschiclite  der  Republik  Mexiko.  Erlangen,  1848. 

Tiempo  (El).  Mexico,  1834  et  seq. 

Tilden  (Daniel  R.),  Speech  in  U.  S.  House  of  Rep.,  July  14,  1846.  Wash., 
1846. 

Tipografia  Mexicana.  Mexico,  1878  et  seq. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


cv 


Tlascala,  Abusos  de  los  mandones  de  Indios.  MS.  Mex.,  1629;  Acusacion 
que  la  Exma  Diputacion  Territorial.  Mex.,  1852;  Despojo  A mano  ar- 
mada por  el  Prefecto  de.  Puebla,  1843;  Discurso  pronunciado  el  26  de 
Die.  de  1831.  Puebla,  1S52;  Estatuto  organico  del  territorio.  Mex., 
1849;  Franciscanos  A Indios.  MS.;  Representacion  que  la  Diputacion 
Territorial  de.  Mex.,  1849. 

Todo  tiene  remedio  siendo  el  aviso  oportuno.  Mexico,  1822. 

Tolerancia  de  Cultos,  Opusculo  que  contiene  una  Corta  Defensa  de  la  Religion 
de  Jesu  Cristo.  Mexico,  1849. 

Tolerancia  Religiosa,  Disertacion  contra  la.  Mejico,  1831;  Representacion  al 
Sob.  Cong,  contra  el  Art.  15  del  Proyecto  de  constitucion  sobre.  Mex., 
1856. 

Toluca,  Elecciones  de.  [Mexico,  1826.] 

Tompkins  (Patrick  W.),  Speeches  in  U.  S.  House  of  Rep.,  Jan.  19  and  March 
14,  1848.  n.pl.,  n.d. 

Tomson,  Viage  de.  In  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  2d»  Ep.,  tom.  i. 

Toral  (Francisco),  Carta  al  Adelantado  de  la  Florida.  In  Cartas  de  Indias. 

Toral  (Francisco),  Carta  al  Rey.  In  Cartas  de  Indias. 

Tornel  (Jose  Maria),  Carta  del  Gen.  <4  sus  amigos.  Mex.,  1S39;  Discurso  en 
la  sesion  del  12  de  Oct.  de  1842.  Mex,,  1S42;  El  General  <4  sus  amigos. 
Mex.,  1839;  Fastos  militares  de  Iniquidad.  Mex.,  1843;  Manifestacion 
del  C.  Mex.,  1833;  Manifestacion  presentada  A la  Cdmara  de  Sen.  Mex., 
1841;  Manifiesto  delOrigen,  Causas,  Progresos  y Estado  de  la  Revolution 
del  Imperio  Mexicano.  Puebla,  1821;  Proyectos  de  codigo  criminal  y 
Penal.  Mex.,  1853;  R6plica  de  Varios  Espanoles.  Mex.,  1841;  Res- 
puesta  del  Gen.  Mex.,  1840;  Varios  Espanoles  al  Sr  Tornel,  ultima 
respuesta.  Mex.,  1841;  Voto  Particular,  etc.,  relativos  al  Istmo  de 
Tehuantepec.  Mex.,  1852. 

Tornel  y Mendivil  (J.  Julian),  La  Aparicion  de  Nuestra  Senora  de  Guadalupe 
de  Mexico.  Orizava,  1849.  2 vols. 

Tornel  y Mendivil  (Jos6  Maria),  Breve  Resena  Hist6rica  de  los  Acontecimien- 
tos.  Mex.,  1852;  Decretos,  Dec.  29,  182S,  Abril  22,  1829,  Aug.  26, 

1829.  Mex.,  182S-9;  Discurso  pronunciado  en  la  Alameda  27  de  Sept,  de 
1850.  Mex.,  1850;  Discurso  que  en  la  Solemnidad  11  de  Set.  de  1843. 
Orizava,  1843 ; Discurso  que  al  solemnizarse  el  feliz  natalicio  del  Emp. 
Maximilian  6 de  Julio  de  1864.  Orizaba,  1864;  Discurso  que  pronuncid 
el  Exmo  Sr.  Gen.  Mex.,  1840;  Elgritode  la  patria,  Aug.  4,  1821  [Puebla, 
1821];  Los  Heroes  de  Dolores  vindicados.  Mex.,  1850;  Proclamaciones, 
Dec.  27,  1828,  Marzo  17,  1829,  Abril  28,  1829.  Mex.,  1828-9;  Protesta 
del  Gen.  contra  el  decreto  espedido.  Mex.,  1839;  Respuesta  del  Gen. 
Mex.,  1840;  Vindication  del  Coronel.  Orizaba,  1842. 

Torquemada  (Juan  de),  Monarquia  Indiana.  Madrid,  1723.  3 vols.  folio. 

Torre  (Juan  de  la),  Relation  de  los  Residuos.  In  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col. 
Doc.,  tom.  xii. 

Torre  (Martin  de  la),  Carta  sobre  el  Cometa  de  1680.  In  Morfi,  Col.  Doc. 

Torrente  (Mariano),  Historia  de  la  Revolution  Hispano- Americana.  Madrid, 

1830.  3 vols. 

Torres,  Certification.  In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  serie  ii.,  tom.  iii. 

Torres  (C.  A.  de),  De  Laudibus  Maxi®  Barbar®  Regin®  1759.  Mexico,  1760. 

Torres  (Jos6  J.  G.  de),  Desengano  A los  Rebeldes  sobre  sumonstruosa  consti- 
tucion. [Mex.,  1815];  Vindication  del  Clero  Mexicano.  Mex.,  1812. 

Torres  (Luis  de),  Sermon  fiinebre  que  en  las  honras  que  hicieron  en  29  de 
Mayo  de  1767.  Mexico,  1768. 

Torres  (Miguel),  Vida  ejemplar  y muerte  preciosa.  n.pl.  [1723]  4to. 

Torres  del  Palacio  (Francisco  de),  Proceso  contra.  MS.,  1595-7. 

Torres  y Recedo  (Marcos),  Testamentary  disposition,  leaving  Government  of 
Mexico  to  Real  Audiencia.  MS.  [1699.] 

Trait  D’Union  (Le),  Mexico,  1861  et  seq. 

Translationuss  hispanischer  sprach  zii  Frantzosisch  gemacht  so  durch  deVice 
Rey,  -etc.  1522. 


cvi  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


Trastour  (P.  E.),  Memorial-claim  against  Tehuantepec  Railroad  Company. 
New-Orleans,  1853. 

Trebarra  (Napoleon),  Los  Misterios  de  Chan  Santa  Cruz.  Merida,  18G4. 

Tres  Dias  de  Ministerio,  Verdadera  Noticia  de  los.  Mexico,  1839. 

Tribunal  del  Consulado.  In  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  tom.  ii. 

Tribuno  (El),  Guadalajara,  1827  et  seq. 

Tributo  d la  Verdad.  Mexico,  1847. 

Tributos.  MS. 

Tributes,  Reglamento  de  los  tributos  de  esta  capital.  Mex.,  1792;  Regia- 
mento  y Ordenanzas.  Mex.,  1771. 

Trigucros  (Ignacio),  Defensa  remitida  al  Gran  Jurado  el  13  de  Jul.  de  1846. 
Mexico,  1846. 

Triunfo  (El),  de  la  justicia  en  los  viles  insurgentes.  Mexico,  1811. 

Trujillo  (Josi  Sanchez),  Proyecto  sobre  productos  y recursos.  Mexico,  1865. 
Tubino  (Francisco  M.),  Un  trono  en  Mdjico.  Sevilla,  1862. 

Tumultos  de  Mexico.  Collection  of  Documents.  MS.  folio. 

Turchi  (Adeodato),  Coleccion  de  los  discursos  mas  interesantes.  Mexico, 
1853.  2 vols. 

Tyler  (Edward  B. ),  Anahuac,  or  Mexico  and  the  Mexicans.  London,  1861. 

Ulloa,  M<5moires  Philosophiques.  Paris,  1787. 

Ulua  (S.  Juan  de),  Proclama.  Mexico,  1822. 

Unda  (P.  V. ),  Sorpresa  del  campo  de  Ahuatepec  el  ano  de  1828.  Mexico,  1831. 
Union  de  Espaiia  con  la  Inglaterra.  Mexico,  1809. 

United  Mexican  Mining  Association,  Report  of  Directors.  London,  1825- 
1827.  2 vols. 

United  States  Government  Documents.  [Coast  Survey ; Commerce  and  Navi- 
gation ; Commercial  Relations ; Foreign  Relations,  etc.  Cited  by  their 
dates.] 

United  States  Government  Documents.  [Senate,  House,  Miscellaneous,  etc. 
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United  States  and  Mexican  Boundary  Survey.  Washington,  1857-9.  4to. 
3 vols. 

Universal  (El).  Mexico,  1849,  et  seq. 

Universidad  de  Guadalajara,  Real  Cedula,  Deciembre  20,  1815.  Guadalajara, 
1816.  folio. 

Universad  de  Mexico,  Constituciones.  Mex.,  1775.  folio;  Manifiesto  del 
Ilustre  Claustro.  Mex.,  1810;  Obras  de  eloquencia  premiadas  el  28  de 
Die.  1790.  Mex.,  1791;  Suplemento  d las  Constituciones.  Mex.,  1839. 
Urbano  VIII,  Breve,  acerca  de  la  Ternativa  de  los  Religiosos,  etc.  Mexico, 
1690. 

Uribe  (Joseph  A.  F. ),  Disertacion  Histerica  critica.  Mexico,  1801. 
Uricoecliea  (E.),  Mapoteca  Colombiana.  Londres,  1860. 

Urizar  y Estrada  (Juan  de),  Defensa  canbnica  de  la  jurisdiccion  de  los  Prelados 
Regulares.  n.pl.  n.d. 

Urrea  (Jos6),  Diario  de  las  Operaciones  militares  de  la  division,  etc.  Durango, 
1838;  Protesta  contra  la  violacion  de  las  capitulaciones  de  Tampico,  etc. 
Mex.,  1839. 

Uruena  (Josd  Antonio),  Defensa  de  la  Secularizacion.  Mexico,  1816.  MS. 
2 vols. 

Vacuna  (La),  Instruceion  para  ministrar.  Mexico,  1814. 

Valdes  (Joseph  Eugenio),  Vida  Admirable  y penitente.  Mexico,  1765. 
Valdivielso  (Ignacio),  Apuntes  biogrdficos.  Paris,  1861. 

Valdovinos  (Mucio),  Cartilla  de  los  Madres  de  Familia.  Mexico,  1855. 
Valencia  (Gabriel),  Manifiesto  sobre  su  conducta.  Mejico,  1841. 

Valencia  (Obispo  de),  Representacion  d las  C6rtes.  Valencia,  1820. 

Valencia  et  al. , Carta  al  Emperador.  In  Cartas  de  Indias. 

Valentin  (Ph.),  Vortrag  fiber  den  Mexicanischen  Calender-Stein.  New  York, 
1878. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


cvii 


Valladolid,  Exhortacion  que  dirige  d los  habitantes  de  la  Provincia.  Mex., 
I S10 ; Exposicion  que  el  Real  Ayuntamiento  de  la  ciudad.  Merida,  1836. 
Vallarta  (Ignacio  L.),  La  Cuestion  de  Jalisco.  Mexico,  1870. 

Yulle  ( J.  N.  del),  El  Viajero  en  Mexico.  Mexico,  1859. 

Yallecillo  Mining  Company.  New  York,  1855. 

Y.illejo  (Josef  Ignacio),  Vida  de  la  Madre  de  Dios.  Cesena,  1779;  Vida  del 
Seiior  San  Josd.  Mex.,  1845. 

Vallejo  (Mariano  G.),  Coleccion  de  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  Mexico. 
MS.  and  print,  folio.  2 vols. 

Valori  (Henry  de),  L’Expddition  du  Mexique.  Paris,  1864. 

Yalvordc  (Antonio  S. ),  Idea  del  valor  de  la  Isla  Espauola.  Madrid,  1785. 
Yander-Linden  (Pedro),  Memoria  sobre  el  Cuerpo  de  Salud  Militar.  Mexico, 
1845. 

Van  Dyke  (J.),  Speech  in  U.  S.  House  of  Rep.,  Ap.  2,  1S48.  n.pl.,  n.d. 
Yurgas  (Joseph  Mariano  de),  Carta  de  pdsame  por  el  fallecimiento.  Mexico, 
1787.  4to. 

V arias  Poes>as,  A Collection. 

Yariedades,  A Collection.  3 vols. 

Yariedades  de  la  Civilizacion.  Mejico,  1852.  3 vols. 

Yariedades  de  Jurisprudencia.  Mexico,  1850-5.  9 vols. 

Yariedades  del  Monitor,  A Collection. 

Yarios  Impresos,  A Collection.  3 vols. 

Yarlos  Papeles,  A Collection.  2 vols. 

Yattel,  Derecho  de  Gentes  6 Principios  de  la  Ley  natural  Aplicados  & la  con- 
ducta  6 Intereses.  Burdeos,  1822.  4 vols. 

Vazquez,  Apuntamiento.  In  Doc.  Indd.,  tom.  lii. 

Vazquez  (Rodrigo),  Memorial  referente  4 la  reparticion  y tributo  de  las 
tierras  de  la  Nueva-Espaua.  In  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc.,  tom.  vi. 
Vazquez  de  Avila  (Juan),  Carta  al  Emperador  10  de  Feb°  de  1539.  In  Pa- 
checo and  Cardenas.  Col.  Doc.,  tom.  iii. 

Yecinos  del  Distrito  (Los),  Solo  piden  igualdad  y justicia  en  los  impuestos. 
Mexico,  1852. 

Vega  (Josd  Sixto  Gonzalez),  Exhortacion  d los  Americanos.  Mex.,  1811. 
Vega  (Pldcido),  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  Mexico.  MS.,  1862-8. 
15  vols. 

Vega  (Pldcido),  Da  Cuenta  al  Gobiemo  de  la  Republica  Mejicana.  Tepic, 
1SG7;  Deposito  General  de  Armas.  MS.;  Republica  Mejicana  Oficial. 
n.pl.,  1867. 

Vega  (Rdmulo  Diez  de  la),  Manifestacion  que  hace  d los  habitantes  de  Yuca- 
tan. Merida,  1854. 

Vega  (S.  D.  de  la),  Discurso  sobre  el  objeto  de  las  dramas.  Mexico,  1786. 
Ycitia  Linage,  Cuatro  Imdgenes  milagrosas  de  Nuestra  Senora.  MS.,  1754. 
Vejaciones  d los  Indios.  MS. 

Velasco  (Alonso  Alberto  dc),  Exaltacion  de  la  Divina  Misericordia.  Mex., 
1699;  Mex.,  1724;  Mex.,  1776;  Mex.,  1807;  Historia  de  la  Milagrosa 
Renovacion,  etc.  Mex.,  1845;  Mex.,  1858;  Manifiesto  en  defensa  de  la 
Nota.  Mex.,  1700. 

Velasco  (Andrds  Miguel  Perez  de),  El  Pretendiente  de  Curatos  instruido. 
Puebla,  1765. 

Velasco  (Luiz  de),  Carta  al  Rey  sobre  robo  por  navios  franceses  en  el  Puerto 
de  Caballos.  MS.,  1558. 

Velasco  y Arellano  (Joseph  Luis),  Amnestria  Heroico.  Mex.,  1711;  Saeta 
Amorosa.  Mex.  [1711];  Tiemo  recuerdo  de.  Mex.,  1726. 

Velasco  y Texada  (Antonio  Joseph),  Historia  de  la  milagrosissima  imdgen. 
Mex.,  1750;  Vozes  Juridicas  que  en  el  Tribunal  de  la  razon  de  justicia. 
MS. 

Velasquez  (Andrds),  Carta  del  d los  P.  P.  Superiores  de  la  Comp,  de  Jesus. 
Puebla,  1748. 

Velazquez  (Antonio),  Instruccion  que  did  el  adelantado  d Heman  Cortds.  In 
Col.  Doc.  Indd.,  tom.  xii. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


cviii 

Velazquez  de  Bazan  (Antonio),  Memorial  del  ncgocio  de,  cerca  de  la  merced 
que  pide  d su  Magestad.  In  Pacheco  and  Cirdenas  Col.  Doc.,  tom.  x. 

Velazquez  (Diego),  Carta  cn  la  que  relaciona  la  desobedicncia  dc  Hernan 
Cortds  de  Octubre  12,  1519.  In  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc.,  tom.  xii. 

Velazco  (Francisco  de),  Hecho  del  Litigio.  Mexico,  1096.  MS. 

Velez  (Pedro),  Observaciones  sobre  cl  acuerdo  dc  la  camara  de  senadorcs. 
Mex.,  1830;  Vindicacion  de  laprimera  sala  de  suprema  corte  dc  Justicia. 
Mex.,  1834. 

Venadito  (Conde),  Document  leaving  the  Government  to  D.  Fran.  Novella, 
July  5, 1821.  Mex.,  1821;  Fidclisimos  habitantes  de  esta capital.  Mex., 
1821;  Proclama  3 de  Marzo  de  1821.  Mex.  , 1821. 

Vendgas  (Francisco  Xavier),  Manifiesto  de  Su  Virey  a la  Nueva  Espana,  Oct. 
27,  1810.  Mex.,  1810;  Pronbstico  de  la  Felicidad  Americana.  Mex., 
1810;  Vindicacion  de  los  agravios.  Cadiz,  1811. 

Venegas  (Miguel),  VidayVirtudesdelJuanBautista  Zappa.  Barcelona,  1754. 

Vera  Cruz,  Arancel  de  los  Honorarios  y Dercchos  Judiciales.  Mex.,  1840; 
Balanza  del  Comcrcio  Maritimo,  auo  de  1809.  Mex.,  1810,  Carta  dc  la 
Justicia  de  10  dc  Julio,  1519.  In  Cortds,  Cartas ; Carta  del  Ayuntamicnto. 
In  Col.  Doc.  Indd.,  tom.  i.;  Documentos  referentes  d los  sueesos  ocutridos 
en  Orizava.  Vera  Cruz,  1834;  El  Plan  Republicano  del  Triunvirato. 
Mex.,  1823;  Exposicion  de  los  Empresarios  de  nuevos  Caminos.  Mex., 
1834;  Esposicion  dirigida  al  Congreso  General.  Mex.,  1849;  Estadistica 
del  estado  libre  y soberano  de  Jalapa,  1831.  2 vols. ; Fdbrica  de  Parro- 
quia  en  la  Antigua.  MS.  1783.  folio;  Manifiesto  del  Congreso.  Jalapa, 
1S27;  Memoria  lcida  por  el  Gobcmador  del  Estado.  VeraCruz,  1871; 
Memoria  presentada  al  Hon.  Congreso  del  Estado.  Vera  Cruz,  18C9; 
Memoria  relativa  d la  administracion  municipal.  Vera  Cruz,  1805;  Oli- 
cios  del  Consulado.  Vera  Cruz,  1821 ; Reglamento  de  administracion  do 
propios  del  Ayuntamiento.  Vera  Cruz,  1848;  Reglamento  de  policia 
y buen  gobiemo,  etc.  Vera  Cruz,  1821;  Reglamento  para  la  policia  in- 
terior del  Departamento.  Jalapa,  1841;  Represen tacion  al  Congreso  sobre 
Caminos.  Mex.,  1835;  Representaciou  del  Vecindario.  VeraCruz,  1821 ; 
Sesion  del  Hon.  Congreso.  Vera  Cruz,  1833;  Sueesos  de  la  actual  revo- 
lucion  en  el  Estado.  Mex.,  1852. 

V erdadera  Idea  sobre  el  impreso  titulado  ‘ ‘ donativo  de  medio  millon  de  Pesos.  ” 
Mexico,  1S45. 

Verdadera  Noticia  de  los  Tres  Dias  de  Ministerio.  Mexico,  1839. 

Verdadcs  de  suma  importancia  d la  nacion  Mexicana.  Mexico,  1826. 

Vergara  y Estrada  (Manuel  U.),  Eneas  Espanol.  Mexico,  1756. 

Verona  (Paciente  de),  Paromologia  de  el  Diphthongo  de  Querdtaro  en  la  pro- 
cesion  de  el  corpus  desde  el  afio  de  1709.  MS.  [1740]  4to. 

Vetancvrt  (Avgvstin  de),  Manuel  de  administrar  los  santos  sacramentos  con- 
forme  d la  reforma  de  Paula  V.  y Urbano  VIII.  Mexico,  1704. 

Vetancvrt  (Avgvstin  de),  Menologio  Franciscano  de  los  Varones  mas  Senala- 
dos.  n.pl.,  n.d.  folio;  Mexico,  1871. 

Vetancvrt  (Avgvstin  de),  Sermon  d la  aparicion  de  la  milagrosa  imdgen  de 
Nuestra  Seiiora  de  Pilar.  Mexico,  1074. 

Vetancvrt  (Avgvstin  de),  Teatro  Mexicano.  Mexico,  1698.  folio;  also  edition 
Mexico,  1870-1.  4 vols. 

Vetancvrt  (Avgvstin  de),  Tratado  de  la  ciudad  de  Mexico,  n.pl.,  n.d.  folio. 

Veytia  (Mariano),  Historia  Antigua  de  Mejico.  Mexico,  1836.  3 vols. 

Veytia  (Mariano),  Sumaria  Relacion  de  todas  las  cosas  en  la  Nueva  Espana  y 
que  los  tultecas  alcanzaron. 

Viage  d los  Estados-Unidos  del  Norte.  Cincinnati,  1834. 

Vicarios  Generales,  Preguntase  si . . . deban  obtener  honores  de  Ex-Provinciales. 
n.pl.,  n.d.  4to. 

Victoria  (Guadalupe  de),  Derrotero  de  las  Islas  Antillas.  Mex.,  1825;  Pro- 
clama d las  provincias  de  Oriente  y Occidente.  Mex.,  1823. 

Vidal  (Joseph),  Espada  Aguda  de  Dolor.  Mex.,  1692;  Vida  del  Migvel  de 
Omaha.  Mex.,  1682. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


cix 


Vigil  (J.  M.),  and  Juan  B.  Hijar  de  Haro,  Ensayo  Historico  del  Ejdrcito  de 
Occidente.  Mexico,  1871-2. 

Vigne  (G.  T.),  Travels  in  Mexico,  South  America,  etc.  London,  1863.  2 vols. 

Vigneaux  (Ernest),  Souvenirs  d’un  Prisonnier  de  Guerre  au  Mexique,  1854-5. 
Paris,  1863. 

Vilaplana  (Hermenegildo),  Breve  Noticia  de  la  portentosa  conversion.  Mex., 
1760;  Historico  y Sagrado  Novenario  de  la  milagrosa  imdgen,  etc.  Mex., 
1765;  Vida  portentosa  del  Americano,  etc.  Madrid,  1775. 

Villa-Amor  (Manuel),  Biografia  del  General  Santa  Anna.  Mexico,  1857. 

Villagutierre  Soto- May  or  (Juan  de),  Historia  de  la  Conquista  de  la  Provincia 
de  el  Itza.  [Madrid,  1701.]  folio. 

Villalobos  (Gomez  de),  Relation  del  viaje  que  hizo  desde  la  Nueva  Espaiia 
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Villalovos  (Joachin  Antonio  de),  Relox  de  sombras.  Puebla,  1729. 

Villa  Manrrique  (Marquds  de),  Carta  al  Bey  Don  Felipe  II.,  March  23,  1586. 
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Villarroel,  Mexico  por  Dentro  y Fuera.  Mex.,  1831. 

Yillarroel  (Hipolito),  Enfermedades  politicas.  MS.  4 vols. 

Vi. la  Seiior  y Sanchez  (Josd  Antonio),  Theatro  Americano.  Mexico,  1746. 
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Villa vicencio  (J van  Joseph  de),  Vida  y Virtudes  de  el  venerable  P.  Juan  de 
Ugarte.  Mexico,  1752. 

Villerias  (Joseph  de),  Llanto  de  las  Estrellas.  Mexico,  1725. 

Yiduendas  (Francisco),  Estado  de  la  mision  de  Laredo  en  23  de  Noviembre 
de  1785.  MS. 

Yindicacion  del  General  Presidente.  Mexico,  1837. 

Viudicacion  del  Pueblo  Mexicano  en  la  Invasion  Francesa  de  1S62.  Mexico. 
1S67. 

Virey  Cerralvo,  Acusacion  contra  el,  por  los  Procuradores  generales  del  Co- 
misario  General  de  la  brden  de  San  Francisco  en  Nueva  Espaiia.  MS. 
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Yireyes  de  Mexico,  Instrucciones,  Residencias.  MSS.  and  print.  2 vols. 

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Madrid,  1856;  Tratado  Consular  por  el  C6nsul  de  los  Estados-Unidos 
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Vizarron  y Eguiarreta,  Copia  de  dos  cartas.  [Mex.,  1742.]  MS.  folio;  Res- 
puesta  y Satisfaccion.  Mex.,  1772.  folio;  Sentencia  dada  y pronunciada. 
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VocabularioVocabulariofilosdfico-Democrdtico,  Nuevo.  Mexico,  1834.  2 vols. 

Waldeck  (F.  de),  Voyage  Pittoresque,  etc.  Paris,  1S38.  folio. 

Wappaus  (J.  E.),  Geographic  und  Statistik  von  Mexiko  und  Central- Amerika. 
Leipzig,  1863. 

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Ward  (II.  G.),  Gedrangtes  Gemiilde  des  Zustandes  von  Mexiko.  Leipzig,  1828. 

Ward  (H.  G.),  Mexico  in  1827.  London,  182S.  2 vols. 

Ward  (H.  G.  Mrs),  Six  Views  of  the  most  important  towns  and  mining  dis- 
tricts of  Mexico.  London,  1829.  folio. 

Webster  (Daniel),  Speech  on  Mexican  War.  March  23,  1S48.  Washington, 
1848. 

Webster  (Daniel),  Speech  at  Philadelphia,  December  2,  1846.  Washington, 
1847. 

Welda  (Othon),  Dos  Proyectos  sobre  fundacion  de  Colonias.  Morelia,  1865. 

Welzhofer  (Max  Moritz),  Die  Republik  Mexico.  Leipzig,  1862. 

West-Indische  Spieghel,  door  Athanasium  Inga.  [Amsterdam,  1624.] 

Westminster  Review.  London,  1824  et  seq. 

Whitehead  (Charles),  Letter  May  11,  1855,  to  G.  W.  Lettsom  on  debt  of  Mex- 
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cx 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


Whitehead  (Charles),  Payment  of  dividends  by  Mexican  Government  to 
British  Bondholders.  May  11,  1855.  MS. 

Wilhelm  (Thomas),  History  of  the  Eighth  U.  S.  Infantry,  n.pl.,  1873.  2 vols. 

Willard  (Emma),  Last  Leaves  of  American  History.  New  York,  1853. 

Williams  (J.  J.),  The  Isthmus  of  Tehuantepec.  New  York,  1852.  2 vols. 

Willie  (Roberto  Crichton),  Mexico,  Noticia  sobre  su  Hacienda  Pdblica  bajo  el 
Gobierno  Espanol  y Despues  de  la  Independencia.  Mexico,  1845. 

Willson  (Marcius),  American  history.  Cincinnati,  1847. 

Wilson  (Robert  Anderson),  A New  History  of  the  Conquest  of  Mexico.  Phila- 
delphia, 1859. 

Wilson  (Robert  Anderson),  Mexico  and  its  Religion.  New  York,  1855. 

Wilson  (Robert  Anderson),  Mexico:  Its  Peasants  and  its  Priests.  New  York, 
etc.,  1856. 

Winthrop,  Speech  on  the  Mexican  War,  Jan.  8,  1847.  Washington,  1847. 

Witte  (Nicolds),  Carta  al  Emperador,  July  15,  1552.  In  Cartas  de  Indias. 

Woll  (Adrian),  Esposicion  presentada  al  Presidente.  Mexico,  1852. 

Woods  (Daniel  B. ),  Sixteen  months  at  the  Gold  diggings.  New  York,  1851. 

Wool  (John  E.),  A Sketch  of  the  Life  and  Public  Services  of.  New  York,  1851. 

Worrall  (Tomds),  Exdmen  del  merito  que  puedan  tener  los  fundamentos,  prea- 
tamo  el  Sup°  Gob°-  Mexico,  1839. 

Worth  (W.  J.),  Charges  against  by  General  Scott,  n.pl.,  n.d. 

Worthington  (C.  J.),  The  Woman  in  Battle.  Hartford,  187G. 

Yaiiez  (Mariano),  Alegato  de  buena  prueba  por  parte  de  la  Compafiia  Avia- 
dora,  etc.  Mexico,  1862. 

Yaiiez  (Juan)  y Socios,  Extracto  de  la  causa  formado  al.  Megico,  1839. 

Ylarregui  (Josd  Salazar),  Datos  de  los  trabajos  astrondmicos  y topognificos 
1849-50  por  la  comisiou  de  limites.  Mexico,  1850. 

Young  (Eduardo),  Obras  Selectas.  Mexico,  1833.  4 vols. 

Young  (Philip),  History  of  Mexico.  Cincinnati,  1850. 

Yrolo  (Nicolai),  De  las  Escripturas.  [Mexico,  1G05.]  4to. 

Yturrigarai  (Josd  Manuel),  Acta  Literario  con  que  la  Real  y Pontificia  Univer- 
sidad  de  Mexico.  Mexico,  1803.  MS. 

Yucatan,  Actas  de  la  Junta  Electoral  de  Provincia  12  de  Die.  1830.  Merida, 
1830;  Case  of  H.  M.  subjects  settled  on  the  coast  of  Yucatan.  Lond., 
1789;  Compendio  histbrico  razonado  del  origen,  etc.  Mex. , .1825;  Dio- 
tdmen  aprobado  per  la  Exma  Junta  Departamental.  Mdrida,  153  < ; 
Discurso  pronunciado  por  el  Exmo  Senor  Gobernador  21  de  Agosto  de 
1840.  Mdrida,  1849;  Documentos  interesantes  y decretos  del  legitimo 
Cong.  Const,  del  Estado.  n.pl.,  n.d. ; El  proyecto  de  ley  del  Sr.  Seuador 
Vargas  para  pacificar  el  Estado.  Mex.,  1831;  Es  el  ministerio  quieu 
dirige  los  planes.  Mex.,  1831;  Estadistica.  Mex.,  1853;  Exdmen  sobre 
el  actual  estado  del  negocio.  Mex.,  1832;  Exposicion  del  Gobierno. 
Mdrida,  1845;  Exposicion  del  Gobierno,  derogacion  del  decreto  21  Feb., 
1844.  Mdrida,  1844;  Exposicion  del  Gobierno  sobre  reconocimiento  y 
amortizacion  de  los  creditos.  Merida,  1868.  4to;  Exposicion  que  el  Beal 
Ayuntamiento.  Mbrida,  1836;  Ilace  pocos  dias  que  se  publied.  Mex., 
1831 ; Impugnacion  d las  observaciones  hechas  por  varios  Yucatecos. 
Mex.,  1831;  Impugnacion  d las  observaciones  que  en  19  del  Oct.  Mex., 
1831;  Iniciativa  de  la  legislatura  del  estado.  Merida,  1832;  La  nuev  i 
proposicion  del  Senor  Rejon  sobre  Yucatan.  Mex.,  1831;  Las  facultades 
de  los'  supremos  poderes  federales  en  cuanto  d la  organizacion.  Mex., 
1832;  Manifiesto  de  la  Convention  del  estado.  Mdrida,  1831;  Manifiesto 
del  Congreso  d los  habitantes  de  los  estados  de  la  Confederation  Meji- 
cana.  Merida,  1824;  Manifiesto  del  gefe  Superior  d los  pueblos.  Merida, 
1831;  Manifesto  del  Gob.  Provisional  d la  nacion  acerca  de  los  negocios. 
Mex.,  1S43;  Manifestaciones  del  Exmo  Consejo,  ilustres  Ayuntamientos. 
Mdrida,  1S31;  Memoria  leida  ante  el  Augusto  Congreso  Extraordinario. 
Mbrida,  1846;  Memoria  leida  ante  la  Excma  Asamblea  del  Departamento 
de  7 de  Mayo  de  1845.  Mdrida,  1S45;  Newe  zeittung  von  dein  lande 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


cxi 


des  die  Sponier  funden  haben,  1521.  Mex.,  1875;  Observaeiones  sobre 
el  dictdmen  en  la  proposicion  del  Senor  Vargas.  Mex.,  1831;  Observa- 
ciones  sobre  la  actual  situacion  del  departamento.  Mex.,  1845;  Oprimido 
reclama  d la  edmara  de  Diputados  su  representacion  legal.  Mex.,  1826; 
Piezas  justificativas  de  la  conducta  politica.  Mdrida,  1846;  Proyecto  de 
Bases  para  la  regeneracion  politica  de  la  Republica.  Merida,  1841;  Rep- 
resentaciones  y Documentos  justificativos  que  la  Legislatura  Constitu- 
cional.  Mdrida,  1874;  Segunda  carta  del  Yucateco  al  Payo  de  Rosario. 
Mex.,  1S29;  Tratado  que  celebro  la  administracion  provisional  con  las 
autoridades.  Mex.,  1845. 

Zacarias  (Luis  Gonzaga),  Representacion  que  el  lie.  dirijib  al  Ilmo  Sr*  Obispo 
de  esta  Diocesis.  Puebla,  1865. 

Zacatecas,  Acto  de  un  Juicio  verbal  celebrado  en  el  Juzgado  de  distrito.  Zac. , 
1S41 ; Arancel  de  los  honorarios  y derechos  judiciales  que  se  lian  de  cobrar. 
Mex.,  1840;  Comunicaciones  oficiales  entre  el  Sup.  Gob.  del  Estado  y 
el  Superior  Ecles.  de  la  Diocesis.  Guad.,  1852;  Contestacion  al  folleto 
titulado  “La  Oposicion  yel  Gobierno.”  Aguascalientes,  1853;  Continua- 
cion  de  las  comunicaciones  oficiales,  Ley  de  Hacienda.  Guad.,  1852; 
Decreto  sobre  estabto.  de  un  Banco.  Zac.,  1830;  Dictdmen  presentado 
por  la  Comision  Especial,  sobre  calificacion  de  las  Elecciones  Nov.  30, 
1843.  Mex.,  1843;  Dictdmen  sobre  Reformas  Constitucionales.  Mex., 
1841;  Diario  exacto.  Mex.,  1835;  Impugnacion  d la  iniciativa  del  hon. 
Cong.  de. . .de  9 de  Jun.  de  1834,  sobre  Reformas  Eclesiisticas.  Mex., 
1834;  Iniciativa  de  la  Honorable  Asamblea  Departamental  sobre  Reformas 
de  las  Bases  de  organizaciou  politica  de  la  Republica.  Zac.,  1845; 
Memoria  presentada  por  el  Ejecutivo  d la  Hon.  Legislatura.  Zac.  1871; 
Plan  para  el  establecimiento  de  una  Colonia  en  el  Estado.  Baltimore, 
1S52 ; Reflecsiones  al  Hon.  Cong,  sobre  la  esposicion  que  bace  al  Sup.  Gob. 
Mex.,  1831. 

Zaccone  (Pedro),  El  Hijo  del  Cielo.  Mejico,  1858.  2 vols. 

Zalatitan,  Protesta  que  el  cura  y Feligreses  de  la  Parroquia  de  Zalatitan  liacen 
contra  la  Traicion  consumada  en  Veracruz.  Guadalajara,  1860. 

Zamacois  (Niceto  de),  El  Jarabe,  obra  de  Costumbres  Mejicanas.  Mejico, 
1861;  Historia  de  Mejico.  Barcelona,  etc.,  1877-80.  11  vols.;  Los  Eeos 
de  mi  Lira.  Mex.,  1849;  Ministerios  de  Mexico.  Mex.,  1850.  2 vols.; 
Salud  del  Alma,  Devocionario  en  verso.  Mex.,  1851;  Un  Angel  Dester- 
rado  del  Cielo.  Mex.,  1855. 

Zamboni  (J.  Fortunato),  Ensayo  de  una  memoria  sobre  la  necesidad  de  pre- 
venir  a,  los  incautos  contra  los  artificios  de  algunos  fisiologos.  Megico, 

1840. 

Zambrano  (Juan  A.),  Apuntes  sobre  Caminos  de  Fierro  y Facilidad  de  Hacer- 
los.  Mex.,  1867;  Comunicaciones Rclativas  d la  Renuncia  que  del  Cargo 
de  Tesorero  General  de  la  Nacion,  hizo.  Mex.,  1861;  Tarifa  de  Sueldos 
Militai-es  arreglada  para  el  uso  de  los  cuerpos  de  Ejercito  de  la  Repub. 
Mexicana.  Mex.,  1854. 

Zamora  (Antonio  Fernandez),  Plan  de  Hacienda  para  la  Republica  Mexicana. 
Mexico,  1847. 

Zamora  (Victoriano),  Informe  hecho  d la  Exma  2a  Sala,  relativo  d los  Rui- 
dosos  Autos  del  Denuncio  de  San  Chemente.  Zacatecas,  1839. 

Zamora  y Azevedo  (A.  M.  and  M.  D.),  Pruebas  de  Nobleza.  MS.  1768. 

Zappa  (Gio  Battista),  Copia  di  Vintisei  Lettere  Scritte  dal  Padre  al  Sig.  Am- 
brosio  Zappa.  Milano  [1087]. 

Zarauz  (Joaquin  de),  Contestacion  d la  vindicacion  yRespuesta  que  el  capitan 
de  navio  de  la  Real  armada  Du.  Juan  de  Zarauz,  did  al  suplemento  del  di- 
ario de  Mexico  del  viemes,  8 de  Noviembre  de  1805.  Mexico,  1807. 

Zarco  (Francisco),  Historia  del  Congreso  Extraordinario  Constituyente  de 
1856  y 1857.  Mexico,  1857.  2 vols. 

Zarza  (Juan  A.),  Siestas  Dogmdticas.  Mexico,  1765. 

Zarzosa  (Pedro),  Representacion  que  eleva  4 la  Camara  del  Senado.  Mex.,  1825. 


CX11 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 


Zavala  (Lorenzo  de),  Dictdmcn  sobre  el  proyecto  de  Ley.  Mex.,  1834;  f n- 
sayo  historico  de  las  Revoluciones  de  Megico.  Paris,  etc.,  1831.  2 vols.; 
Mex.,  1845.  2 vols.;  Manifiesto  de  los  principios  politicos.  Mex.,  1828; 
Proyecto  de  reforma  del  Congreso.  Mex.,  1822;  Viaje  d los  Estados 
Unidos.  Merida,  1846;  Voto  del  diputado  sobre  el  proyecto  de  regla- 
mento  politico.  [Mex.,  1823.] 

Zavala  (Manuel  Quixano),  La  venerable  congregacion  del  oratorio  de  Felipe 
Neri.  Mexico,  1782. 

Zelaa  6 Hidalgo  (Jos6  Maria),  Discursos  panegiricos  6 Sermones  varios.  MS.; 
Glorias  de  Querdtaro.  Mex.,  1803;  Vida  Portentosa.  Mex.,  1812; 

Zelaeta(.Juan),  Manifesto  d sus  compatriotas.  Mexico,  1837. 

Zerecero  (Anastasio),  Memorias  para  la  Historia  de  las  Revoluciones  en  Mex- 
ico. Mex.,  1869.  2 vols.;  Observacioncs  del  ciudadano  d la  constitucion. 
Mex.,  1857. 

Zevallos  (Francisco),  Vida  del  P.  Fernando  Konsag.  Mexico,  1764. 

Zomera  y Pina  (Manuel),  Esposicion  que  hace  de  sus  actos  de  la  invasion 
francesa.  Mexico,  1867. 

Zorilla  (.Josd),  El  Delator.  Mex.,  1857;  Lecturas.  Mex.,  1864;  Traidor  in- 
confeso  y Mdrtir.  Mex.,  1850. 

Zorita  (Alonso  de),  Breve  y sumaria  relacion  de  los  senores  en  la  Nueva  Es- 
pana.  In  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc.,  tom.  ii. 

Zozaya  ( Josd  M. ),  Apelacion  al  Tribunal  de  la  Opinion  Publica.  Mexico,  1S39. 

Zuazo  (Diego  de),  Oracion  Evangdlica  y Panegyrica  de  la  Purificacion.  Mex- 
ico, 1703.  MS. 

Zuazo  (Licenciado),  Carta  al  Senor  de  Xevres.  In  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col. 
Doc.,  tom.  i. 

Zumdrraga,  Carta  d su  Magestad  del  Obispo  electo  D.  Juan  de  Zumdrraga, 
Agosto  27,  1529.  In  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc.,  tom.  xiii. 

Zumdrraga  (Juan),  Pastoral  sobre  fundacion  de  la  Catedral  de  Mexico.  Mex- 
ico, 1534.  MS. 

Ziifiiga  y Ontiveros  (Felipe),  Calendario  Manual  y Guia  de  Forasteros  de 
Mexico.  Mexico,  1789. 

Zurita  (Ramon  M.),  Esposicion  al  Supremo  Gobiemo  de  la  Republica.  Mex- 
ico, 1845. 


Greenwich 


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r.c  Zacatlan  '0/ . 

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NEW  SPAIN 

AS  KNOWN  TO  THE 

CONQUERORS  IN  1521.  

STATUTE  MILES 


4 


HISTOKY  OF  MEXICO. 


CHAPTER  I. 

VOYAGE  OF  HERNANDEZ  DE  CbRDOBA  TO  YUCATAN. 

1516-1517. 

A Glance  at  the  State  of  European  Discovery  and  Government  in 
America  at  the  Opening  of  this  Volume— Diego  Velazquez  in 
Cuba — Character  of  the  Man — A Band  of  Adventurers  Arrives 
from  Darien — The  Governor  Counsels  them  to  Embark  in  Slave- 
Catching — Under  Hernandez  de  Cordoba  they  Sail  Westward  and 
Discover  Yucatan — And  are  Filled  with  Astonishment  at  the 
Large  Towns  and  Stone  Towers  they  See  there — They  Fight  the 
Natives  at  Cape  Catoche — Skirt  the  Peninsula  to  Champoton — 
Sanguinary  Battle — Return  to  Cuba — Death  of  C6rdoba. 


During  the  first  quarter  of  a century  after  the 
landing  of  Columbus  on  San  Salvador,  three  thou- 
sand leagues  of  mainland  coast  were  examined,  chiefly 
in  the  hope  of  finding  a passage  through  to  the  India 
of  Marco  Polo.  The  Cabots  from  England  and 
the  Cortereals  from  Portugal  made  voyages  to  New- 
foundland and  down  the  east  coast  of  North  Amer- 
ica; Amerigo  Vespucci  sailed  hither  and  thither  in 
the  service  of  Spain,  and  wrote  letters  confounding 
knowledge;  Vasco  da  Gama  doubled  the  Cape  of 
Good  Hope;  Columbus,  Ojeda,  Nino,  Guerra,  Bas- 
tidas,  and  Pinzon  and  Solis  coasted  the  Tierra  Eirme 
of  Central  and  South  America ; Ocampo  skirted 
Cuba  and  found  it  an  island;  Cabral  accidentally 
discovered  Brazil;  Juan  Ponce  de  Leon  hunted  for 
the  Fountain  of  Youth  in  Florida;  Vasco  Nunez  de 

VOL.  I.  1 


2 VOYAGE  OF  C6RDOBA  TO  YUCATAN. 

Balboa  crossed  the  Isthmus  £nd  floated  his  ships  on 
the  South  Sea.  Prior  to  1517  almost  every  province 
of  the  eastern  continental  seaboard,  from  Labrador 
to  Patagonia,  had  been  uncovered,  save  those  of  the 
Mexican  Gulf,  which  casketed  wonders  greater  than 
them  all.  This  little  niche  alone  remained  wrapped 
in  aboriginal  obscurity,  although  less  than  forty 
leagues  of  strait  separated  the  proximate  points  of 
Cuba  and  Yucatan. 

Meanwhile,  in  the  government  of  these  Western 
Indies,  Columbus,  first  admiral  of  the  Ocean  Sea, 
had  been  succeeded  by  Bobadilla,  Ovando,  and  the 
son  and  heir  of  the  discoverer,  Diego  Colon,  each 
managing,  wherein  it  was  possible,  worse  than  his 
predecessor;  so  that  it  was  found  necessary  to  estab- 
lish at  Santo  Domingo,  the  capital  city  of  the  Indies, 
a sovereign  tribunal,  to  which  appeals  might  be  made 
from  any  viceroy,  governor,  or  other  representative 
of  royalty,  and  which  should  eventually,  as  a royal 
audiencia,  exercise  for  a time  executive  as  well  as  ju- 
dicial supremacy.  But  before  clothing  this  tribunal 
with  full  administrative  powers,  Cardinal  Jimenez, 
then  dominant  in  New  World  affairs,  had  deter- 
mined to  try  upon  the  turbulent  colonists  the  effect 
of  ecclesiastical  influence  in  secular  matters,  and  had 
sent  over  three  friars  of  the  order  of  St  Jerome, 
Luis  de  Figueroa,  Alonso  de  Santo  Domingo,  and 
Bernardo  de  Manzanedo,  to  whose  direction  gov- 
ernors and  all  others  were  made  subject.  Just  be- 
fore the  period  in  our  history  at  which  this  volume 
opens,  the  Jeronimite  Fathers,  as  the  three  friars 
were  called,  had  practically  superseded  Diego  Colon 
at  Espanola,  and  were  supervising  Pedrarias  D&vila 
of  Castilla  del  Oro,  Francisco  de  Garay  governor 
of  Jamaica,  and  Diego  Velazquez  governor  of  Cuba. 
It  will  be  remembered  that  Diego  Colon  had  sent 
Juan  de  Esquivel  in  1509  to  Jamaica,  where  he  was 
succeeded  by  Francisco  de  Garay;  and  Diego  Velaz- 
quez had  been  sent  in  1511  to  Cuba  to  subdue  and 


* 


DIEGO  VELAZQUEZ.  3 

govern  that  isle,  subject  to  the  young  admiral’s  dic- 
tation; and  beside  these,  a small  establishment  at 
Puerto  Rico,  and  Pedrarias  on  the  Isthmus,  there 
was  no  European  ruler  in  the  regions,  islands  or  firm 
land,  between  the  two  main  continents  of  America. 

The  administration  of  the  religiosos  showed  little 
improvement  on  the  governments  of  their  predeces- 
sors, who,  while  professing  less  honesty  and  piety, 
practised  more  worldly  wisdom;  hence  within  two 
short  years  the  friars  were  recalled  by  Fonseca,  who, 
on  the  death  of  Jimenez,  had  again  come  into  power 
in  Spain,  and  the  administration  of  affairs  in  the 
Indies  remained  wholly  with  the  audiencia  of  Santo 
Domingo,  the  heirs  of  Columbus  continuing  to  agi- 
tate their  claim  throughout  the  century. 

It  was  as  the  lieutenant  of  Diego  Colon  that  Ve- 
lazquez had  been  sent  to  conquer  Cuba;  but  that 
easy  work  accomplished,  he  repudiated  his  former 
master,  and  reported  directly  to  the  crown. 

Velazquez  was  an  hidalgo,  native  of  Cudllar, 
who,  after  seventeen  years  of  service  in  the  wars 
of  Spain,  had  come  over  with  the  old  admiral  in  his 
second  voyage,  in  1493,  and  was  now  a man  of 
age,  experience,  and  wealth.  With  a commanding 
figure,  spacious  forehead,  i^ir  complexion,  large  clear 
eyes,  well-chiselled  nose  and  mouth,  and  a narrow 
full-bearded  chin,  the  whole  lighted  by  a pleasing 
intellectual  expression,  he  presented,  when  elegantly 
attired  as  was  his  custom,  as  imposing  a presence  as 
any  man  in  all  the  Indies.  In  history  he  also  formed 
quite  a figure.  And  yet  there  was  nothing  weighty 
in  his  character.  He  was  remarkable  rather  for  the 
absence  of  positive  qualities;  he  could  not  lay  claim 
even  to  conspicuous  cruelty.  He  was  not  a bad  man 
as  times  went;  assuredly  he  was  not  a good  man  as 
times  go.  He  could  justly  lay  claim  to  all  the  cur- 
rent vices,  but  none  of  them  were  enormous  enough 
to  be  interesting.  In  temper  he  was  naturally  mild 


4 VOYAGE  OF  C6RDOBA  TO  YUCATAN. 

• 

and  affable,  yet  suspicious  and  jealous,  and  withal 
easily  influenced;  so  that  when  roused  to  anger,  as 
was  frequently  the  case,  he  was  beside  himself. 

Chief  assistant  in  his  new  pacification  was  P&n- 
filo  de  Narvaez,  who  brought  from  Jamaica  thirty 
archers,  and  engaged  in  the  customary  butchering, 
while  the  governor,  with  three  hundred  men,  quietly 
proceeded  to  found  towns  and  settlements,  such  as 
Trinidad,  Puerto  del  Principe,  Matanzas,  Santi  Es- 
piritu,  San  Salvador,  Habana,  and  Santiago,  making 
the  seat  of  his  government  at  the  place  last  named, 
and  appointing  alcaldes  in  the  several  settlements. 
Other  notable  characters  were  likewise  in  attendance 
on  this  occasion,  namely,  Bartolome  de  las  Casas, 
Francisco  Hernandez  de  Cordoba,  Juan  de  Grijalva, 
and  Hernan  Cortes. 

Discreet  in  his  business,  and  burdened  by  no  coun- 
teracting scruples,  Velazquez  and  those  who  were 
with  him  prospered.  Informed  of  this,  above  one 
hundred  of  the  starving  colonists  at  Darien  obtained 
permission  from  Pedrarias  in  1516  to  pass  over  to 
Cuba,  and  were  affably  received  by  the  governor. 
Most  of  them  were  well-born  and  possessed  of  means; 
for  though  provisions  were  scarce  at  Antigua,  the 
South  Sea  expeditions  of  Vasco  Nunez,  Badajoz,  and 
Espinosa,  had  made  gold  plentiful  there.  Among  this 
company  was  Bernal  Diaz  del  Castillo,  a soldier  of 
fortune,  who  had  come  from  Spain  to  Tierra  Firme 
in  1514,  and  who  now  engages  in  the  several  expedi- 
tions to  Mexico,  and  becomes,  some  years  later,  one 
of  the  chief  historians  of  the  conquest. 

Beady  for  any  exploit,  and  having  failed  to  receive 
certain  repartimientos  promised  them,  the  band  from 
Tierra  Firme  cast  glances  toward  the  unknown  west. 
The  lesser  isles  had  been  almost  depopulated  by  the 
slave-catchers,  and  from  the  shores  of  the  adjoining 
mainland  the  affrighted  natives  had  fled  to  the  inte- 
rior.  It  was  still  a profitable  employment,  however, 
for  the  colonists  must  have  laborers,  being  themselves 


SLAVE-CATCHING. 


9 


entirely  opposed  to  work.  The  governor  of  Cuba, 
particularly,  was  fond  of  the  traffic,  for  it  was  safe 
and  lucrative.  Though  a representative  of  royal  au- 
thority in  America,  he  was  as  ready  as  any  irrespon- 
sible adventurer  to  break  the  royal  command.  During 
this  same  year  of  1516,  a vessel  from  Santiago  had 
loaded  with  natives  and  provisions  at  the  Guanaja 
Islands,  and  had  returned  to  port.  While  the  captain 
and  crew  were  ashore  for  a carouse,  the  captives  burst 
open  the  hatches,  overpowered  the  nine  men  who  had 
been  left  on  guard,  and  sailed  away  midst  the  frantic 
gesticulations  of  the  captain  on  shore.  Reaching 
their  islands  in  safety,  they  there  encountered  a 
brigantine  with  twTenty-five  Spaniards  lying  in  wait 
for  captives.  Attacking  them  boldly,  the  savages 
drove  them  off  toward  Darien,  and  then  burned  the 
ship  in  w*hich  they  themselves  had  made  their  en- 
forced voyage  to  Cuba. 

As  a matter  of  course  this  atrocious  conduct  on  the 
part  of  the  savages  demanded  exemplary  punishment. 
To  this  end  two  vessels  were  immediately  despatched 
with  soldiers  who  fell  upon  the  inhabitants  of  Guanaja, 
put  many  to  the  sword,  and  carried  away  five  hundred 
captives,  beside  securing  gold  to  the  value  of  twenty 
thousand  pesos  de  oro. 

Happy  in  the  thought  of  engaging  in  an  occupa- 
tion so  profitable,  the  chivalrous  one  hundred  cheer- 
fully adventured  their  Darien  gold  in  a similar 
voyage,  fitting  out  two  vessels  for  the  purpose,  and 
choosing  for  their  commander  Francisco  Hernandez 
de  Cdrdoba,  now  a wealthy  planter  of  Santi  Espiritu.1 

1 In  the  memorial  of  Antonio  Velazquez,  successor  of  the  adelantado,  Diego 
Velazquez,  Memorial  del  neqocio  de  D.  Antonio  Velazquez  de  Bazan,  in  Mendoza, 
Col.  Doc.  Inid.,  x.  SO-6,  taken  from  the  archives  of  the  Indies,  the  credit  of 
this  expedition  is  claimed  wholly  for  the  governor.  Indeed,  Velazquez  him- 
self repeatedly  asserts,  as  well  as  others,  that  the  expedition  was  made  at  his 
cost.  But  knowing  the  man  as  we  do,  and  considering  the  claims  of  others, 
it  is  safe  enough  to  say  that  the  governor  did  not  invest  much  money  in  it. 
The  burden  doubtless  fell  on  Cordoba,  who  was  aided,  as  some  think,  by  his 
associates,  Cristobal  Moran te  and  Lope  Ochoa  de  Caicedo,  in  making  up  what 
the  men  of  Darien  lacked,  Torquemada,  i.  349,  notwithstanding  the  claims 
for  his  fraternity  of  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  i.  Ogilby,  Hist.  Am.,  76, 


6 


VOYAGE  OF  CORD6BA  TO  YUCATAN. 


Velazquez  added  a third  vessel,  a small  bark,  in  con- 
sideration of  a share  in  the  speculation.2  After  lay- 
ing in  a supply  of  cassava,  a bread  made  from  the 
yucca  root,  and  some  salt  beef,  bacon,  and  glass  beads 
for  barter,  the  expedition  departed  from  Santiago  de 
Cuba,  and  went  round  to  the  north  side  of  the  island. 
There  were  in  all  one  hundred  and  ten3  soldiers,  with 
Antonio  de  Alaminos  as  chief  pilot,  Alonso  Gonza- 
lez priest,  and  Bernardino  Ihiguez  king’s  treasurer. 
Here  the  chief  pilot  said  to  the  commander,  “Down 
from  Cuba  Island,  in  this  sea  of  the  west,  my  heart 
tells  me  there  must  be  rich  lands;  because,  when  I 

says  the  three  associates  were  all  Cuban  planters ; that  they  equipped  three 
ships,  Velazquez  adding  one.  This  Hernandez  de  Cordoba  was  not  he  who 
served  as  lieutenant  under  Pedrarias,  though  of  the  same  name. 

- Opinion  has  been  divided  as  to  the  original  purpose  of  the  expedition. 
As  it  turned  out,  it  was  thought  best  on  all  sides  to  say  nothing  of  the  in- 
human and  unlawful  inteution  of  capturing  Indians  for  slaves.  Hence,  in  the 
public  documents,  particularly  in  the  petitions  for  recompense  which  invaria- 
bly followed  discoveries,  pains  is  taken  to  state  that  it  was  a voyage  of  dis- 
covery, and  prompted  by  the  governor  of  Cuba.  As  in  the  Decadas  Abreviadas 
de  los  Descubrimientos,  Mendoza,  Col.  Doc.  Ined.,  viii.  5-54,  we  find  that  ‘El 
adelantado  Diego  Velazquez  de  Cuellar  es  autor  del  descubrimiento  de  la 
Nueva  Espaha,’  so,  in  effect,  it  is  recorded  everywhere.  Indeed,  Bernal  Diaz 
solemnly  asserts  that  Velazquez  at  first  stipulated  that  he  should  have  three 
cargoes  of  slaves  from  the  Guanaja  Islands,  and  that  the  virtuous  one  hun- 
dred indignantly  refused  so  to  disobey  God  and  the  king  as  to  turn  free  peo- 
ple into  slaves.  ‘ Y desque  vimos  los  soldados,  que  aquello  quepediael  Diego 
Velazquez  no  era  justo,  le  respondimos,  que  lo  que  dezia,  no  lo  mandaua  Dios, 
ni  el  Rey;  que  hiziessemos  <i  los  fibres  esclavos.’  Hist.  Verdad.,  i.  On  the 
strength  of  which  fiction,  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  ii.  224,  launches  into  lauda- 
tion of  the  Spanish  character.  The  honest  soldier,  however,  finds  difficulty  in 
making  the  world  believe  his  statement.  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.,  iv.  348,  does 
not  hesitate  to  say  very  plainly  that  the  expedition  was  sent  out  to  capture  In- 
dians, ‘ ir  6 enviar  d saltear  indios  para  traer  d ella,  ’ for  which  purpose  there 
were  always  men  with  money  ready;  and  that  on  this  occasion  Cordoba,  Mo- 
ran te,  and  Caicedo  subscribed  1,500  or  2,000  Castellanos  each,  to  go  and  catch  In- 
dians, either  at  the  Lucayas  Islands  or  elsewhere.  Torquemada,  i.  349,  writes 
more  mildly,  yet  plainly  enough ; ‘ para  ir  d buscar  Indios,  d las  Islas  Con- 
vecinas,  y liacer  Rescates,  como  hasta  entonces  lo  acostumbraban.  ’ Cogolludo, 
Hist.  Ywathan,  1-6,  follows  Bernal  Diaz  almost  literally.  Gomara,  Hist.  Ind., 
60,  is  non-committal,  stating  first  ‘para  descubrir  y rescatar,’  and  afterward, 

‘ Otros  dizen  que  para  traer  esclauos  delas  yslas  Guanaxos  a sus  minas  y gran- 
jerias.’  Oviedo  and  Herrera  pass  by  the  question.  Landa,  Rel.  de  Yucatan, 
16,  ‘a  rescatar  esclavos  para  las  minas,  que  ya  en  Cuba  se  yva  la  gente  apo- 
cando  y que  otros  dizen  que  salio  a descubrir  tierra.  ’ Says  the  unknown  author 
of  De  Rebus  Gestis  Ferdinandi  Corlesii,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  338,  ‘In 
has  igitur  insulas  ad  grassandum  et  prsedandum,  ut  ita  dicam,  ire  hi  de  quibus 
suprd  dictum  est,  constituerant;  non  in  Iucatanam.  ’ It  is  clear  to  my  mind 
that  slaves  were  the  first  object,  and  that  discovery  was  secondary,  and  an 
after-thought. 

3 Bernal  Diaz  holds  persistently  to  110.  It  was  110  who  came  from  Tierra 
Firme,  and  after  divers  recruits  and  additions  the  number  was  still  110. 


CAPE  CATOCHE. 


7 


sailed  as  a boy  with  the  old  admiral,  I remember  he 
inclined  this  way.”  Suddenly  the  vision  of  Cordoba 
enlarged.  Here  might  be  something  better,  nobler, 
more  profitable  even  than  kidnapping  the  poor  na- 
tives. Despatching  a messenger  to  Velazquez,  Cor- 
doba asked,  in  case  new  discoveries  were  made  while 
on  the  way  to  catch  Indians,  for  permission  to  act 
as  the  governor’s  lieutenant  in  such  lands!  The  de- 
sired authority  was  granted,  and  from  the  haciendas 
near  by  were  brought  on  board  sheep,  pigs,  and 
mares,  so  that  stock-raising  might  begin  if  settle- 
ments were  formed.  « 

Sailing  from  the  Habana,  or  San  Cristobal,  the  8th 
of  February,  1517,  they  came  to  Cape  San  Antonio, 
whence,  on  the  12th,  they  struck  westward,  and  after 
certain  days,4  during  two  of  which  they  were  severely 
tempest-tossed,  they  discovered  land;5  first  the  point 
of  an  island,  where  were  some  fine  salt-fields,  and  cul- 
tivated ground.  The  people  who  appeared  on  the 
shore  were  not  naked  as  on  the  Islands,  but  well 
dressed  in  white  and  colored  cotton,  some  with  orna- 
ments of  gold,  silver,  and  feathers.  The  men  were 

* Authorities  vary,  from  four  clays  given  by  Las  Casas,  and  six  by  Oviedo, 
to  21  by  Bernal  Diaz  and  Herrera.  The  date  of  departure  is  also  disputed, 
but  the  differences  are  unimportant.  Compare  Peter  Martyr , dec.  iv.  cap. 
vi. ; Du  fey,  Resume  Hist.  Am.,  i.  93;  Cflavigero,  Storia  Mess.,  iii.  3;  Las  Casas, 
Mist.  Ind.,  iv.  348-63;  Coyolludo,  Hist.  Yurathan,  3-8;  Gomara,  Mist.  Ind., 
CO-1;  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  1-2;  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  ii.  cap.  xvii. ; 
Solis,  Hist.  Mex. , i.  22-4 ; Vida  de  Cortes,  or  De  Rebus  Gestis  Ferdinandi  Cor- 
tessii,  in  Icazbalceta,  Cal.  Doc.,  i.  331-41;  March  y Labores,  Marina Espaiiola, 
i.  46:4-8;  Robertson's  Hist.  Am.,  i.  237-40;  Fancourt'fs  Hist.  Yuc.,  5-8. 

5 Though  remarkably  fair  and  judicious  in  the  tnain,  Mr  Prescott’s  parti- 
ality for  a certain  class  of  his  material  is  evident.  To  the  copies  from  the 
Spanish  archives,  most  of  which  have  been  since  published  with  hundreds  of 
others  equally  or  more  valuable,  he  seemed  to  attach  an  importance  propor- 
tionate to  their  cost.  Thus,  throughout  his  entire  work,  these  papers  are 
paraded  to  the  exclusion  of  the  more  reliable,  but  more  accessible,  standard 
authorities.  In  the  attempt,  at  this  point,  to  follow  at  once  his  document 
and  the  plainly  current  facts,  he  falls  into  an  error  of  which  he  appears  uncon- 
scious. He  states,  Conq.  Mex.,  i.  222,  that  Cordoba  ‘sailed  with  three  vessels 
on  an  expedition  to  one  of  the  neighboring  Bahama  Islands,  in  quest  of  Indian 
slaves.  He  encountered  a succession  of  heavy  gales  which  drove  him  far  out 
of  his  course.’  The  Bahama  Islands  are  eastward  from  Habana,  while  Cape 
San  Antonio  is  toward  the  west.  All  the  authorities  agree  that  the  expedition 
sailed  directly  westward,  and  that  the  storm  did  not  occur  until  after  Cape 
San  Antonio  had  been  passed,  which  leaves  Mr  Prescott  among  other  errors 
in  that  of  driving  a fleet  to  the  westward,  in  a storm,  when  it  has  already 
sailed  thither  by  the  will  of  its  commander,  in  fair  weather. 


8 


VOYAGE  OF  C6RDOBA  TO  YUCATAN. 


bold  and  brave,  and  tlie  women  well-formed  and  mod- 
est, with  head  and  breast  covered.  Most  wonderful 
of  all,  however,  were  some  great  towers,  built  of 
stone  and  lime,  with  steps  leading  to  the  top;  and 
chapels  covered  with  wood  and  straw,  within  which 
were  found  arranged,  in  artistic  order,  many  idols 
apparently  representing  women,  and  that  led  the 
Spaniards  to  name  the  place  De  Las  Mugeres.6  Pro- 
ceeding northward,  they  came  to  a larger  point,  of 
island  or  mainland;  and  presently  they  descried,  two 
leagues  from  the  shore,  a large  town,  which  was 
called  El  Gran  Cairo. 

While  looking  for  an  anchorage,  on  the  morning  of 
the  4th  of  March,  five  canoes  approached  the  com- 
mander’s vessel,  and  thirty  men  stepped  fearlessly  on 
board.  The  canoes  were  large,  some  of  them  capable 
of  holding  fifty  persons ; the  men  were  intelligent,  and 
wore  a sleeveless  cloak  and  apron  of  cotton.7  The 
Spaniards  gave  them  bacon  and  bread  to  eat,  and  to 
each  a necklace  of  green  glass  beads.  After  closely 
scrutinizing  the  ship  and  its  belongings,  the  natives  put 
off  for  the  shore.  Early  next  day  appeared  the  cacique 
with  many  men  in  twelve  canoes,  making  signs  of 
friendship,  and  crying,  Conex  cotocli!  that  is  to  say, 
Come  to  our  houses;  whence  the  place  was  called 
Punta  de  Catoche,8  which  name  it  bears  to-day. 

6 Following  Gomara  and  Torquemada,  Galvano  mentions  the  name  of  no 
other  place  in  this  voyage  than  that  of  Punta  de  las  Duefias,  which  he  places  in 
latitude  20”.  He  further  remarks,  Descobrimentos,  131,  ‘ He  gete  milhor  atau- 
iada  que  ha  em  neuhua  outra  terra,  & cruzes  em  q’  os  Indios  adorauam,  & os 
punham  sobre  seus  defuntos  quando  faleciam,  donde  parecia  que  em  algum  tepo 
se  sentio  aly  a fe  de  Christo.  ’ The  anonymous  author  of  De  Rebus  Gestis  and 
all  the  best  authorities  recognize  this  as  the  first  discovery.  ‘ Sicque  non  ad 
Guanaxos,  quos  petebant,  appulerunt,  sed  ad  Mulierum  promontorium.  ’ Fer- 
nando Colon  places  on  his  map,  1527,  y:  de  mujeres;  Diego  de  Ribero,  1529, 
d:  mugeres,  the  next  name  north  being  amazonas.  Vaz  Dourado,  1571,  lays 
down  three  islands  which  he  calls  p:.  de  magreles ; Hood,  1592,  Y.  de  mueres; 
Laet,  1633,  }’as  de  mucheres;  Ogilby,  1671,  yas  desconodda;  Dampier,  1699, 
1.  mugeras;  Jefferys,  1776,  Ia  de  Mujeres,  or  Woman's  I.  It  was  this  name 
that  led  certain  of  the  chroniclers  to  speak  of  islands  off  the  coast  of  Yucatan 
inhabited  by  Amazons.  ‘ Sirvio  de  asilo  en  nuestros  dias  al  celebre  pirata 
Lafitte.’  Boletin  de  la  Sociedad  Mex.  de.  Geog.,  iii.  224. 

7 For  a description  of  these  people  see  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  i.  645-747. 

8 See  Lauda,  Rel.  de  Yuc.,  6.  ‘ Domurn  Cotoche  sonat:  indicabant  enim 

domus  et  oppidum  baud  longe  abesse.’  De  Rebus  Gestis  Ferdinandi  Cortesii,  in 


ARRIVAL  AT  CAMPECHE. 


9 


Thus  invited,  Cordoba,  with  several  of  his  officers, 
and  twenty-five  soldiers  armed  with  cross-bows  and 
firelocks,  accompanied  the  natives  to  the  shore,  where 
the  cacique  with  earnest  invitations  to  visit  his  town 
managed  to  lead  them  into  ambush.  The  natives 
fought  with  flint-edged  wooden  swords,  lances,  bows, 
and  slings,  and  were  protected  by  armors  of  quilted 
cotton  and  shields,  their  faces  being  painted  and  their 
heads  plumed.  They  charged  the  enemy  bravely, 
amidst  shouts  and  noise  of  instruments;  several  of 
the  Spaniards  were  wounded,  two  fatally.  At  length 
the  natives  gave  way  before  the  sharp  and  sulphurous 
enginery  of  their  exceedingly  strange  visitants,  leav- 
ing fifteen  of  their  number  dead  upon  the  ground. 
Two  youths  were  taken  prisoners,  who  were  after- 
ward baptized  and  named  Julian  and  Melchor,  and 
profitably  employed  by  the  Spaniards  as  interpret- 
ers. Near  the  battle-ground  stood  three  more  of 
those  curious  stone  temples,  one  of  which  was  en- 
tered by  Father  Gonzalez  during  the  fight,  and  the 
earthen  and  wooden  idols  and  ornaments  and  plates 
of  inferior  gold  found  there  were  carried  away  to  the 
ship. 

Embarking,  and  proceeding  westward,  the  Span- 
iards arrived  a fortnight  later  at  Campeche,9  where 
their  amazement  was  increased  on  beholding  the 
number  and  beauty  of  the  edifices,  while  the  blood 

Imzbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  339.  ‘ Conez  cotoche,  q quiere  dezir,  Andad  aca  a mis 
casas.’  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  ii.  cap.  xvii.  ‘Cotoke,  cotoke,’  tkat  is  to  say, 
‘a  house.’  Fancourt’s  Hist.  Yuc.,  6.  ‘Cotocke,  q quiere  dezir  casa.’  G'omara, 
Hist.  lml. , 61.  ‘ Con  escotoch,  con  escotoch,  y quiere  dezir,  andad  aca  a mis 

casas.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  2.  Tkis,  tke  nortk-eastem  point  of  Yuca- 
tan, is  on  Fernando  Colon’s  map,  1527,  gotoche;  on  tke  map  of  Diego  de  Ribero, 
1529,  p:  d’cotoche;  Vaz  Dourado,  1571,  C:.  de  quoteclie;  Pilestrina,  c:.  de  sam- 
palq.  Hood  places  a little  west  of  tke  cape  a bay,  B.  de  conil ; tke  next  name 
west  is  Alalaia.  Goldschmidt’s  Cartog.  Pac.  Coast,  MS.,  i.  358.  Kokl,  Beiden 
ubesten  karten,  103,  brings  the  expedition  here  tke  1st  of  March.  Las  Casas, 
Hist.  Ind.,  iv.  350,  confounds  Cordoba’s  and  Grijalva’s  voyages  in  this  respect, 
tkat  brings  tke  former  at  once  to  Cozumel,  when,  as  a matter  of  fact,  Cordoba 
never  saw  tkat  island. 

9 So  called  by  the  natives,  but  by  the  Spaniards  named  San  Ldzaro,  be- 
cause ‘ it  was  a Domingo  de  Lazaro  ’ when  they  landed.  Yet  Ribero  writes 
chdpa,  while  Vaz  Dourado  employs  l lazaro,  and  Hood,  Campechy;  Laet  gives 
tke  name  correctly;  Ogilby  and  Jefferys  call  the  place  S.  Fro  de  Campeche. 
‘Los  Indios  le  dezio  Quimpech.’  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  ii.  cap.  xvii. 


10 


VOYAGE  OF  C6RDOBA  TO  YUCATAN. 


and  other  evidences  of  human  sacrifice  discovered 
about  the  altars  of  the  temples  filled  their  souls  with 
horror.  And  as  they  were  viewing  these  monu- 
ments of  a superior  culture,  the  troops  of  armed 
natives  increased,  and  the  priests  of  the  temples, 
producing  a bundle  of  reeds,  set  fire  to  it,  signify- 
ing to  the  visitors  that  unless  they  took  their  de- 
parture before  the  reeds  were  consumed  every  one  of 
them  would  be  killed.  Remembering  their  wounds 
at  Catoche,  the  Spaniards  took  the  hint  and  de- 
parted. 

They  were  soon  caught  in  a storm  and  severely 
shaken;  after  which  they  began  to  look  about  for 
water,  which  had  by  this  time  become  as  precious  to 
them  as  the  Tyrian  mures  tincture,  of  which  each 
shell-fish  gave  but  a single  drop.  They  accordingly 
came  to  anchor  near  a village  called  Potonchan,  but 
owing  to  a sanguinary  battle  in  which  they  were 
driven  back,  Cordoba  named  the  place  Bahia  de  Mala 
Pelea.10  In  this  engagement  the  natives  did  not 
shrink  from  fighting  hand  to  hand  with  the  foe. 
Fifty-seven  Spaniards  were  killed  on  the  spot,  two 
were  carried  off  alive,  and  five  died  subsequently  on 
shipboard.  Those  whom  the  natives  could  not  kill 
they  followed  to  the  shore,  in  their  disappointed  • 
rage,  wading  out  into  the  sea  after  them,  like  the 
bloodthirsty  Cyclops  who  pursued  the  Trojan  Aeneas 
and  his  crew.  But  one  man  escaped  unharmed,  and 
he  of  all  the  rest  was  selected  for  slaughter  by  the 
natives  of  Florida.  Cordoba  received  twelve  wounds; 
Bernal  Diaz  three.  The  survivors  underwent  much 
suffering  before  reaching  Cuba,  for  the  continued 

10  Now  Champoton,  applied  to  river  and  town.  Ribero  writes  camrd; 
Hood,  Champoto;  Mercator,  Chapdlon,  and  town  next  north,  Maranga.  Po- 
tonchan, in  the  aboriginal  tongue,  signifies,  ‘Stinking  Place.’  Mercator  has 
also  the  town  of  Potochan,  west  of  Tabasco  River.  West-Indische  Spieghel, 
Patbcham.  Laet,  Ogilby,  and  Jefferys  follow  with  Champoton  in  the  usual 
variations.  ‘ Y llegaron  d otra  provincia,’  says  Oviedo,  i.  498,  ‘ que  los  indios 
Hainan  Aguanil,  y el  principal  pueblo  della  se  dice  Moscoba,  y el  rey  6 cacique 
de  aquel  seiiorio  se  llama  Chiapoton ; ’ and  thus  the  author  of  Da  Rebus  Gestis 
Ferdiuandi  Cortesii , ‘Nec  diu  navigaverant,  ciim  Mocliocobocum  perveniunt.’ 
Icazbalctla,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  340. 


RETURN  TO  CUBA. 


11 


hostilities  of  the  natives  prevented  their  obtaining 
the  needful  supply  of  water. 

There  being  no  one  else  to  curse  except  them- 
selves, they  cursed  the  pilot,  Alaminos,  for  his  dis- 
covery, and  for  still  persisting  in  calling  the  country 
an  island.  Then  they  left  Mala  Pelea  Bay  and  re- 
turned along  the  coast,  north-eastwardly,  for  three 
days,  when  they  entered  an  opening  in  the  shore  to 
which  they  gave  the  name  of  Estero  de  los  Lagartos,11 
from  the  multitude  of  caimans  found  there.  After 
burning  one  of  the  ships  which  had  become  unsea- 
worthy, Cdrdoba  crossed  from  this  point  to  Florida, 
and  thence  proceeded  to  Cuba,  where  he  died  from 
his  wounds,  ten  days  after  reaching  his  home  at  Santi 
Espiritu. 

Diego  Velazquez  was  much  interested  in  the  details 
of  this  discovery.  He  closely  questioned  the  two  cap- 
tives about  their  country,  its  gold,  its  great  buildings, 
and  the  plants  which  grew  there.  When  shown  the 
yucca  root  they  assured  the  governor  that  they  were 
. familiar  with  it,  and  that  it  was  called  by  them  tale, 
though  in  Cuba  the  ground  in  which  the  yucca  grew 
bore  that  name.  From  these  two  words,  according 
to  Bernal  Diaz,  comes  the  name  Yucatan;  for  while 
the  governor  was  speaking  to  the  Indians  of  yucca 
and  tale,  some  Spaniards  standing  by  exclaimed,  “You 
see,  sir,  they  call  their  country  Yucatan.”12 

11  Pinzon  and  Solis  must  have  found  alligators  in  their  northward  cruise, 
otherwise  Peter  Martyr  could  not  honestly  lay  down  on  his  map  of  India  be- 
yond the  Ganges,  in  1510,  the  baya  d’  lagartos  north  of  guanase.  Mariners 
must  have  given  the  coast  a had  name,  for  directly  north  of  the  R.  de  la  of 
Colon,  the  R:.  de  lag  r los  of  Ribero,  the  R:.  de  lagarts  of  Vaz  Dourado,  and 
the  R.  de  Lagartos  of  Hood,  are  placed  some  reefs  by  all  these  chart-makers, 
and  to  which  they  give  the  name  Alacranes,  Scorpions.  The  next  name  west 
of  Lagartos  on  Map  No.  x.,  Munich  Allas,  is  costanisa,  and  on  No.  xiii.  Ostanca, 
Again  next  west,  on  both,  is  Medanos.  On  No.  x.,  next  to  costa  nisa,  and  on 
No.  xiii.,  west  of  Punta  de  las  Armas,  is  the  name  A ncones.  Ogilby  gives  here 
B.  de  Conil,  and  in  the  interior  south,  a town  Conil;  east  of  R.  de  Lagartos  is 
also  the  town  Quyo,  and  in  large  letters  the  name  Chuaca. 

14  4 Dezian  los  Espaiioles  q'  estavan  hablado  con  el  Diego  Velazquez,  y con  los 
Indios:  Senor  estos  Indios  dizen,  que  su  tierra  se  llama  Yueata,  y assi  se,  quedo 
co  este  n6bre,  que  en  propria  lengua  no  se  dize  assi.  ’ Hist.  Verdad. , 5.  Honiara, 
Hist.  Ind.,  60,  states  that  after  naming  Catoche,  a little  farther  on  the  Span- 
iards met  some  natives,  of  whom  they  asked  the  name  of  the  town  near  by. 
Tecteta,  was  the  reply,  which  means,  ‘I  do  not  understand.’  The  Spaniards, 


12 


VOYAGE  OF  CORDOBA  TO  YUCATAN. 


The  people  of  this  coast  seemed  to  have  heard  of 
the  Spaniards,  for  at  several  places  they  shouted  ‘Cas- 
tilians!’ and  asked  the  strangers  by  signs  if  they  did 
not  come  from  toward  the  rising  sun.  Yet,  neither 
the  glimpse  caught  of  Yucatan  by  Pinzon  and  Solis 
in  150G  while  in  search  of  a strait  north  of  Guanaja 
Island  where  Columbus  had  been,  nor  the  piratical 
expedition  of  Cordoba,  in  1517,  can  properly  be  called 
the  discovery  of  Mexico.13  Meanwhile  Mexico  can 
well  afford  to  wait,  being  in  no  haste  for  European 
civilization,  and  the  attendant  boons  which  Europe 
seems  so  desirous  of  conferring. 

accepting  this  as  the  answer  to  their  question,  called  the  country  Ycctetan, 
and  soon  Yucatan.  Waldeck,  Voy.  Pittoresque,  25,  derives  the  name  from  the 
native  word  ouyouckutan,  1 listen  to  what  they  say.  ’ The  native  name  was  Maya. 
See  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  v.  614-34.  There  are  various  other  theories  and 
renderings,  among  them  the  following:  In  answer  to  Cordob.i’s  inquiry  as  to 

the  name  of  their  country,  the  natives  exclaimed,  ‘ uy  u tan,  esto  es : oyes  conio 
iiabla?’  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  ii.  228.  ‘ Que  preguntundo  a estos  Indios,  si 

auia  en  su  tierra  aquellas  rayzes  que  se  llama  Yuca. . . . Respondian  Ilatli,  por 
la  tierra  en  que  se  plantan,  y que  de  Yuca  juntado  con  Ilatli,  se  dixo  Yucatta, 
yde  alii  Yucatan.’  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  ii.  cap.  xviii.  Whencesoever  the  origin, 
it  was  clearly  a mistake,  as  there  never  was  an  aboriginal  designation  for  the 
whole  country,  nor,  like  the  Japanese,  have  they  names  for  their  sti’aits  or 
bays.  For  some  time  Yucatan  was  supposed  to  be  an  island.  Grijalva  called 
the  country  Is!a  de  Santa  Maria  de  Remedios,  though  that  term  was  employed 
by  few.  In  early  documents  the  two  names  are  united ; instance  the  instruc- 
tions of  Velazquez  to  Cortes,  where  the  country  is  called  la  Ysla  de  Yucatan 
Sta  Maria  de  Remedios.  On  Cortes’  chart  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  1520,  it  is 
called  Yucatan,  and  represented  as  an  island.  Colon,  1527,  and  Ribero,  1529, 
who  write  Ivcatan;  Ptolemy,  in  Munster,  1530,  Iucatana;  Orontius,  on  his 
globe,  1531,  Iucatana;  Munich  Atlas,  no.  iv.,  1532-40,  cucatan;  Baptista 
Agnese,  1540-50,  iucatan;  Mercator,  1569,  Ivcatan;  Michael  Lok,  1582,  hi- 
coton;  Hondius,  1595,  Laet,  Ogilby,  etc.,  Yucatan,  which  now  assumes  penin- 
sular proportions. 

13  The  term  Mexico  has  widely  different  meanings  under  different  condi- 
tions. At  first  it  signified  only  the  capital  of  the  Nahua  nation,  and  it  was 
five  hundred  years  before  it  overspread  the  territory  now  known  by  that  name. 
Mexico  City  was  founded  in  1325,  and  was  called  Mexico  Tenochtitlan.  The 
latter  appellation  has  been  connected  with  Tenuch,  the  Aztec  leader  at 
this  time,  and  with  the  sign  of  a nopal  on  a stone,  called  in  Aztec,  re- 
spectively noclitli  and  tetl,  the  final  syllable  representing  locality,  and  the 
first,  te,  divinity  or  superiority.  The  word  Mexico,  however,  was  then 
rarely  used,  Tenochtitlan  being  the  common  term  employed;  and  this  was 
retained  by  the  Spaniards  for  some  time  after  the  conquest,  even  in 
imperial  decrees,  and  in  the  official  records  of  the  city,  though  in  the 
corrupt  forms  of  Temixtitan,  Tenustitan,  etc.  See  Libro  de  Cabi.lda,  1 524-9, 
MS.  Torquemada,  i.  293,  states  distinctly  that  even  in  his  time  the  natives 
never  employed  any  other  designation  for  the  ancient  city  than  Tenochtitlan, 
which  was  also  the  name  of  the  chief  and  fashionable  ward.  Solis,  Conq. 
Mex.,  i.  390,  is  of  opinion  that  Mexico  was  the  name  of  the  ward,  Tenoch- 
titlan being  applied  to  the  whole  city,  in  which  case  Mexico  Tenochtitlan 
would  signify  the  ward  Mexico  of  the  city  Tenochtitlan.  Gradually  the 


THE  NAME  MEXICO. 


13 


Spanish  records  began  to  add  Mexico  to  Tenochtitlan,  and  in  those  of  the 
first  provincial  council,  held  in  1555,  we  find  written  Tenuxtitlan  Mexico. 
ConcUios  Prov.,  i.  and  ii. , MS.  In  the  course  of  time  the  older  and  more  in- 
tricate name  disappeared,  though  the  city  arms  always  retained  the  symbolic 
nopal  and  stone.  Clavigero,  Storia  Mess.,  i.  168;  iv.  ‘265-70;  Soc.  Mex.  Qeog. 


Boletin,  viii.  408-15;  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mij. , ii.  157-9;  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol., 
i.  146-7;  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  i.  2;  Carbajal  Espinosa,  Hist.  Mex.,  i.  92-3.  See 
also  Molina,  Vocabulario.  A number  of  derivations  have  been  given  to  the  word 
Mexico,  as  mexitli,  navel  of  the  maguey;  metl-ico,  place  amidst  the  maguey; 
meixco,  on  the  maguey  border;  mecitli,  hare;  metztli,  moon;  amexica,  or  mexica, 
you  of  the  anointed  ones.  The  signification  spring,  or  fountain,  has  also  been 
' applied.  But  most  writers  have  contented 
themselves  by  assuming  it  to  be  identical 
with  the  mexi,  mexitl,  or  mecitl,  appellation 
of  the  war  god,  Huitzilopochtli,  to  which 
has  been  added  the  co,  an  affix  implying 
locality;  hence  Mexico  would  imply  the 
place  or  settlement  of  Mexica,  or  Mexicans. 

This  war  god,  Huitzilopochtli,  as  is  well 
known,  was  the  mythic  leader  and  chief 
deity  of  the  Aztecs,  the  dominant  tribe  of 
the  Nahua  nation.  It  was  by  this  august 
p^-sonage,  who  was  also  called  Mexitl, 
that,  according  to  tradition,  the  name  was 
given  them  in  the  twelfth  century,  and  in 
these  words:  ‘ Inaxcan  aocmoamotoca  yna- 
maz  te  ca  ye  am  mexica,  ’ Henceforth  bear 
ye  not  the  name  Azteca,  but  Mexica.  With 
this  command  they  received  the  distin- 
guishing mark  of  a patch  of  gum  and 
feathers  to  wear  upon  their  forehead  and 
ears.  Bancroft’s  Native  Paces,  ii.  559 ; iii. 

295-6;  v.  321—5  et  passim.  I can  offer  no 
stronger  proof  as  to  the  way  in  which  the 
name  was  regarded  at  the  time  of  the  con- 
quest, and  afterwards,  than  by  placing  side  by  side  the  maps  of  the  sixteenth 
century  and  instituting  a comparison.  In  A piano,  Cosmographica,  1575,  is 
a map,  supposed  to  be  a copy  of  one  drawn  by  Apianus  in  1520,  on  which 
Themisteton  is  given  apparently  to  a large  lake  in  the  middle  of  Mexico; 
Fernando  Colon,  in  1527,  and  Diego  de  Ribero,  1529,  both  give  the  word 


Ancient  Abms  or  the  Citt  or  Mexico, 

FROM  A BABE  PRINT. 


14 


VOYAGE  OF  CORDOBA  TO  YUCATAN. 


Mexico  in  small  letters,  inland,  as  if  applied  to  a town,  although  no  town  is 
designated;  Ptolemy,  in  Munster , 1530,  gives  Temistitan;  Munich  Atlas,  no. 
vi.,  supposed  to  have  been  drawn  between  1532  and  1540,  Timitistan  vel 
Mesicho;  Baptista  Agnese,  1540-50,  Timitistan  vel  Mesico;  Ramusio,  1565, 
Mexico;  Mercator's  Atlas , 1569,  Mexico,  as  a city,  and  Tenuchitlan ; Michael 
Lok,  1582,  Mexico,  in  Hondius,  about  1595,  in  Drake's  World  Encompassed, 
the  city  is  Mexico,  and  the  gulf  Baia  di  Mexico;  Hondius,  in  Purchas,  His 
Pilgrimes,  Laet,  Ogilby,  Dampier,  West-Indische  Spieghel,  Jacob  Colom,  and 
other  seventeenth-century  authorities,  give  uniformly  to  the  city,  or  to  the 
city  and  province,  but  not  to  the  country  at  large,  the  name  as  at  present 
written. 


CHAPTER  II. 


JUAN  DE  GRIJALVA  EXPLORES  THE  WESTERN  SIDE  OF  THE 
MEXICAN  GULF. 

1518. 

Velazquez  Plans  a New  Expedition — Gives  the  Command  to  hi3 
Nephew,  Juan  de  Grijalva — Who  Embarks  at  Santiago  and  Strikes 
the  Continent  at  Cozumel  Island— Coasts  Southward  to  Ascension 
Bay — Then  Turns  and  Doubles  Cape  Catoche — Naming  of  New 
Spain — Fight  at  Champoton — Arrival  at  Laguna  de  Terminos — 
Alaminos,  the  Pilot,  is  Satisfied  that  Yucatan  is  an  Island — 
They  Coast  westward  and  Discover  the  Rivers  San  Pedro  y San 
Pablo  and  Tabasco — Notable  Interview  at  this  Place  between 
the  Europeans  and  the  Americans — The  Culhua  Country — They 
Pass  La  Rambla,  Tonala,  the  Rio  Goazacoalco,  the  Mountain  of 
San  Martin,  the  Rivers  of  Alvarado  and  Banderas,  and  Come  to 
the  Islands  of  Sacrificios  and  San  Juan  de  Ulua 


As  Diego  Velazquez  talked  with  Cbrdoba’s  men, 
and  with  the  captives,  Melchor  and  Julian,  and  ex- 
amined the  articles  obtained  from  the  natives,  their 
superior  kind  and  workmanship,  and  the  gold  and 
images  taken  from  the  temple  at  Catoche  by  Father 
Gonzalez,  all  grew  significant  of  yet  greater  things 
beyond.  The  hardships  attending  the  expedition  were 
light  to  him  who  did  not  share  them,  and  the  late 
commander  being  now  dead,  the  governor  found  him- 
self free  to  act  as  best  suited  him. 

He  determined  at  once  on  a new  expedition.  There 
was  a young  man  who  seemed  admirably  fitted  for 
the  purpose,  Juan  de  Grijalva,  a gentleman  of  the 
governors  own  town  of  Cuellar,  nephew  of  Velaz- 
quez, though  some  deny  the  fact;  he  was  twenty- 
eight  years  of  age,  handsome,  chivalrous,  courteous, 

(15) 


16 


GRIJALVA  EXPLORES  THE  MEXICAN  GULF. 


and  as  honest  as  he  was  brave.  He  had  been  with 
the  governor  for  some  time,  and  the  wonder  was  how 
so  bad  a master  should  have  so  good  a man.  There 
was  no  lack  of  volunteers,  two  hundred  and  forty1 
coming  forward  at  once;  among  them  several  who 
afterward  became  famous.  Two  caravels  were  added 
to  the  two  brought  back  by  Cordoba,  making  in  all, 
refitted  and  equipped,  four  vessels,  the  San  Sebastian; 
the  Trinidad,  the  Santiago,  and  the  Santa  Maria  de 
los  Remedios.  The  pilots  and  many  of  the  men  from 
the  former  expedition  were  engaged,  and  some  natives 
of  Cuba  were  taken  as  servants.  Grijalva,  as  com- 
mander of  the  armada,  directed  one  vessel,  and  Pe- 
dro de  Alvarado,  Alonso  Davila,  and  Francisco  de 
Montejo,2  were  appointed  captains  of  the  others. 
Grijalva’s  instructions  were  not  to  settle,  but  only  to 
discover  and  trade.3  License  was  obtained  from  the 
Jeronimite  Fathers,  who  stipulated  that  Francisco  de 
Penalosa  should  accompany  the  expedition  as  veedor. 
As  priest,  attended  one  Juan  Diaz,4  and  Diego  de 
Godoy  went  as  notary. 


1 Solisand  Herrera  say 250;  Gomaraand  Galvano,  200;  Peter  Martyr,  300,  etc. 

2 Torquemada,  i.  358,  asserts  that  Montejo  furnished  his  own  vessel,  and 
that  Alonso  Hernandez  Puertocarrero,  Alonso  Davila,  Diego  de  Ordaz,  and 
others,  went  at  their  own  cost. 

3 As  upon  this  point,  that  is  to  say,  the  orders  and  their  fulfilment,  turned 
the  destiny,  not  only  of  Grijalva,  but  of  the  conquest,  there  has  been  much 
controversy  over  it.  ‘Si  Iuan  de  Grijalua  supiera  conocer  aquella  buena  ve- 
tura,  y poblara  alii  como  los  de  su  compania  le  rogauan,  fueraotro  Cortes,  mas 
no  era  para  el  tanto  bien,  ni  lleuaua  comission  de  poblar. ’ Gomara,  Hist.  Ind. , 
57-8.  Partisans  of  Cort6s  regard  Grijalva  with  disdain,  while  no  one  seems 
greatly  to  care  for  Velazquez.  Bernal  Diaz  was  of  opinion  that  the  matter  of 
founding  a colony  was  left  to  Grijalva’s  discretion ; but  Las  Casas,  who  had 
much  better  opportunities  for  knowing,  being  intimate  with  the  governor,  and 
at  special  pains  to  ascertain  the  truth  of  the  matter,  states  clearly  that  Gri- 
jalva’s instructions  were  positive,  that  he  should  not  settle  but  only  trade. 
‘ Bartolome  de  las  Casas,  autor  de  mucha  fe,  y que  con  particular  cuydadp  lo 
quiso  saber,  y era  gran  amigo,  y muy  intimo  de  Diego  Velazquez,  dize  que  fue 
la  instruccion  que  espressamente  no  poblasse,  sino  q solamente  rescatasse.” 
Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  iii.  cap.  i.  So  hold  Torquemada,  Solis,  and  all  careful 
writers  on  the  subject. 

4 Or  as  he  calls  himself,  ‘ capellano  maggior  ’ of  the  armada.  Long  before 
the  soldier,  Bernal  Diaz,  published  his  ‘True  History,’  Juan  Diaz  had  given 
to  the  world  an  account  of  the  voyage,  Itinerario  de  la  isola  de  luchatan,  fol- 
lowing the  Itinerario  de  Ludovico  de,  Varthema  Bolognese  nella  Egitto,  etc.,  in  a 
volume  printed  at  Venice  in  1520.  Juan  Diaz  disputes  the  honor  with 
Bartolome  de  Olmedo  of  having  first  said  mass  in  the  city  of  Mexico. 


COZUMEL  ISLAND. 


17 


Embarking  from  Santiago  de  Cuba  the  8th  of 

o # o # 

April,  1518,  and  leaving  Cape  San  Antonio  on  Satur- 
day,5 the  first  of  May,  they  fell  to  the  south  of  their 
intended  course,  and  on  Monday  sighted  the  island 
of  Cozumel,®  which  they  named  Santa  Cruz,7  “ be- 
cause,” says  Galvano,  “ they  came  to  it  the  third  of 
May.”  After  passing  round  the  northern  point  on 
the  sixth8  in  search  of  anchorage,  the  commander 

5 Here  again  Prescott  falls  into  error  in  attempting  to  follow  a manuscript 
copy  of  Juan  Diaz,  without  due  heed  to  the  standard  chroniclers.  Mr  Pres- 
cott writes,  Mex.,  i.  224,  ‘The  fleet  left  the  port  of  St  Jago  de  Cuba,  May 
1,  1518,’  and  refers  to  the  Itinerario  of  Juan  Diaz  in  proof  of  his  statement. 
But  Juan  Diaz  makes  no  such  statement.  ‘ Sabbato  il  primo  giorno  del  mese 
de  Mazo,’  he  says,  Itinerario,  in  Icazhalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  281,  ‘de  questo 
sopradito  anno  parti  il  dicto  capitaneo  de  larmata  de  lisola  Fernandina.’ 
Saturday,  the  1st  day  of  May,  the  armada  left  the  island  of  Fernandina,  or 
Cuba.  The  writer  does  not  intimate  that  they  left  the  port  of  Santiago  on 
that  day,  which,  as  a matter  of  fact,  they  did  not,  but  the  extreme  western 
point  of  the  island.  Cape  San  Antonio.  This  Prescott  might  further  have 
learned  from  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  iii.  cap.  i.,  ‘Despachado  pues  Iuan  de  Grijalua 
de  todo  punto,  salio  del  puerto  de  Saliago  de  Cuba,  a ocho  de  Abril  destc  aiio 
de  1518;’  from  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verda/I.,  6,  who  states  that  all  met  and  at- 
tended mass  at  Matanzas,  the  5th  of  April,  just  prior  to  sailing;  ‘ Y despues 
de  auer  oido  Missa  con  gran  deuocion,  en  cinco  dias  del  mes  de  Abril  de  mil  y 
quinientos  y diez  y ochoanos  dimos  vela;’  from  Solis,  Conq. Mex.,  i.  25,  ‘tar- 
daron  finalmente  en  hacerse  ;i  la  mar  hasta  los  ocho  de  Abril ; from  Robertson, 
Hist.  Am..,  i.  241,  ‘He  sailed  from  St  Jago  de  Cuba  on  the  8th  of  April,’  etc. 
Ternaux-Compans  perpetrates  two  gross  blunders  in  the  first  four  lines  of 
his  translation  of  this  Itinerario  of  Juan  Diaz.  First  he  writes  March  for  May, 
‘ equivocando, ’ as  Icazbalceta  says,  ‘la  palabra  mozo  del  original  con  marzo, ’ 
and,  secondly,  he  brings  the  fleet  to  Cozumel  Island  on  the  4th,  when  his  author 
writes  the  3d,  which  is  enough,  without  the  palpable  absurdity  of  making 
Monday  the  4th  day  of  a month  wherein  the  previous  Saturday  was  the  1st. 
Oviedo  states,  i.  503,  that  ‘salieron  del  puerto  de  la  cibdad  de  Sanctiago  A los 
veynte  e <;inco  dias  del  mes  de  enero ; ’ that  they  were  at  Matanzas  the  1 2th  of 
February,  at  Habana  the  7th  of  April;  that  they  left  Matanzas  finally  the 
20th  of  April,  and  San  Antonio  the  1st  of  May,  in  all  which,  except  the  last 
statement,  he  is  somewhat  confused. 

6 Like  a good  soldier,  Bernal  Diaz  makes  the  time  fit  the  occasion.  ‘A  este 
pueblo,’  he  says,  Hist.  Verdacl.,  7,  ‘pusimos  por  nombre  Santa  Cruz;  porq 
quatro,  6 cinco  diaz  antes  de  Santa  Cruz  le  vimos.’  The  native  name  of  the 
island  was  A cusamil — Landa,  Rel.  de  Yuc. , 20,  writes  it  Guzmil;  Cogolludo,  Hist. 
Yucathan,  10,  Cuzamil — Swallow’s  Island,  which  was  finally  corrupted  into 
the  Cozumel  of  the  Spaniards.  Mercator,  indeed,  writes  A cusamil,  in  1509, 
although  Colon,  Ribero,  and  Hood  had  previously  given  cocnmel,  cozumH,  and 
Cosumel,  respectively.  Vaz  Dourado  comes  out,  in  1571,  with  quoqumell,  since 
which  time  the  name  has  been  generally  written  as  at  present. 

7 Some  of  the  authorities  apply  the  hame  Santa  Cruz  to  a port;  others  to  a 

town  found  there;  but  it  was  unquestionably  the  island  to  which  they  gave 
this  name.  ‘ A questa  isola  de  Cozumel  che  ahora  se  adimanda  Santa  Croce.’ 
Diaz,  Itinerario,  in  Icazbalceta.  Col.  Doc.,  i.  287.  ‘ Se  le  puso  nombre  d esta 

isla  Sancta  Cruz,  d la  qual  los  indios  llaman  Cozumel.'  Oviedo,  i.  504. 

8 This,  according  to  Diaz ; Oviedo  says  they  landed  on  Wednesday,  the  5th, 
and  again  on  the  0th  ; and  Bern  .1  Diaz  affirms  that  the  landing  took  place  on 
the  south  side  of  the  island. 

Hist.  Mex.,  Voe.  I.  2 


18 


GRIJALVA  EXPLORES  THE  MEXICAN  GULF. 


landed  with  a hundred  men,  and  ascending  a high 
tower  took  possession  of  the  country;  after  which, 
mass  was  said.  And  Las  Casas  questions  if  it  was 
quite  right  for  Juan  Diaz  to  hold  this  solemn  service 
in  a place  where  sacrifices  were  wont  to  be  made  to 
Satan;  for  even  between  the  two  great  and  formal 
exercises  of  the  Spaniards,  an  old  Indian  priest  with 
his  attendants  had  entered  and  had  blown  incense 
before  the  idols,  as  if  to  rouse  his  gods  to  vindicate 
their  might  before  these  opposing  worshippers.  To 


the  point  was  given  the  name  San  Felipe  y Santiago, 
and  to  a town  standing  near,  that  of  San  Juan  ante 
Portam  Latinam.  Then  they  entered  the  town,  and 
found  there  houses  of  stone,  and  paved  streets,  in  the 
eyes  of  Juan  Diaz  not  unlike  the  towns  of  Spanish 
construction.  Meanwhile,  a small  party  penetrated 
one  or  two  leagues  into  the  interior,  and  observed 
other  towns  and  cultivated  lands. 

While  crossing  to  the  Yucatan  coast  the  following 
day,  they  descried  in  the  distance  three  towns,  and, 
as  they  descended  toward  the  south,  a city  “so  large 
that  Seville  could  not  show  to  better  advantage.” 


THE  NAME  NEW  SPAIN. 


19 


Next  they  came  to  a great  opening  in  the  shore,  to 
which,  after  Alaminos  had  examined  it  in  a boat,  they 
gave  the  name  of  Bahia  de  la  Ascension,  from  the 
day  of  discovery.  Unable  to  find  a pass  in  this  di- 
rection round  the  supposed  island  of  Yucatan,  they 
turned  back,  passed  Cozumel,  and,  rounding  the  penin- 
sula, arrived  at  Campeche  the  25th,  rescuing  on  their 
way  a woman  from  Jamaica. 

Everywhere  they  beheld  the  same  evidences  of 
high  culture  seen  by  Cordoba,  the  tower-temples  and 
crosses  of  the  Mayas  rising  from  gracefully  outlined 
promontories,  and  glistening  white  from  behind  le- 
gended  hills,  leading  them  every  moment  to  antici- 
pate the  discovery  of  some  magnificent  city,  such  as 
in  our  day  has  been  revealed  to  an  admiring  poster- 
ity; for  while  the  East  buries  her  ancient  cities  in 
dust,  the  West  none  the  less  effectually  hides  hers 
in  foliage.  And  of  the  monuments  to  the  greatness 
of  the  past,  and  of  the  profitless  millions  here  en- 
gendered, who  shall  speak?  And  why  do  men  call 
nature  considerate  or  kind?  Does  she  not  create 
only  to  destroy,  and  bestow  blessings  and  cursings 
with  the  same  merciless  indifference?  Surpassingly' 
lovely,  she  is  at  once  siren,  nurse,  and  sanguinary 
beldam.  This  barren  border  of  the  peninsula  rested 
under  a canopy  of  clear  or  curtained  sky,  and  glared 
in  mingled  gloom  and  brightness  beside  the  fickle 
gulf;  and  from  the  irregular  plains  of  the  interior 
came  the  heated,  perfumed  air,  telling  here  of  tree- 
less table-lands,  of  languid  vegetation,  and  there  of 
forests  and  evergreen  groves.  “It  is  like  Spain,” 
cried  one.  And  so  they  called  the  country  Nueva 
Espana,9  which  name,  at  first  applied  only  to  the 

9 It  was  the  crosses,  which  the  Spaniards  here  regarded  of  miraculous  origin, 
more  than  any  physical  feature  which  after  all  gave  the  name  to  these  shores. 
Cortes  established  it  for  all  the  region  under  Aztec  sway,  and  under  the  vice- 
roys it  was  applied  to  all  the  Spanish  possessions  north  of  Guatemala,  includ- 
ing the  undefined  territories  of  California  and  New  Mexico.  Humboldt,  Essni 
Pol.,  i.  6-7,  and  others,  have  even  shown  an  inclination  to  embrace  thereun- 
der Central  America,  but  for  this  there  is  not  sufficient  authority.  See 


20 


GRIJALVA  EXPLORES  THE  MEXICAN  GULF. 


peninsula  of  Yucatan,  finally  spread  over  the  whole 
of  the  territory  afterward  known  as  Mexico. 

At  Campeche,  or  more  probably  at  Champoton,10 
occurred  a notable  affray.  The  fleet  anchored  toward 
sunset,  half  a league  from  shore.  The  natives  imme- 
diately put  on  a warlike  front,  bent  on  terrible  intimi- 
dations, which  they  continued  in  the  form  of  shouts 
and  drum-beating  during  the  entire  night.  So  great 
was  their  necessity  for  water  that  the  Spaniards  did 
not  wait  for  the  morning,  but  amidst  the  arrows, 
stones,  and  spears  of  the  natives,  they  landed  the  ar- 
tillery and  one  hundred  men  before  daybreak,  another 
hundred  quickly  following.  But  for  their  cotton 
armor  the  invaders  would  have  suffered  severely 
during  this  operation.  Having  reached  the  shore, 
however,  the  guns  were  planted,  and  the  natives 

dina,  Cliron.  de,  San  Diego  deMex.,  227;  Lopez  Vaz,  in  Ptirchas,  His  Pilgrimes, 
iv.  1432,  and  Gotf/riedt,  Newe  Welt,  74;  also  Torquemada,  from  Herrera,  and 
several  standard  authors.  New  Spain  was  for  a long  time  divided  into  the 
' three  kingdoms  of  New  Spain,  New  Galicia,  and  New  Leon,  each  composed 
of  several  provinces.  Under  the  administration  of  Galvez,  this  division  gave 
way  to  intendencias,  among  them  Mexico  and  a few  provinces,  and  New  Spain 
came  to  be  limited  in  the  north  by  the  Provincias  Internas,  though  including 
for  a time  at  least  the  Californias.  With  the  independence  the  name  New 
Spain  was  replaced  by  Mexico,  less  because  this  term  applied  to  the  leading 
province  and  to  the  capital,  than  because  the  name  was  hallowed  by  associa- 
tion with  the  traditions  of  the  people,  whose  blood  as  well  as  sympathies  con- 
tained far  more  of  the  aboriginal  element  than  of  the  imported.  On  Colon’s 
map  the  name  is  given  in  capital  letters,  Nova  Spuria.  Under  Nveva  Espaha 
Ribero  writes  dixose  asi  por  quean  aquy  muchas  cos  ts  que  ay  en  espana  ay  ya 
mucho  trigo  qan  lleuado  de  aca  entanta  cantidad  q to  pueden  ea  cargar  para 
otms  paries  ay  aquy  mucho  oro  <le  nacimiento.  Robert  Thorne,  in  Hakluyt  's 
Voy.,  carries  Hispania  Noua  east  and  west  through  Central  America,  while 
Ramusio,  Viaggi,  iii.  455,  places  La  Nova  Spagna  in  large  letters  across  the 
continent. 

IUIt  is  remarkable,' as  I have  often  observed,  how  two  eye-witnesses  can 
sometimes  tell  such  diametrically  opposite  stories;  not  only  in  regard  to  time 
and  minor  incidents,  but  to  place  and  prominent  events.  In  this  instance  Diaz 
the  priest  is  no  less  positive  and  minute  in  placing  the  affair  at  Campeche, 
than  is  Diaz  the  soldier,  at  Champoton.  The  second-rate  authorities,  follow- 
ing these  two  writers  who  were  present,  are  divided,  by  far  the  greater  num- 
ber, Herrera  among  the  rest,  accepting  the  statement  of  Bernal  Diac.  Oviedo, 
who  was  a resident  of  the  Indies  at  the  time,  describes  the  battle  as  occurring 
at  Campeche.  Perhaps  one  reason  why  the  soldier-scribe  has  more  adherents 
than  the  priest,  is  because  the  existence  of  the  narrative  of  the  latter  was  not 
so  well  known.  Las  Casas  affirms,  Hist.  Ind.,  iv.  425,  that  the  pilot  unin- 
tentionally passed  Lazaro’s  port,  or  Campeche,  and  landed  and  fought  at 
Champoton.  ‘ Llegaron,  pues,  al  diclio  pueblo  (que,  como  dije,  creo  que  <u*S 
Champoton,  y no  ei  do  L.izaro).’ 


THE  CITIES  AND  THE  TEMPLES. 


21 


charged  and  driven  back  with  the  loss  of  three  Span- 
iards slain  and  sixty  wounded,  the  commander- in- 
chief, .ever  foremost  in  the  fight,  being  three  times 
struck  and  losing:  two  teeth.  Two  hundred  were  killed 
and  wounded  among:  the  natives.  The  town  was 
found  deserted.  Presently  three  ancient  Americans 
appeared,  who  were  kindly  entreated,  and  despatched 
with  presents  to  the  fugitives,  but  they  never  re- 
turned. Two  nights  were  spent  ashore,  the  tower 
and  sacred  edifices  adjacent  being  used  as  barracks. 

Embarking,  soon  a large  opening  in  the  coast  was 
discovered,  and  entered  by  Grijalva,  the  chaplain 
says,  the  last  day  of  May.  Puerto  Deseado11  the 
commander  called  his  anchorage,  being  the  desired 
spot  in  which  might  be  repaired  the  leaky  ships. 
The  Spaniards  thought  themselves  at  first  at  the 
mouth  of  a river,  but  on  further  examination,  it  ap- 
peared to  them  more  like  a sea.  Whereupon  the 
pilot  Alaminos,  who,  notwithstanding  evidence  to 
the  contrary,  notwithstanding  three  days’  explorings,  , 
left  this  salt-sheet  still  landlocked,  never  ceased  in- 
sisting that  Yucatan  was  an  island,  and  he  now 
gravely  assured  his  commander  that  the  great  open- 
ing opposite  Amatique  Bay  and  Golfo  Dulce,  or  if 
that  were  too  far,  then  opposite  Chetumal  or  Ascen- 
sion, confirmed  his  suppositions,  and  settled  the 
matter  in  his  mind  that  this  was  the  termination  of 
the  islands;  hence  the  names  Boca  de  Terminos,  and 
Laguna  de  Terminos,12  which  followed.  The  temples 


11  Puerto  Escondido.  On  the  maps  of  Colon  and  Hood  it  is  placed  as  one 
of  the  eastern  entrances  of  the  Laguna  de  Terminos,  the  former  writing  p. 
deseado,  and  the  latter  P.  desindo;  Gomara  places  the  Laguna  de  Terminos 
between  Puerto  Deseado  and  Rio  Grijalva.  On  Ribero’s  map,  north  of  Escon- 
dido, is  la  ger,  Vaz  Dourado  marking  in  the  same  locality  p:.  seq°  amgrutriste , 
Dampier  gives  Boca  Eschondido,  and  Jefferys,  Boca  Escondida. 

12  Velazquez  had  instructed  his  captain  to  sail  round  the  island  of  Yucatan. 
Cortes,  in  1519,  ordered  Escobar  to  survey  this  sheet,  which  was  found  to  be 
a bay  and  shallow.  Still  the  pilots  and  chart-makers  wrote  it  down  an  island. 
It  is  worthy  of  remark  that  in  the  earliest  drawings,  like  Colon’s,  in  1527,  the 
maker  appears  undecided,  but  Ribero,  two  years  later,  boldly  severs  the 
peninsula  from  the  continent  with  a strait.  See  Goldschmidt's  Cartog.  Pac. 
Coast,  MS.,  i.  412-14.  The  earliest  cartographers  all  write  terminos,  Ribero 
marking  a small  stream  flowing  into  the  lagoon,  R:.  de  x pianos.  Here  also 


22 


GRIJALVA  EXPLORES  THE  MEXICAN  GULF. 


here  seen  were  supposed  by  the  Spaniards  to  be 
places  where  merchants  and  hunters  made  their  sacri- 
fices. A greyhound,  eager  in  the  pursuit  of  game, 
neglected  to  return  in  time  and  was  left  behind; 
when  the  Spaniards  came  with  Cortes  they  found  the 
animal  well-fed  and  happy,  but  excessively  glad  to 
see  them.  Before  departing,  Grijalva  again  declared 
for  Spain,  “as  if,”  growls  Las  Casas,  “the  thousand 
possessions  already  taken  were  not  enough.”  Indeed, 
this  fierce  charging  on  a continent,  so  often  repeated, 
hurling  upon  the  inhabitants  a new  religion  and  a new 
king,  was  about  as  effective  as  Caligula’s  advance 
on  Britain,  when,  preparatory  to  crossing,  he  drew 
up  his  troops  in  battle  array,  on  the  seaboard,  and 
gave  orders  to  collect  shells,  the  spoils  of  conquered 
ocean. 

Proceeding  the  8tli  of  June,  and  creeping  stealth- 
ily along  the  coast,13  dropping  anchor  at  night  and 
weighing  it  with  the  dawn,  they  came  to  a river  which 
they  called  San  Pedro  y San  Pablo,  and  then  to  a 
larger  onerf  the  native  name  of  which  was  Tabasco,14 
after  the  cacique  of  the  city,  but  which  the  Spaniards 
called  Grijalva,  in  honor  of  their  commander. 

The  face  of  nature  here  changed.  The  low,  gray 
hills  of  the  peninsula  gave  place  to  elevations  of  en- 
livening green,  made  lustrous  by  large  and  frequent 

is  the  town  and  point  of  Jicalango.  Ogilby  calls  the  lagoon  Lago  de  Xic  i- 
lango,  east  of  which  is  the  name  Nra  Sra  de  la  Vitoria;  Dampier  places  south 
of  Laguna  Tormina  the  town  Chukabul;  Jefferys  writes  in  large  letters,  a little 
south  of  Laguna  de  Xicalango  or  Terminos,  the  words  Quchaches  I ndios  Braros. 
Kohl  thinks  Puerto  Escondido  may  be  the  Puerto  Deseado  of  Grijalva  men- 
tioned by  Gomara. 

13  Of  ‘ la  isola  riccha  cliiamata  Ualor,’  as  the  chaplain  calls  it,  Diaz,  Itine- 
ra rio,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Dor.,  i.  295,  ‘ descoprir  una  altra  terra  che  se  dice 
Mulua.  ’ Alaminos  believed  New  Spain  to  be  another  island  distinct  from 
Yucatan.  The  natives  called  it  Colud,  says  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.,  iv.  428. 

11  On  the  chart  of  Cortes,  1520,  it  is  called  R:.  de  Guzalua,  and  placed  west 
instead  of  east  of  Rio  Santa  Ana.  Ribero  writes,  R:.  de  grisalua;  Vaz  Dourado, 
R‘.  de  grigalna;  Hood,  R.  de  Grisalua ; Mercator's  Atlas,  15/4,  has  a town, 
T.iusco;  Ogilby,  Dampier,  and  Jefferys  employ  the  name  Tabasco.  Kohl 
ascribes  the  name  of  the  river  San  Pedro  y San  Pablo  to  Grijalva.  Colon  lias 
R:.  de  s.  pablo ; Ribero,  It.  de  s :.  Pab»;  Munich  Atlas,  No.  iv.,  rio  de  s p.; 
Baptista  Agnese,  rio  de  S.  paulo;  Hood,  It.  de  S.  Pablo;  Ogilby , S.  P ulo: 
Dampier,  St.  Peter,  St.  Pa  id,  etc.  As  there  arc  plenty  of  streams  in  that  vicinity 
HeiTcra  gives  one  to  Grijalva  and  still  leaves  the  chieftain,  Tabasco,  his  own. 


TABASCO. 


23 


streams.  Boldly  in  the  front  stood  the  heights  at 
present  known  as  San  Gabriel;  beyond  continued  the 
tlat,  monotonous  foreground  of  a gorgeous  picture,  as 
yet  but  dimly  visible  save  in  the  ardent  imaginings 
of  the  discoverers. 

The  two  smaller  vessels  only  could  enter  this 
river  of  Tabasco,  which,  though  broad,  was  shallow- 
mouthed;  and  this  they  did  very  cautiously,  advanc- 
ing a short  distance  up  the  stream,  and  landing  at 
a grove  of  palm-trees,  half  a league  from  the  chief 
town.  Upon  the  six  thousand15  natives  who  here 
threatened  them,  they  made  ready  to  fire;  but  by 
peaceful  overtures  the  sylvan  multitude  were  brought 
to  hear  of  Spain’s  great  king,  of  his  mighty  preten- 
sions, and  of  the  Spaniards’  inordinate  love  of  gold. 
The  green  beads  the  natives  thought  to  be  stone 
made  of  their  chalchipite,  which  they  prized  so 
highly,  and  for  which  they  eagerly  exchanged  food. 
Having  a lord  of  their  own  they  knew  not  why  these 
rovers  should  wish  to  impose  upon  them  a new 
master;  for  the  rest  they  were  fully  prepared,  if 
necessary,  to  defend  themselves.  During  this  inter- 
view, at  which  the  interpreters,  Melchor  and  Julian, 
assisted,  the  word  Culbua,16  meaning  Mexico,  was 
often  mentioned  in  answer  to  demands  for  gold,  from 

15  It  is  Las  Casas  who  testifies  to  6,000 ; Bernal  Diaz  enumerates  50  canoes ; 
Herrera  speaks  of  three  Xiquipiles  of  8,000  men  each,  standing  ready  in  that 
vicinity  to  oppose  the  Spaniards,  waiting  only  for  the  word  to  be  given. 

16Not  ‘Culba,  Culba,  Mexico,  Mexico,’ as  Bemal  Diaz  has  it.  The  na- 
tives pronounced  the  w'ord  Culhua  only  ; but  this  author,  finding  that  Culhua 
referred  to  Mexico,  puts  the  W'ord  Mexico  into  the  mouth  of  Tabasco  and  his 
followers.  Long  before  the  Aztecs,  a Toltec  tribe  called  the  Acolhuas,  or 
Culhuas,  had  settled  in  the  valley  of  Mexico.  The  name  is  more  ancient 
than  that  of  Toltec,  and  the  Mexican  civilization  might  perhaps  as  appro- 
priately be  called  Culhua  as  Nahua.  The  name  is  interpreted  ‘crooked’ 
from  coloa,  bend;  also  ‘grandfather’  from  colli.  Colhuacan  might  therefore 
signify  Land  of  our  Ancestors.  Under  Toltec  dominion  a tripartite  confed- 
eracy had  existed  in  the  valley  of  Andhuac,  and  when  the  Aztecs  became  the 
ruling  nation,  this  alliance  was  reestablished.  It  was  composed  of  the  Acol- 
hua,  Aztec,  and  Tepanec  kingdoms,  the  Aztec  king  assuming  the  title  Culhua 
Teculitli,  chief  of  the  Culhuas.  It  is  evident  that  the  Culhuas  had  become 
known  throughout  this  region  by  their  conquests,  and  by  their  culture,  supe- 
rior as  it  wras  to  that  of  neighboring  tribes.  The  upstart  Aztecs  w ere  only 
too  proud  to  identify  themselves  with  so  renowned  a people.  The  name 
Culhua  was  retained  among  the  surrounding  tribes,  and  applied  before 
Grijalva  to  the  Mexican  country,  where  gold  was  indeed  abundant. 


24 


GRIJALVA  EXPLORES  THE  MEXICAN  GULF. 


which  the  Spaniards  inferred  that  toward  the  west 
they  would  find  their  hearts’  desire.  Then  they  re- 
turned to  their  ships. 

In  great  state,  unarmed,  and  without  sign  of  fear, 
Tabasco  next  day  visited  Grijalva  on  board  his  vessel. 
He  had  already  sent  roasted  fish,  fowl,  maize  bread, 
and  fruit,  and  now  he  brought  gold  and  feather- work. 
Out  of  a chest  borne  by  his  attendants  was  taken  a 
suit  of  armor,  of  wood  overlaid  with  gold,  which  Ta- 
basco placed  upon  Grijalva,  and  on  his  head  a golden 
helmet,  giving  him  likewise  masks  and  breast-plates 
of  gold  and  mosaic,  and  targets,  collars,  bracelets,  and 
beads,  all  of  beaten  gold,  three  thousand  pesos  in  value. 
With  the  generous  grace  and  courtesy  innate  in  him, 
Grijalva  took  off  a crimson  velvet  coat  and  cap  which 
he  had  on  when  Tabasco  entered,  also  a pair  of  new 
red  shoes,  and  in  these  brilliant  habiliments  arrayed 
the  chieftain,  to  his  infinite  delight. 

The  Spaniards  departed  from  Tabasco  with  further 
assurances  of  friendship,  and  two  days  later  sighted  the 
town  of  Ahualulco,  which  they  named  La  Ram b la, 
because  the  natives  with  tortoise-shell  shields  were 
observed  hurrying  hither  and  thither  upon  the  shore. 
Afterward  they  discovered  the  river  Tonald,  which 
was  subsequently  examined  and  named  San  Antonio  ;17 
then  the  Goazacoalco,18  which  they  could  not  enter 
owing  to  unfavorable  winds;  and  presently  the  great 
snowy  mountains  of  New  Spain,  and  a nearer  range, 
to  which  they  gave  the  name  San  Martin,19  in  justice 

17  ‘Das  grosse  Fest  des  heiligen  Antemius  von  Padua  fallt  auf  den  13  Juni, 
and  dies  giebt  uns  also  eine  Gelegenheit  eines  der  Daten  der  Reise  des  Gi  i- 
jalva,  deren  uns  die  Berichterstatter,  wie  immer,  nur  wenige  geben,  genau 
festzusetzen.  ’ Kohl,  Beiden  attest m Karlen,  105.  Cortes,  in  his  chart  of  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico,  1520,  calls  it  Santo  Anton;  Fernando  Colon,  1527,  K.  de  la 
Balsa,  with  the  name  O.  de  s.  anion  to  the  gulf;  Ribero,  1529,  r:  de  Salon; 
Globe  of  Orontius,  1531,  C.  S.  d'o;  Vaz  Dourado,  1571,  rio  de  S.  ana;  Hood, 
1592,  J>\  de.  S.  Antonio,  etc.  For  Santa  Ana  Dumpier  in  1099  lays  down  St. 
Anns,  and  Jefferys  in  1776,  B.  St.  Ann. 

18  Cortes  calls  it  Rio  de  totnqvalquo ; Colon,  I?,  de  gasacalcos;  Ribero,  B.  de 
guasacalco;  Orontius,  B.  de  qualq0;  Vaz  Dourado,  B.°  de  de  guaqaqa;  Hood, 
B.  de  Ouaca;  Mercator,  Quacaqualco ; De  Lact,  Ogilby,  B.  de  Guazacoalco; 
Jefferys,  B.  Guazacalo;  Dampier,  B.  Gunzacoalco  or  Guashigwalp. 

19  Colon  gives  it,  Sierras  de  Sail  mrti;  Vaz  Dourado,  seras  de  S.  martin; 


TIIE  RIO  DE  BANDERAS. 


25 


to  the  soldier  who  first  saw  it.  Overcome  by  his 
ardor,  Pedro  de  Alvarado  pressed  forward  his  faster- 
sailing  ship,  and  entered  before  the  others  a river 
called  by  the  natives  Papaloapan,  but  named  by  his 
soldiers  after  the  discoverer;20  for  which  breach  of 
discipline  the  captain  received  the  censure  of  his  com- 
mander. The  next  stream  to  which  they  came  was 
called  Rio  de  Banderas,21  because  the  natives  appeared 
in  large  numbers,  carrying  white  flags  on  their  lances. 

With  these  white  flags  the  natives  beckoned  the 
strangers  to  land;  whereupon  twenty  soldiers  were 
sent  ashore  under  Francisco  de  Montejo,  and  a favor- 
able reception  being  accorded  them,  the  commander 
approached  with  his  ships  and  landed.  The  utmost 
deference  was  paid  the  guests,  for,  as  will  hereafter 
more  fully  appear,  the  king  of  kings,  Lord  Monte- 
zuma, having  in  his  capital  intelligence  of  the  strange 
visitors  upon  his  eastern  seaboard,  ordered  them  to 
be  reverentially  entertained.  In  the  cool  shade  was 
spread  on  mats  an  abundance  of  provisions,  while 
fumes  of  burning  incense  consecrated  the  spot  and 
made  redolent  the  air.  The  governor  of  this  prov- 
ince was  present  with  two  subordinate  rulers,  and 
learning  what  best  the  Spaniards  loved,  he  sent  out 
and  gathered  them  gold  trinkets  to  the  value  of  fif- 
teen thousand  pesos.  So  valuable  an  acquisition  im- 
pelled Grijalva  to  claim  once  more  for  Charles,  one  of 
the  natives,  subsequently  christened  Francisco,  acting 
as  interpreter.  After  a stay  of  six  days  the  fleet 
sailed,  passing  a small  island,  white  with  sand,  which 

Hood,  Sierra*  de  Sl-  min;  Ogilby,  Sierras  de  S.  Martin;  Dampier,  St.  Martin's 
High  La  rul,  and  St.  Martin’s  Point.  This  soldier,  San  Martin,  was  a native 
of  Habana. 

20  Herrera  makes  the  Indian  name  Papaloava ; Bernal  Diaz,  Papalohnna, 
Cortes,  1.520,  and  Orontius,  1531,  give  R.  d alvarado;  Colon,  1527,  R:  del 
comendador  nluarado;  Ribero,  1529,  R:.  de  Aluarado;  Vaz  Dourado,  1571, 
Rn.  de  Alluorado,  etc.  ‘ Die  Karte  von  1527  hat  den  Rio  del  comendador  Alva- 
rado etwa.3  weiter  westlich,  jenseits  des  Rio  de  banderas,  welches  keineswegs 
mit  den  Berichten  des  Bernal  Diaz  iibereinstimmt.  ’ Kohl,  Leiden  altesten 
Karten,  106. 

21  Some  of  the  early  maps  place  this  stream  incorrectly  east  of  the  Papa- 
loapan; where  Ribero  writes  P.  delgada,  first  east  from  R:  de  uanderas,  Vaz 
Dourado  writes  p:.  de  hiqada. 


26 


GRIJALVA  EXPLORES  THE  MEXICAN  GULF. 


Grijalva  called  Isla  Blanca,  and  then  the  Isla  Verde, 
gleaming  green  with  foliage  amidst  the  green  waters, 
four  leagues  from  the  continent;  coming  presently  to 
a third  island,  a league  and  a half  from  the  mainland, 
which  afforded  good  anchorage.  This,  according  to 
Oviedo,  was  on  the  18th  of  June.  On  landing  the 
Spaniards  found  two  stone  temples,  within  which  lay 
five  human  bodies,  with  bowels  opened  and  limbs  cut 
off;  and  all  about  were  human  heads  on  poles,  while 
at  the  top  of  one  of  the  edifices,  ascended  by  stone 
steps,  was  the  likeness  of  a lion  in  marble,  with  a 
hollow  head,  showing  the  tongue  cut  out,  and  oppo- 
site to  it  a stone  idol  and  blood-fount.  Here  "was 
evidently  a sacrifice  to  some  pagan  deity;  and  touch- 
ing it  is  to  witness  the  horror  with  which  these 
men  of  Spain  regarded  such  shocking  spectacles, 
while  viewing  complacently  their  own  atrocious 
cruelties. 

Crossing  from  Isla  de  Sacrificios,  as  they  called  this 
blood-bespattered  place,  the  Spaniards  landed  on  the 
adjoining  mainland,  and  making  for  themselves  shel- 
ter with  boughs  and  sails  began  trading  for  gold ; but 
the  natives  being  timid  and  returns  inconsiderable, 
Grijalva  proceeded  to  another  island,  less  than  a 
league  from  the  mainland  and  provided  with  water. 
Here  was  a harbor  sheltered  from  the  dread  yet 
grateful  north  winds,  which  in  winter  rush  in  with 
passionate  energy,  driving  away  the  dreadful  summer 
vomito  and  tumbling  huge  surges  on  the  strand, 
though  now  they  formed  but  a wanton  Jbreeze  by  day, 
which  slept  on  waves  burnished  by  the  radiant  sun 
or  silvered  by  the  moon.  Here  they  landed  and 
erected  huts  upon  the  sand.22  To  the  Spaniards  all 
nature  along  this  seaboard  seemed  dyed  with  the  blood 

22  The  Chaplain  Diaz  affirms  that  ten  days  were  passed  on  the  mainland, 
where  Indians  dressed  in  mantles  brought  them  food,  and  where  they  melted 
their  gold  into  bars ; and  that  on  the  San  Juan  Island  they  appointed  one  of 
the  natives  cacique,  christening  him  Ovando.  ‘ El  capitaneo  li  disse  che  non 
volevano  se  non  oro  et  loro  resposseno  che  lo  portariano  laltro  giorno  portorouo 
oro  fondido  in  verghe  et  lo  capitaneo  li  disse  che  portasseno  molto  d quello.’ 
I Cineraria,  in  Icazba'ccta,  Col.  Doe.,  i.  293. 


THE  NAME  SAN  JUAN  DE  ULUA. 


27 


of  human  sacrifices.  And  here,  beside  evidences  of 
heathen  abominations  in  the  forms  of  a great  temple, 
idols,  priests,  and  the  bodies  of  two  recently  sacri- 
ficed boys,  they  had  gnats  and  mosquitoes  to  annoy 
them,  all  which  led  them  to  consider  the  terror  of 
their  voyage  and  the  advisability  of  return.  Of  the 
Indian,  Francisco,  Grijalva  asked  the  significance  of 
the  detestable  rite  of  ripping  open  living  human  bodies 
and  offering  bloody  hearts  to  hungry  gods;  and  the 
heathen  answered,  because  the  people  of  Culhua,  or 
Ulua,  as  he  pronounced  the  name,  would  have  it  so. 
From  this  circumstance,  together  with  the  facts  that 
the  name  of  the  commander  was  Juan,  and  that  it 
was  now  about  the  time  of  the  anniversary  of  the  feast 
of  John  the  Baptist,  the  island  was  named  San  Juan 
de  Ulua,23  while  the  continent  in  that  vicinity  was 
called  Santa  Maria  de  las  Nieves. 

23  To  distinguish  it,  Herrera  says,  from  San  Juan  de  Puerto  Rico.  On  the 
chart  of  Cortes,  1520,  the  B:.  de  Sant  Juan  is  laid  down,  but  no  other  names 
are  given  except  that  of  Sacrificios  Island,  which  is  placed  some  distance  out 
and  called  Ps  della  creficio.  On  Orontius’  globe,  1531,  three  islands  are 
called  Insula  Sacrifici.  Colon  lays  down  R:  de  s.  Julian;  R.  salado;  R:  de  s. 
x pouae  (christobal) ; villa  rica,  and  yt0:  de  sacreficios.  Ribero  designates  R:. 
de  s.Jua;  R:.  de  capital;  uilla  rica,  and  y:.a  de  sacficios.  Vaz  Dourado  writes 
R.°  de  Sdo  (santo)  Jodo  (Juan);  llaueracrus  (la  vera  cruz),  and  uilla  riqua 
(villa  rica).  Hood  gives  R.  de  medelin;  S.  Jon  delua;  Laueracruz;  Sen  Jual; 
Villa  Rica;  and  marks  the  point  south  of  Vera  Cruz  P.  de  antonisardo.  Mer- 
cator gives  Villa  Rica;  Ogilby,  S.Juan  deLuz,  and  north  of  it  Villarica.  On 
another  of  his  maps  we  find  S.  Juan  de  Lua;  P,a  de  Antn  Sardo,  I.  y Fuerca 
de  la  vera  Cruz  neuva.  La  Vera  Cruz,  R.  Medelin,  and  Yas  de  Sacrificios.  See 
further  Cartography  North  Am. , MS. , i.  531.  Las  Casas  confounds  the  islands 
Sacrificios  and  Ulua,  calling  them  one.  The  Spaniards  supposed  the  conti- 
nent thereabout,  far  into  the  interior,  was  known  to  the  natives  as  Culhua ; 
hence  we  find  Velazquez,  in  his  instructions  to  Cortes,  Mendoza,  Col.  Doc., 
xii.  227,  speaking  of  ‘una  tierra  grande,  que  parte  della  se  llama  Ulua,  que 
puso  por  nombre  Santa  Maria  de  las  Nieves.’  See  also  Oviedo,  i.  539. 


CHAPTER  III. 


RETURN  OF  GRIJALVA.  A NEW  EXPEDITION  ORGANIZED. 

1518. 

Refusal  of  Grijalva  to  Settle— Alvarado  Sent  back  to  Cuba — Grijalva 
Continues  iiis  Discovery — After  Reaching  the  Province  of  Panuco 
he  Turns  back — Touching  at  the  Rio  Goazacoalco,  Tonala,  the 
Laguna  de  Terminos,  and  Champoton,  the  Expedition  Returns  to 
Cuba — Grijalva  Traduced  and  Discharged — A New  Expedition 
Planned — Velazquez  Sends  to  Santo  Domingo  and  Spain — Charac- 
ters of  Velazquez  and  Grijalva  Contrasted — Candidates  for  tue 
Captaincy  of  the  New  Expedition — The  Alcalde  of  Santiago  Suc- 
cessful— His  Standing  at  that  Time. 


At  various  places  during  this  expedition,  notably 
where  is  now  Vera  Cruz,  and  at  the  River  Tabasco, 
both  in  coming  and  returning,  Grijalva’s  men  begged 
permission  to  settle  and  subdue  the  country.  In 
their  desire  to  remain  they  pictured  to  themselves  all 
the  pleasures  of  the  abandoned  crew  of  Ulysses,  in  a 
land  as  happy  as  that  of  which  Horace  sang,  where 
Ceres  decked  unfilled  fields  with  sheaves  and  Bacchus 
revelled  under  purple-clustered  vines.  And  they  were 
angry  with  their  commander  for  not  breaking  the  in- 
structions which  forbade  his  colonizing.  Pedro  de 
Alvarado  was  particularly  chafed  by  the  restraint, 
though  he  kept  his  temper  until  he  obtained  permis- 
sion to  return  to  Cuba  with  one  of  the  vessels1  which 
had  become  unsea  worthy,  so  as  to  report  to  the  gov- 
ernor the  progress  of  the  discovery,  and  obtain  re- 
cruits and  fresh  supplies,  with  permission  to  found  a 
colony.  Beside  some  fifty  sick  persons,  all  the  gold, 
cotton,  and  other  articles  obtained  from  the  natives 

1 Herrera  says  it  was  the  San  Sebastian;  Oviedo,  the  Trinidad. 

(28) 


ALVARADO  RETURNS  TO  CUBA. 


29 


thus  far  were  placed  in  Alvarado’s  ship,  which  sailed 
the  24th  of  June.  The  remainder  of  the  expedition 
continued  its  now  north-westward  course  past  Nautla,2 
which  the  Spaniards  called  Almeria,  and  with  the 
mountains  of  Tuxpan3  in  full  view,  advanced  as  far 
as  Cabo  Rojo,  some  say  as  far  as  the  Rio  de  Pit 
nuco.4  The  entrance  to  the  large  lagoon  now  known 
as  the  Bahia  de  Tanguijo,  was  mistaken  for  a river 
and  named  Rio  de  Canoas.  On  anchoring  here  the 
ships  of  the  Spaniards  were  fiercely  attacked  by  the 
occupants  of  twelve  canoes,6  which  came  out  from  a 
large  city  compared  by  the  worthy  chaplain  to 
Seville  in  size  and  magnificence,  in  common  with 
other  towns  along  this  seaboard;  and  as  if  this  were 
not  strange  enough,  the  same  authority  goes  on  to 

2 Town  and  river  given  both  by  Cortes  and  Orontius.  Colon  writes  R:  de 
dhneria;  Ribero  almera;  Vaz  Dourado,  allmeira;  Hood,  Almeria;  nos.  vi.  and 
vii.,  Munich  Atlas,  rio  de  almeria,  and  Mercator,  Almeria.  Ogilby  places 
north  of  Lhanos  de  Almeria  a large  gulf  labelled  R.  de  S P°  y S Paulo,  and 
south  of  it  Tuluia,  and  Tore  Branco.  Dampier  lays  down  Almeria.  I.  opposite 
Tispe  and  Haniayo  Isle  on  the  mainland.  Laet  gives  Naothlan  6 Almeria,  and 
Lhanos  de  Almeria. 

3 ‘ Vimos  las  sierras  de  Tusta,  y mas  adelante  de'a  hi  a otros  dos  dias  vi- 
mos  otros  sierras  muy  altas,  q agora  se  llama  las  sierras  de  Tuspa so  called, 
Bernal  Diaz  says,  Hist.  Terdad.,  10,  from  the  towns  lying  at  their  base.  The 
Rio  de  Tuxpan  is  supposed  to  be  the  San  Pedro  y San  Pablo  of  early  days. 

‘ Da  das  Peter-und  Pauls-Festauf  den  29  Juni.’ 

4 Kohl  thinks  Grijalva  did  not  pass  Cabo  Rojo,  the  C:.  roxo  of  Vaz 

Dourado,  and  Hood,  and  I am  inclined  to  agree  with  him.  Bernal  Diaz  says, 
Hist.  Terdad,  10,  ‘ Y esto  es  ya  en  la  Provincia  de  Panuco:  6 yendo  por  nuestra 
nauegacio  llegamos  A vn  rio  grande,  que  le  pusimos  por  nobre  Rio  de  Canoas.  ’ 
The  nomenclature  of  this  stream  is  quite  regular  in  the  .several  times  and 
places.  Cortes  gives  Rio  Panuco  loaton  ; Colon,  R:  panuco;  Ribero  and  Vaz 
Dourado,  panuco;  Orontius,  R.panico;  Hood,  Panuco;  Baptista  Agnese,  panu- 
cho,  and  rio  paunch o ; no.  vi.  Munich  Atlas  the  same;  Ptolemy,  1530,  in  Mun- 
ster, Panuco;  Mercator,  river  and  town  Panuco,  and  next  town  south  Chi'a. 
Aid  so  on  with  Hondius,  Ogilby,  Dampier,  and  the  rest.  See  Goldschmidt’s 
G nr  toy.  Pac.  Coast,  MS. , i.  578.  Upon  the  hypothesis  that  the  San  Pedro  y San 
Pablo  and  the  Tuxpan  wrere  two  streams,  the  latter  may  have  been  the  Rio  de 
Canoas  of  Grijalva  and  the  Panuco  discovered  by  Montejo  and  Alaminos  the 
year  following,  as  Kohl  surmises,  but  not  otherwise.  Hen-era  says  the  expe- 
dition did  not  pass  Cabo  Rojo;  Bemal  Diaz  speaks  of  a wide  projecting  cape, 
which  does  not  exist  beyond  the  Panuco  River.  Yet  both  affirm  that  the 
province  of  Panuco  was  reached,  and  we  well  know  that  little  would  be  said 
to  strangers  of  an  aboriginal  province  by  its  inhabitants  before  its  great  town, 
or  its  great  river,  was  approached.  Hence  the  general  impression  that  Gri- 
jalva on  this  occasion  coasted  as  far  as  Tampico,  and  that  the  Panuco  was  his 
Rio  de  Canoas.  It  is  my  opinion  that  the  entrance  to  the  Bahia  de  Tanguijo, 
mistaken  for  a river,  was  the  Rio  de  Canoas  of  Grijalva,  and  that  Cabo  Rojo 
was  his  ultimate  point  of  discovery.  * 

5 Some  say  sixteen. 


30 


RETURN  OF  GRIJALVA— A NEW  EXPEDITION. 


relate  a miracle  which  happened  here  because  Grijalva 
refused  the  soldiers  leave  to  sack  the  place;  how  a 
star,  poised  above  the  fleet  after  sunset,  shot  toward 
the  town  and  hung  over  it  invitingly,  as  if  Jehovah 
signified  his  pleasure  that  the  Christians  should  seize 
the  city.6 

After  beating  back  the  canoes  the  Spaniards 
proceeded,  but  found  their  course  impeded  by  the 
currents  off  Cabo  Rojo;  from  which  circumstance, 
together  with  the  hostility  of  the  natives,  the  rapidity 
with  which  the  season  was  advancing,  and  the  condi- 
tion of  the  ships,  they  determined  to  return.  Turn- 
ing toward  the  southward,  therefore,  they  were  carried 
past  the  River  Goazacoalco  by  boisterous  winds,  and 
entered  Tonald,  to  careen  and  repair  a leaky  vessel.7 
Again  the  men  blasphemed  and  held  the  commander 
in  derision  because  he  would  not  settle.  After  sev- 
eral failures  in  starting  they  continued  the  voyage, 
encountered  bad  weather,  touched  at  Deseado  for 
water,  engaged  in  a parting  fight  with  the  natives 
of  Champoton,  sailed  again,  and  the  fifth  reached 
San  L&zaro,  where  they  were  led  into  ambush  while 
searching  for  water,  and  attacked.  After  helping 
themselves  to  maize  they  embarked,  followed  the 
shore  past  Rio  de  Lagartos,  the  Comi  of  the  natives, 
whence  they  sailed  for  Cuba,  and  arrived  at  Matanzas 
about  the  first  of  November.8 


6 In  questo  giomo  sul  tardi  vedessemo  miracolo  ben  grande  el  qual  fu  che 
apparve  una  stella  incima  la  nave  dapoi  el  tramontar  del  sole  et  partisse  sem- 
pre  buttando  razi  fino  che  se  pose  sopra  quel  vilagio  over  populo  grande  et 
lasso  uno  razo  ne  laiere  che  duro  pin  de  tre  hore  grande  et  anchora  vedessimo 
altri  signal  ben  cliiari  dove  comprendessemo  che  dio  volea  per  suo  servitio  po- 
pulassemo  la  dicta  terra.  Itinerario,  in  Icnzbulceta,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  302. 

7 Bernal  Diaz  claims  to  have  planted  here  the  first  orange-seeds  sown  in 
New  Spain.  It  was  at  the  base  of  a temple,  on  whose  summit  he  had  enjoyed 
a refreshing  sleep,  above  the  clouds  of  mosquitoes,  and  through  gratitude  lie 
sowed  these  seed,  which  he  had  brought  from  Cuba.  He  tells,  likewise,  of 
obtaining  here  by  barter  4,000  pesos,  which,  with  the  16,000  pesos  Alvarado 
carried  home,  made  20,000  pesos  secured  during  the  voyage.  Among  the 
treasures  were  some  copper  hatchets,  which  the  Spaniards  took  to  be  an  infe- 
rior kind  of  gold.  Las  Casas  gives  a detailed  description  of  the  treasures 
obtained, by  this  expedition,  among  which  was  an  emerald  worth  2,000  ducats, 
from  the  mainland  opposite  Isla  de  Sacrificios. 

“This,  following  Oviedo,  who  in  1523  visited  Velazquez,  and  was  told 


ILL-TREATMENT  OF  GRIJALVA. 


31 


When  Grijalva  cast  anchor  in  the  bay  of  Ma- 
tanzas  his  heart  beat  high  with  promise.  He  had 
returned  successful  from  a brilliant  discovery,  in 
which  had  begun  that  pronounced  mastery  of  life 
which  is  the  dream  of  every  chivalrous  mind.  There 
had  been  nothing  in  the  least  irrational  in  his  policy, 
or  fickle  or  factious  in  his  conduct.  He  had  used 
diligence  and  discretion,  had  been  true  to  his  com- 
panions, and  faithful  to  his  king  and  to  his  chief. 
Surely  his  uncle  would  praise  him,  his  governor 
would  reward  him,  and  his  king  would  intrust  him 
with  new  commissions.  So  he  deserved;  so  he  had 
every  reason  to  expect,  and  hence  it  was  with  pride 
and  pleasure  that  he  once  more  set  foot  on  Isla  Fer- 
nandina. 

But,  unfortunately,  this  most  virtuous  cavalier  was 
now  destined  to  reap  the  too  common  reward  of  hon- 
est service  in  the  cause  of  a vicious  master.  Scarcely 
had  Grijalva  landed,  when  a letter  from  the  governor 
was  placed  in  .his  hand,  ordering  him  to  repair  with 
his  ships  at  once  to  Santiago,  and  at  the  same  time 
to  notify  his  soldiers  that  opportunity  would  be 
quickly  given  all  who  desired  to  embark  in  a fresh 
adventure  to  New  Spain,  and  that  meanwhile  they 
might  rest  themselves  at  the  governor’s  farms  in  that 
vicinity.  Then,  too,  he  first  learned  how  Velazquez, 
ever  fickle  and  distrustful  as  are  all  timid  and  un- 
scrupulous men,  becoming  nervous  concerning  the 
fleet,  had  sent  Cristobal  de  Olid  in  a small  vessel 
with  seven  soldiers  to  search  and  report;  and  that  on 
reaching  the  coast  of  Yucatan  a storm  had  obliged 
the  explorer  to  part  with  his  anchor  and  return  to 
Cuba.9  Before  the  return  of  Olid,  Alvarado  had 

these  things.  Other  authors  give  widely  different  accounts  of  Grijalva’s 
return,  most  of  them  taking  him  at  once  from  Tonala  to  Matanzas,  but 
allowing  forty  days  for  the  voyage.  Oviedo  dates  Grijalva’s  arrival  at  the 
River  Goazacoalco  July  9;  at  Deseado,  August  17  ; at  Champoton,  September 
1 ; San  Lazaro,  September  5,  and  Matanzas,  October  8,  which  is  too  early, 
according  to  the  date  of  Cortes’  instructions. 

M Oviedo  says  that  Olid  went  to  Cozumel  and  took  possession  of  the  island, 
thinking  he  had  discovered  it ; tlien  coasting  north  and  westward  to  a port, 


32 


RETURN  OF  GRIJALVA— A NEW  EXPEDITION. 


arrived  with  the  gold  and  good  tidings  from  the 
armada,  which  gave  the  governor  unbounded  joy. 
Grijalva  had  yet  to  learn,  however,  how  Alvarado, 
not  forgetting  the  censure  bestowed  on  him  for  dis- 
obedience, had  not  failed  to  color  the  conduct  of  his 
commander  to  suit  his  own  ends.  Grijalva’s  repeated 
refusals  to  colonize  were  paraded  as  the  gross  mis- 
takes of  a stubborn  and  spiritless  man;  the  coolness 
and  bravery  displayed  at  Champoton  were  made  to 
appear  as  reckless  imprudence;  and  as  the  governor 
thought  of  the  danger  to  which  his  adventure  had 
there  been  subjected,  he  became  alarmed.  “ Had  I 
lost  all,”  he  muttered,  “it  would  have  been  a just 
penalty  for  sending  such  a fool.”  And  now  both 
Ddvila  and  Montejo  poured  fresh  poison  into  the  ear 
of  the  governor  respecting  his  nephew,  in  revenge 
for  similar  fancied  injuries;  so  that  when  Grijalva 
reported  hiijiself  to  Velazquez  at  Santiago,  he  was 
told  to  go  his  way,  since  the  governor  had  no  further 
use  for  him. 

Indeed,  this  line  of  action  had  been  for  some 
time  determined  on.  Immediately  upon  the  arrival 
of  Alvarado,  a new  expedition  had  been  planned,  in 
which  Grijalva  was  not  to  participate.  The  latter 
was  hurt,  almost  to  death.  He  had  conferred  a 
great  benefit  on  this  Tiberius  of  an  uncle;  but  as 
affection  is  heightened  by  the  conferring  of  benefits, 
so  it  is  often  lessened  by  the  acceptance  of  them. 
Not  long  after,  Juan  de  Salcedo  was  sent  to  Santo 
Domingo  for  permission  to  colonize  New  Spain,  and 
Benito  Martin,  chaplain  and  man  of  business,  was 
despatched  to  Spain10  with  a full  account  of  the  dis- 

Laguna  de  TtSrminos,  and  finding  no  traces  of  Grijalva,  and  having  lost  his 
anchors,  he  returned  to  Matanzas  eight  days  before  Grijalva;  but  in  this 
statement  he  is  sustained  neither  by  his  contemporaries  nor  by  his  own  col- 
lateral statements.  Velazquez’  instructions  to  Cortes  are  dated  the  23d  of 
October,  at  which  time  neither  Olid  nor  Grijalva  had  returned,  since  Cortes  is 
told  to  search  for  them ; both  arrived,  however,  before  he  sailed. 

"’It  was  in  May,  1519,  according  to  Oviedo,  that  Benito  Martin — some 
C^all  him  Martinez — sailed  for  Spain,  Grijalva  having  arrived  at  Santiago  late 
in  the  October  previous.  By  reference  to  a Velazquez  memorial,  in  iv.  233-4, 
Col.  Doc.  hied.,  we  find  that  before  this,  upon  the  strength  of  Cordoba’s  dis- 


CHARACTER  OF  VELAZQUEZ  AND  GRIJALVA.  33 

covery,and  with  gold  for  the  bishop  of  Bi'irgos.  Haste 
seemed  necessary  to  Velazquez  lest  some  one  might 
anticipate  and  rob  him  of  the  honors  and  emoluments 
won  through  Grijalva’s  efforts.  Nor  were  forgotten 
the  Licentiate  Zapata  and  the  Secretary  Conchillos; 
and  so  happily  were  distributed  the  Indian  villages  of 
Cuba  among  these  conscientious  men  of  Spain,  that 
Velazquez  gained  all  his  requests,  with  the  title  of 
adelantado  of  Cuba  added. 

How  different  the  quality  of  these  two  men,  Velaz- 
quez and  Grijalva,  and  both  so  widely  different  from 
the  phoenix  now  about  to  rise  from  their  ashes!  The 
character  of  the  governor  was  like  a candle  flame,  hot 
without  and  hollow  within.  Almost  as  much  as  gold 
lie  loved  glory,  the  brass  and  tinsel  of  it,  but  lacked 
both  the  ability  and  the  courage  to  achieve  noble  dis- 
tinction. As  easily  worked  upon  by  designing  men 
as  Othello,  there  was  in  him  none  of  the  nobility  of 
the  Moor;  and,  possessing  no  great  integrity  himself, 
he  was  very  ready  to  suspect  treachery' in  others. 

Grijalva,  on  the  other  hand,  was  the  Lysander  of 
New  World  discovery;  of  a modest  though  manly 
spirit,  obedient  to  customs  and  superior  authority, 
preferring  honor  and  duty  to  self  and  pleasure,  native 
to  generous  action,  the  very  faults  brought  out  by  his 
enemies  shine  brilliant  as  virtues.  He  was  as  chival- 
rous as  any  Spaniard  that  ever  drew  steel  on  naked 
savage,  as  brave  and  talented  as  any.  But  he  lacked 

covery,  the  king,  on  the  13th  of  November,  1518,  at  Saragossa,  made  Velazquez 
adelantado  of  what  he  had  discovered,  or  might  discover.  Thus  far  he  claimed 
as  having  found,  at  his  own  cost,  Cozumel  and  Yucatan,  the  Santa  Maria  de 
los  Remedios  of  the  Spaniards,  which  was  not  true.  Indeed,  these  memorials 
of  the  descendants  of  conquerors  are,  as  a rule,  widely  different  from  the 
facts ; instance  this  one  again,  which  gives  Olid  seventy  men  instead  of  seven. 
As  a matter  of  course,  the  honor  of  the  discovery  is  claimed  wholly  for  the 
governor  of  Cuba,  to  the  prejudice  of  others  who  ventured  more  than  he. 
See  Carta  del  A aunt,  de  Vera  Cruz,  in  Col.  Doc.  Ined.,  i.  418-9.  Ins  tance 
further  a Memorial  del  negocio  de  D.  Antonio  Velazquez  de  Basan,  in  Pax.lt/ero 
and  CArdena* , Col.  Dor.,  x.  80-6,  in  which  Grijalva  is  given  five  ships  and  a 
year  and  a half,  and  Olid  three  ships  and  seventy  men.  In  the  lustrurclon 
gue  d 6 el  adela  Undo  Diego  Velazquez  A l/ernau  Cortex,  in  Col.  ro  . Died.,  xii. 
226—46,  the  little  boat  of  Olid  has  grown  into  a caravel  with  80  or  90  men. 

Hist.  SIlx.,  Von.  X.  3 


34 


RETURN  OF  GRIJALVA— A NEW  EXPEDITION. 


the  unscrupulous  positiveness  inseparable  here  from 
permanent  success.  He  was  resolute  in  overcoming 
difficulties,  and  he  was  strong  and  shrewd  enough  in 
the  prosecution  of  any  high  enterprise,  particularly 
so  long  as  fortune  favored  him;  but  he  was  no  match 
for  the  subtle-minded  of  his  own  nation,  who  over- 
whelmed him  in  their  show  of  learning,  backed  by 
imposing  forms.  All  contemporary  writers  speak 
well  of  him;  likewise  all  the  chroniclers,  except  Go- 
rnara,  who  permits  chivalry  no  place  save  in  his  pet 
and  patron,  Cortds.  The  soldier  Bernal  Diaz  pro- 
nounces him  a most  worthy  officer.  The  historians 
Oviedo  and  Herrera  call  him  a comely  man,  thor- 
oughly loyal,  and  never  backward  at  fighting.  Yet 
we  are  told  that  some  censured  him,  while  others 
cursed  him  outright  for  his  conscientiousness,  be- 
cause he  did  not  break  orders  and  seize  opportu- 
nity. So  ready  were  they  to  engage  in  the  fallacious 
argument  that  it  was  right  to  do  wrong  if  good 
might  come  of  it.  To  disobey  Velazquez,  they  said, 
was  to  break  no  divine  law;  forgetting  that  the  gov- 
ernor derived  his  authority  from  the  king,  and  the 
king  from  the  Almighty.  Of  a truth,  when  force 
alone  is  the  standard  of  right,  then  honesty  is  not 
the  best  policy.  For  a time  he  carried  himself  with 
a brave  front,  conscious  of  his  integrity,  yet  we  may 
say  he  was  laid  low  forever  by  the  blow  misfortune 
here  gave  him.11  Meanwhile  patience,  good  gov- 

11  Las  Casas  saw  him  at  Santo  Domingo  in  1523.  He  was  reduced  to 
penury.  Proceeding  thence  to  Panamd,  he  was  sent  by  P edrarias  to  Nicaragua, 
where  he  was  killed.  So  perished  the  best  and  morally  bravest  of  cavaliers, 
while  unscrupulous  tricksters  flourished.  Prior  to  his  departure  from  Cuba, 
however,  and  notwithstanding  the  vile  treatment  of  the  governor,  at  \ elaz- 
quez’  request,  Grijalva  wrote  a narrative  of  his  expedition,  which  was  lost  by 
Oviedo  in  its  transmission  to  the  king.  It  is  embodied,  however,  in  sub- 
stance, in  Oviedo,  i.  502-37.  One  of  the  most  original  and  complete  accounts 
of  Grijalva’s  expedition  extant  is  that  by  the  priest  Juan  Diaz,  Ilinerai  io 
de  Larmata  del  Re  Catlio'ko  in  India  verso  la  Isola  de  luchathan  del  anno 
M.  D.  X VIII,  alia  qual  Jit  President  A Capitan  Generale  loan  de  Gnsalra; 
el  r/ual  c facto  per  el  capellano  maijfjior  de  dicta  Armata  a sua  Altnza , 
published  in  Italian,  at  Venice,  in  1520,  in  French  by  Ternaux-Compans  m 
1838,  the  former  being  copied  and  quoted  in  manuscript  by  1 rescott.  the 
issue  at  V enice  was  as  the  second  part  of  the  It  inerario  de  Lvdovico  de  varlhema 
Bolojnese  nello  Egilto,  nella  Soria,  etc.,  and  was  there  begun,  Qui  comincta  lo 


VALE  GRIJALVA. 


35 


ernor!  For  soon  enough  will  arise  an  agent  capable 
of  playing  shrewd  tricks  to  your  ample  contentment. 

Itinerant)  de.  Lisola  de  Iuchcitan  nouamente  ritrouata  per  il  signor  Gioan  tie 
Grisalue , etc.  By  far  the  best  edition  is  that  given  with  a Spanish  transla- 
tion by  Icazbalceta,  in  his  Col.  Doc.,  i.  281-308,  printed  in  Mexico  in  1858. 
Next  is  the  account  by  Bernal  Diaz,  who,  like  the  chaplain,  accompanied  the 
expedition,  thus  giving  us  narratives  by  eye-witnesses  at  once  from  ecclesi- 
astical and  secular  stand-points.  The  statements  of  Gomara,  Hist.  Ind.,  56-8, 
and  Hist.  Mex. , 9-11,  must  be  taken  with  allowance.  Worse  still  are  the  me- 
morials of  the  relatives  of  Velazquez  to  sovereign  majesty,  such  as  that  found 
in  Pacheco  and  Curdenas,  Col.  Doc. , x.  80-G,  which  are  little  better  than  tissues 
of  misstatements  and  exaggerations.  Solis,  Hist.  Mex.,  i.  24-40,  gives  a fair, 
full,  and  graphic  statement  of  particulars.  The  Instruction  que  did  el  ade- 
lantado  Diego  Velazquez  d Ilervan  CorUs,  in  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc., 
xii.  226-51,  also  important,  as  furnishing  original  collateral  light.  Las  Casas, 
Hist.  Ind.,  iv.  16,  421-4,  though  full,  is  specially  inaccurate  and  weak,  not 
only  in  his  facts,  but  in  his  deductions.  Nor  is  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  iv. 
cap.  iii. , any  stronger.  Clavigero,  Storia  Mess.,  iii.  4-6,  De  Rebus  Gestis Ferdi- 
nandi  Cortesii,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  341-6,  and  Landa,  Rel.  de  Yuc., 
21,  are  mediocre;  and  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib  iii.  cap.  i.  and  ix.,  is  quite  full 
and  very  valuable.  Cogolludo,  Hist.  Yucathan,  8-16,  gives  a fair  resume, 
but  a far  better  one  is  Torquemada’s,  i.  351-7.  Prescott’s  account,  Mex., 
i.  224-9,  is  meagre  and  imperfect,  though  his  deductions  are  much  more 
sound  than  those  of  Robertson’s  Hist.  Am.,  i.  240-3.  One  of  the  most  super- 
ficial of  the  modern  narratives  of  this  expedition  is  given  by  Zamacois,  Hist, 
Mij. , ii.  236-52.  Those  by  Morelet,  Voy.  dans  VAm.  Cent.,  i.  179-85,  and  Fan- 
court’s  Hist.  Yuc.,  9-1 S,  are  valuable.  A collection  of  extracts  from  several 
letters  to  Charles  V.,  referring  to  Yucatan,  and  forming  ‘an  account  of  a 
recently  discovered  island,  describing  its  locality,  the  customs  and  habits  of  its 
inhabitants,’  was  printed  at  Nuremberg,  by  Frederick  Peypus,  in  1520,  un- 
der title  beginning  Ein  attszug  ettlicher  sendbrieff  dem  alter  durchleuchtigisten. 
Carbajal  Espinosa,  Hist.  Mex.,  i.  51-65,  ii.  21,  and  Ramirez,  in  his  Mexican 
edition  of  Prescott,  i.  132  and  135,  beside  narratives,  give  portraits  of  Ve- 
lazquez, Cordoba,  and  Grijalva.  Sahagun,  Hist.  Conq.  13-9,  and  Brasseur  de 
Bourbourg,  Hid.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  27-50,  are  most  valuable  from  an  aboriginal 
stand-point.  Alaman,  in  his  Diserl.,  i.  49-91,  treats  of  both  Cordoba’s  and  Gri- 
jalva’s voyages.  Among  the  many  allusions  to  these  two  expeditions  of  no 
special  significance  are  those  found  in  Ogilby's  Am.,  76-8;  Purchas,  His  Pil- 
grimes,  v.  858;  Oveido,  Sommario,  in  Ramusio,  Viaggi,  iii.  182-9;  Soc.  Mex. 
Geog.,  Bolrlin,  iii.  242-3;  Robertson's  Visit  Mex.,  i.  143;  Voy. , Cur.  and  Ent., 
471-9;  World  Displayed,  i.  166-79;  Voy.,  A New  Col.,  i.  189-98;  Sammlung 
oiler  Reisebesch.,  xiii.  254-64;  Laharpe,  Ahrerf,  ix.  219-31;  Kerr's  Voy. , ii. 
70-1,  and  iii.  416-53;  Klemm,  Allgemeine  Culturyeschichte,  219;  Cordua,  Scheeps- 
Togt,  3-18,  and  35-89,  in  An,  Naanleurige  Vcrsumeling,  Montanus,  Nieuwe 
Weereld,  72-5;  Gottfried,  Reysen,  iii. ; Folsom,  in  Cortes’ Despatches,  6-8;  Ilowitt's 
Hist.  U.  S.,  i.  8-9;  Lnrclner's  Hist.  Discov.,  ii.  43-4;  Span.  Conq.  in  Am.,  ii. 
3-9;  Vetancvrt,  Teatro  Mex.,  pt.  iii.,  106-9;  Larenaudidre,  Mex.  et  Guat., 
53-4;  Calle,  Mem.  y Not.,  81-2;  Mayer's  Mex.  Aztec,  i.  14-15;  Hassel,  Mex. 
Guat.,  6;  Holmes'  An.  Am.,  i.  35-7;  Galvano’s  Discov.,  130-2;  Corrculi,  Desciib. 
de  l<i  Am.,  ii.  7-19;  Dalton's  Conq.  Mex.  and  Pern,  47-9;  Span.  Em/>.  in  Am., 
27-8;  Snowden's  Am.,  77-9;  Raynal,  Hist.  Phil,  iii.  246-7;  Description  de  Am., 
MS.,  112-13;  Gordon’s  Hid.  Am.,  112-13;  Malte-Brun,  Yucatan,  23-4;  Wil- 
son’s Cong.  Mex.,  291;  Castellanos,  Varones  ilustres  de  Ind' as,  71;  Peter  Mar- 
tyr, dec.  iv.,  cap.  i.-v.,  Dxifey,  Resume,  i.  97-103;  Manor's  Hist.,  xxiv.  65-6; 
Gregory's  Hist.  Mex.,  19-20;  Norman’s  Rambles,  95;  Wilson's  Mex.  and  Reg., 
18;  Colton’s  Jour.  Geog.,  No.  vi.  84;  Newe  Zeittung  von  Jucatan,  1,  etc.;  Mon- 
g/ave,  Resume,  41-6;  March  y Labores,  Marina  Espahola,  i.  463-4;  Cortesii, 
von  dem  Neuen  Hisp.,  pt.  ii.  2-5;  Morelli,  Fasti  Novi  Orbis,  16;  Armin,  Alte 


36 


RETURN  OF  GRIJALVA— A NEW  EXPEDITION. 


Before  the  return  of  Grijalva,  interest  in  the  new 
expedition  had  already  raised  itself  into  a whirl  of 
excitement;  and  as  volunteers  pressed  forward,  the 
captaincy  became  an  apple  of  discord  among  aspirants. 
Chief  among  these  were  Vasco  Porcallo  a near'  rela- 
tive of  the  count  of  Feria,  Antonio  Velazquez,12  and 
Bernardino  Velazquez,  the  last  two  kinsmen  of  the 
governor.  Another  was  Baltasar  Bermudez,13  from 
Velazquez’  own  town,  and  his  intimate  friend.  None 
of  these  suited.  Then  followed  for  the  governor  nights 
of  troubled  dreams  and  days  of  irritable  indecision. 
It  was  a peculiar  personage  Velazquez  wanted.  He 
must  be,  in  Mexico,  courageous,  wise,  and  prudent;  in 
Cuba,  obedient,  teachable.  He  must  be  able  to  com- 
mand men,  to  brave  the  proudest  barbarian,  and  so 
fired  by  enthusiasm  in  the  field  as  cheerfully  to  endure 
hardships  and  risk  life;  his  work  successfully  accom- 
plished, he  must  return  humbly  to  Santiago,  and  lay 
his  trophies  at  the  feet  of  his  master.  Grijalva  was 
most  nearly  such  a man;  but  he  lacked  that  subtle 
second  sense  which  should  tell  him  when  it  was  the 
governor’s  pleasure  to  have  his  orders  disobeyed.  Por- 
callo wTas  competent,  but  Velazquez  was  afraid  of  him. 
He  was  scarcely  farther  from  the  throne  than  himself ; 
and  in  reporting  any  important  conquest  to  the  king 
would  prove  the  greater  of  the  two.  The  relatives 
present  were  worse,  if  anything,  than  Grijalva;  be- 
sides, they  had  no  means,  and  to  this  position  the  suc- 
cessful aspirant  must  bring  money  as  well  as  courage 
and  discretion.  Bermudez  might  be  eligible,  but  for 
his  services,  in  braving  the  dangers,  and  bringing  the 
results  of  the  expedition  to  Velazquez,  he  had  the 

Mex.,  77-8;  Touron,  Hist.  Gen.  Am.,  iii.  58-78;  Bussierre,  I’Empire  Mex., 
193-9;  Sandoval , Hist.  Carlos  V.,  i.  161-2;  Cortfs,  Hist.  Mex.,  30-110;  Campe, 
Hid.  Desrub.  Am.,  ii.  7-19;  Cortfs,  Aven.  y Conq.,  12-13;  Stephens’  lucid,  of 
Travel  in  Yuc.,  ii.  366-9;  Drake's  Voy.,  161-3;  Hart's  Tabasco,  4-5;  La  Cruz, 
v.  54 1 — 4 ; Nouvelles  An.  des  Voy.,  xcvii.  30-1,  and  clxiv.  101;  and  Manzi,  Conq. 
di  Mess.,  1-3. 

12  Called  Borrego,  says  Torquemada,  i.  361.  Bernal  Diaz  gives  Borrego  as 
the  second  surname. 

13  Bernal  Diaz  says  Augustin  Bermudez. 


RISE  OF  HERMAN  CORTES. 


37 


temerity  to  demand  three  thousand  ducats.  The 
proposition  was  not  for  a moment  to  be  entertained; 
the  job  must  be  accomplished  for  less  money. 

Watchful  eyes  saw  the  governor’s  dilemma,  and 
artful  tongues  wagged  opportunely.  Near  to  him  in 
their  daily  vocations  were  two  men,  both  small  in 
stature,  but  large  of  head,  and  broad  in  experience  and 
sagacity.  One  was  the  governor’s  secretary,  Andres 
de  Duero,  and  the  other  the  royal  contador,  Amador 
de  Ldres.  Both  possessed  rare  attainments;  they 
were  skilled  in  every  artifice,  and  could  make  their 
master  see  white  or  black;  'while  Ldres  could  not 
write,  he  had  not  failed  to  profit  by  a twenty -two 
years’  career  in  Italy,  during  which  time  he  rose  to 
the  honorable  distinction  of  chief  butler  to  the  Gran 
Capitan,  and  he  seldom  found  it  difficult  to  move  the 
unstable  Velazquez  to  his  purposes,  although  they 
were  not  always  the  purest  and  best.14  Following  the 
example  of  the  governor,  these  two  worthies  were 
not  averse  to  improving  their  fortunes  by  securing,  at 
little  risk  or  expense,  an  interest  in  the  New  Spain 
conquest;  and  so  they  gave  heed  when  the  alcalde  of 
Santiago  softly  insinuated  that  he  was  the  man  for 
the  emergency,  and  that  if  they  would  help  him  to 
the  command  they  should  share  the  profits.13 

The  alcalde  of  Santiago  bore  a fair  reputation,  con- 
sidering the  time  and  place;  for  comparatively  few 
names  in  the  New  World  were  then  wholly  free  from 
taint.  In  the  prime  of  manhood,  his  age  being  thirty- 
three,  of  full  medium  stature,  well  proportioned  and 
muscular,  with  full  breast,  broad  shoulders,  square  full 
forehead,  small  straight  spare  compact  body  and  well 

14  Las  Casas  regarded  him  as  a schemer,  and  often  warned  Velazquez 
against  ‘Veintidos  anos  de  Italia.’  Hist.  lad.,  iv.  447.  He  calls  him  like- 
wise ‘Burgales’  and  ‘ horn  hre  astutisimo.  ’ 

15  ‘ Que  partirian,’  says  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  13,  ‘ entre  todos  tres 
la  ganancia  del  oro,  y plata,  y joyas,  de  la  parte  que  le  cupiesse  a Cortes,’ 
and  also,  growls  Las  Casas,  ubi  supra — knowledge  of  the  facts  as  yet  being 
but  rumor — what  Cortes  could  steal  from  the  king  and  the  governor  was  sub- 
ject to  division,  beside  what  he  would  rob  from  the  natives. 


38 


RETURN  OF  GRIJALVA— A NEW  EXPEDITION. 


turned  limbs,  though  somewhat  bow-legged,  he  pre- 
sented a pleasing  rather  than  imposing  front.  His 
portraits  show  fine  antique  features,  bearing  a some- 
what sad  expression,  which  was  increased  by  the 
grave  tenderness  of  the  dark  oval  eyes.  The  full 
though  thin  beard,  cut  short,  counteracted  to  some 
extent  the  effect  of  the  small  ash-colored  face,  and 
served  to  cover  a deep  scar  on  the  lower  lip,  the 
memento  of  a duel  fought  in  behalf  of  a certain  frail 
fair  one. 

He  was  an  exceedingly  popular  alcalde;  there  was 
nothing  staid  or  sombre  in  his  method  of  administer- 
ing justice.  The  law  was  less  to  him  than  expedi- 
ency, and  his  standard  of  right  was  easily  shifted, 
according  to  circumstances.  In  wit  and  vivacity  he 
was  a Mercutio.  Astute  of  intellect,  discreet,  of  a 
cheerful,  even  jovial  disposition,  with  brilliant  intui- 
tions and  effervescent  animal  spirits,  he  knew  how  to 
please,  how  to  treat  every  man  as  best  he  liked  to  be 
treated.  A cavalier  of  the  Ojeda  and  Balboa  type, 
he  was  superior  to  either.  He  would  not,  like  the 
former,  woo  danger  for  the  mere  pleasure  of  it,  nor, 
like  the  latter,  tamely  trust  his  forfeited  head  to  any 
governor.  Life  was  of  value  to  him;  yet  adventure 
was  the  rhythm  of  it,  and  the  greater  the  peril  the 
greater  the  harmony  secured.  An  hidalgo  of  respect- 
able antecedents,  whatever  he  might  have  been,  or 
might  be,  he  now  played  the  part  of  magistrate  to 
perfection.  As  a matter  of  course,  he  was  in  entire 
sympathy  with  the  religious  views  of  the  day,  as  well 
as  with  the  leading  men  among  the  clergy.  Indeed 
the  friars  ever  praised  him,  believing  him  to  be  a 
zealous  and  conscientious  man;  he  made  it  a point 
that  they  should.  The  moral  ideal  of  the  Japanese 
is  politeness.  Politeness  is  virtue.  They  do  not 
say  that  lying  and  stealing  are  wrong,  but  impo- 
lite. While  the  alcalde  if  pressed  must  confess 
himself  an  optimist,  believing  that  whatever  is,  is 
best,  yet  in  practice  that  best  he  would  better,  and 


CORTES  OBTAINS  THE  APPOINTMENT. 


39 


whatsoever  his  strength  permitted,  it  was  right  for 
him  to  do.  He  was  a sort  of  Mepliistopheles,  decked 
in  manners  and  guided  bj  knowledge.  Besides  the 
world,  he  knew  books,  and  how  to  make  somewhat  of 
them.  Earnestly  devoted  to  the  service  of  the  church, 
many  of  his  acts  yet  met  with  its  most  unqualified 
condemnation.  Possessed  of  vehement  aspirations,  his 
ambition  was  of  the  aggressive  kind;  not  like  that  of 
Velazquez,  mercenary  and  timid.  Like  Tigellinus 
Sophonius,  it  was  to  his  pleasing  person  and  unscru- 
pulous character  that  the  alcalde  owed  his  rise  from 
poverty  and  obscurity;  and  now,  like  Phaethon,  if 
for  one  day  he  might  drive  the  governor’s  sun-chariot 
across  the  heavens,  it  would  be  his  own  fault  if  he 
were  not  a made  man.  This  much  at  this  time  we 
may  say  of  Hernan16  Cortes,  for  such  was  the  al- 
calde’s name;  which  is  more  than  he  could  say  for 
himself,  not  knowing  himself  as  we  know  him,  and 
more  than  his  associates  could  say  of  him.  Here- 
after as  his  character  develops  we  shall  become  further 
acquainted  with  him.  It  is  as  difficult  to  detect  the 
full-grown  plant  in  a seed  as  in  a stone,  and  yet  the 
seed  will  become  a great  tree,  while  the  stone  remains 
a stone. 

And  so,  with  the  aid  of  his  loving  friends  Duero 
and  Lares,  whose  deft  advice  worked  successfully  on 
the  plastic  mind  of  Velazquez,  and  because  he  pos- 
sessed some  money  and  many  friends,  as  well  as 
courage  and  wisdom,  the  alcalde  of  Santiago  was 
proclaimed  captain-general  of  the  expedition.17  And 

16  Hernan,  Hernando,  Feman,  Fernando,  Ferdinando.  The  names  are  one. 
With  no  special  preference,  I employ  the  first,  used  by  the  best  writers. 
Among  the  early  authorities,  Solis,  the  Spanish  translator  of  De  Rebus  Gestis 
Ferdinandi  Corlesii,  and  many  others,  write  Hernan;  Pizarro  y Orellana, 
Varones  I Iv sires,  Feman;  Bernal  Diaz  and  Oviedo,  Hernando;  Gomara,  Fer- 
nando. In  accordance  with  the  Spanish  usage  of  adding  the  mother’s  surname, 
he  is  sometimes,  though  rarely,  called  Cort6s  y Pizarro.  For  portrait  and 
signature  I refer  the  reader  to  Alaman,  Divert.,  i.  app.  i.  15-16 ; portrait  as  an 
old  man;  Clavigero,  Storia  Mess.,  iii.  6-8;  Prescott's  Mex. , iii.  1;  Id.,  (ed. 
Mex.,  1846,  iii.  210-11);  Armin  Alte  Mex.,  82,  plate  from  the  painting  in  the 
Concepcion  Hospital  at  Mexico;  March  y Lahores,  Marina  k's/iahola,  i.  466. 

■'  In  making  out  the  commission  Duero  stretched  every  point  in  favor  of 
his  friend,  naming  him  captain-general  of  lands  discovered  and  to  be  dis- 


40 


RETURN  OF  GRIJALVA— A NEW  EXPEDITION. 


now,  while  the  heathen  wail  let  the  Spaniards  rejoice. 
Yes.  Noble  Castilian!  cry  aloud!  for  gold  shall  fill 
the  coffers  of  your  king  as  they  were  never  filled 
before,  and  great  shall  be  the  glory  of  your  kingdom; 
and  if  the  sight  of  the  blood  your  captains  shall  draw 
from  the  hapless  savages,  even  more  freely  than  gold 
is  drawn,  does  not  spoil  your  appetite  for  the  game, 
then  whet  your  swords  for  the  grand  pacification. 

covered,  as  well  as  of  the  fleet.  Solis,  Hist.  Mex.,  i.  47;  for  the  greater  the 
share  of  Cortes,  the  greater  Duero’s  share.  Gomara  says,  Hist.  Mex.,  12, 
‘ Hablo  a Fernado  Cortes  para  q armassean  ambos  a medias,  porq  tenia  dos  mil 
Castellanos  de  oro,’  etc. ; but  2000  Castellanos  alone  would  not  purchase  a half 
interest  in  this  undertaking.  Las  Casas,  loc.  cit. , states  that  Velazquez,  for 
reasons  that  will  appear  in  the  next  chapter,  was  very  cautious  in  intercourse 
with  Cortes  until  his  scruples  were  overcome  by  advisers. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


THE  HERO  OF  THE  CONQUEST. 

Birthplace  of  Hern  an  Cortes — His  Coming  Compensatory  for  the  Devil- 
sent  Luther — Parentage — Hernan  a Sickly  Child — Saint  Peter 
his  Patron — He  is  Sent  to  Salamanca — Returns  Home— Thinks  of 
C6rdoba  and  Italy — And  of  Ovando  and  the  Indies — Chooses  the 
Latter — Narrow  Escape  during  a Love  Intrigue — Ovando  Sails 
without  Him — Cortes  Goes  to  Valencia — Is  there  III — Returns 
Home — Finally  Sails  for  the  Indies — His  Reception  at  Santo 
Domingo — He  Fights  Indians  under  Velazquez,  and  is  Given  an 
Encomienda — Goes  to  Cuba  with  Velazquez — Makes  Love  to  Cata- 
lina Suarez — But  Declines  to  Marry — Velazquez  Insists — Cortes 
Rebels — Seizures,  Imprisonments,  Escapes,  and  Reconciliation. 

Let  us  now  look  into  the  life  of  this  Cuban  magfis- 
trate,  so  suddenly  raised  to  prominence. 

Medellin,  a small  town  of  Estremadura,  Spain,  was 
the  birthplace  of  Hernan  Cortes,  and  1485  the  year 
in  which  he  was  born — miraculously  born,  as  Men- 
dieta  and  others  believe,  and  perhaps  by  way  of  com- 
pensation for  the  appearing  about  this  time  of  Martin 
Luther.1  The  shade  of  Montezuma,  peradventure, 

1 Indeed,  to  make  the  miracle  perfect  in  all  its  details,  a little  warping  of 
the  facts  is  perhaps  allowable.  So  when  the  zealous  chroniclers  bring  into 
the  world  the  same  year,  the  same  day,  even  the  self-same  hour,  these  two 
great  champions  for  the  souls  of  men,  we  should  not  be  too  critical,  though 
in  truth  there  were  two  years  difference  in  their  ages.  ‘ Y asi,  no  carece  de 
misterio  que  el  mismo  ano  que  Lutero  nacib  en  Islebio,’thatis  to  say  Eisleben, 

‘ villa  de  Sajonia,  nacio  Hernando  Cortes  en  Medellin,  villa  de  Espafia;  aquel 
para  turbar  el  mundo  y meter  debajo  de  la  bandera  del  demonio  a muchos  de 
los  tieles  que  de  padres  y abueios  y muchos  tiempos  atras  eran  catolicos,  y este 
para  traer  al  gremio  de  la  Iglesia  infinita  multitud  de  gentes  que  poranos  sin 
cuento  habian  estado  debajo  del  poder  de  Satamls  envueltos  en  vicios  y ciegos 
con  la  idolatria.  ’ Memlieta,  Hist.  Eden.,  174-5.  Pizarro  y Orellana  will  not 
be  outdone  by  any  one  in  zeal  or  mendacity.  ‘Nacio  este  llustre  Varon  el 
dia  mismo  que  aquella  bestia  infernal,  el  Pertido  Heresiarca  Lutero,  salio 
al  mundo.  ’ Varoiiex  I/ostres,  06.  Bemal  Diaz  is  the  first  authority  on  the  ques- 
tion of  age.  ‘En  el  aiio  que  passamos  con  Cort6s  dende  Cuba,’  he  writes 

(41) 


42 


THE  HERO  OF  THE  CONQUEST. 


might  deny  that  his  was  the  advent  of  a new  Messiah, 
though  the  deluded  monarch,  at  the  first,  sorrowfully 
hailed  him  as  such.  The  father,  Martin  Cortes  y 
Monroy,  was  of  that  poor  but  prolific  class  who  filled 
Spain  toward  the  close  of  the  Moorish  wars,  and 
who,  although  nothing  in  particular,  were  neverthe- 
less permitted  to  call  themselves  hidalgos,  sons  of 
something.  Some  give  him  the  title  of  escudero, 
others  place  him  still  higher  in  the  scale  of  fighting 
men.  The  mother,  Catalina  Pizarro  y Altamirano, 
likewise,  with  poverty,  claimed  noble  blood.2 

Hernan  was  a sickly  child,  and  probably  would 
have  died  had  not  his  good  nurse,  Maria  de  Estevan, 


Hist.  Verdad.,  238,  ‘a  la  Nueva  Espana,  fue  el  de  quiuientos  y diez  y nueue 
aiios,  y entonces  solia  dezir  estando  en  conversacion  de  todos  nosotros  los  com- 
paiieros  que  con  61  passamos,  que  auia  treynta  y qtiatro  aiios,  y veynte  y ocho 
que  auian  passado  hasta  que  murio,  que  son  sesenta  y dos  anos.’  While  agree- 
ing with  Bernal  Diaz  in  the  date  of  Cort6s’  death,  December  2,  1547,  Gomara 
says  he  was  then  sixty-three.  From  his  false  premise  Mendieta  elaborates  a 
comparison  between  Luther  and  Cort6s,  dwelling  with  pious  pathos  on  the 
holocaust  of  human  victims  offered  up  at  the  consecration  of  the  great  Aztec 
temple  at  Mexico,  which  deed,  he  coolly  states,  was  committed  on  the  day 
Cortes  was  born.  For  the  facts,  see  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  v.  5,  439-40. 
Without  taking  the  trouble  to  test  Mendieta’s  statement,  Torquemada,  i.  340-1, 
carries  the  miraculous  still  further.  Following  the  heaven-descended  Cortes 
in  his  piratical  raid  on  Mexico,  he  sees  the  hand  of  God  in  the  finding  of 
Aguilar,  who,  like  Aaron,  was  to  be  the  mouthpiece  of  his  chief,  in  the  alli- 
ances with  native  states,  and  in  the  great  victories  and  hair-breadth  escapes 
of  the  conqueror,  fighting  under  the  banner  of  the  cross. 

2 According  to  the  Testimonio  de  JHdab/via  de  Cortts,  in  Col.  Doc.  InM., 
iv.  23S-9,  the  names  of  the  mother’s  parents  were  Diego  Altamirano  and  Leonor 
Sanchez  Pizarro,  which  would  reverse  her  surnames,  and  make  the  son  a Cort6s 
y Altamirano.  But  Gomara,  De  Rebus  Gestis  Ferdinandi  Cortesii,  and  other 
authorities,  do  not  accept  this  form.  This  important  document,  however,  the 
Testimonio,  establishes  the  fact  that  both  parents  were  hidalgos,  ‘gozando 
de  los  oficios  que  gozan  los  hijosdalgo  en  . . . Medellin.’  Some  historians  strain 
themselves  to  make  Cort6s  the  scion  of  a Roman  family,  or  even  of  a king  of 
Lombard}-  and  Tuscany,  whose  descendants  entered  Spain  during  Gothic 
ride.  Those  who  have  tastes  in  that  direction  may  consult  Siculus,  Viris 
II  lust.,  141;  A nates  de  Arayon,  iii.  xiv.;  Pizarro  y Orellana,  Varones  Ilvstres, 
67.  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.,  iv.  1 1,  who  claimed  acquaintance  with  the  family, 
slurs  their  pretensions  to  high  origin.  ‘Ambos  hijosdalgo  sin  ra<?a’  is  the 
qualification  in  Sandoval,  Hist.  Carlos  V.,  i.  160.  No  doubt  the  parents  of 
Cortes  were  respectable  and  amiable  people,  but  to  attempt  to  make  of  them 
other  than  they  were  is  folly.  ‘ Catharinia  namque  probitate,  pudicitifi  et  in 
conjugem  amore,  nulli  aatatis  suae  feminae  cessit.  ’ De  Rebus  Gestis  Ferdinandi 
Cortesii,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  310-11.  This  document  refers  to  Martin 
Cortes  as  ‘ levis  armaturae  equitum  quinquaginta  dux  fuerit,’  on  which  evi- 
dence Prescott  makes  the  man  a captain  when  he  is  only  a lieutenant,  which 
yet  more  clearly  appears  by  Gomara,  who  states,  Hist.  Mex.,  4,  that  he  was 
a ‘ tenieute  de  vna  comjafna  de  Ginetes.’ 


EARLY  LIFE  OF  CORTES. 


43 


secured  in  his  behalf  Saint  Peter,  thenceforth  his 
patron.3  With  his  mother’s  milk  he  drank  courage4 
and  intelligence,  and  he  was  schooled  in  the  virtues 
and  the  vices  of  the  day.  In  his  youth  he  was  head- 
strong, but  chivalrous,  and  he  revelled  in  his  supe- 
riority over  other  boys.  The  brain-ferment,  chronic 
throughout  his  life,  set  in  at  an  early  day.  He  was 
keenly  sensitive  to  disgrace.  As  he  developed  some- 
what of  archness  and  duplicity,  he  was  deemed  best 
fitted  for  the  profession  of  the  law.  At  the  age  of 
fourteen,  accordingly,  with  such  preparation  as  the 
slender  means  of  the  father  would  allow,  he  was  sent 
to  Salamanca,  whose  university,  though  past  the 
zenith  of  its  fame,  was  still  the  leading  seat  of  learn- 
ing for  conservative  Spain.  Two  years  of  restraint 
and  intellectual  drudgery,  during  which  time  he  lived 
with  his  father’s  brother-in-law,  Nunez  de  Valera, 
sufficed  to  send  him  home  surfeited  with  learning,  to 
the  great  disappointment  of  his  family.5  A frolicsome 
and  somewhat  turbulent  disposition,  more  marked 
since  his  college  career  than  previously,  made  his  re- 
turn all  the  more  unwelcome.  Not  that  his  studies, 

3 The  nurse  was  a ‘ vezina  de  Oliua,’  and  her  method  of  choosing  a patron 
was  characteristic  of  the  times.  ‘ La  deuocion  fue  echar  en  suertes  los  doze 
apostoles,  y darle  por  auogado  el  postrero  q ssliesse,  y salio  san  Pedro.  En 
cuyo  nobre  se  dixeron  ciertas  missas  y oraciones,  con  las  quales  plugo  a Dios 
q sanasse.  ’ Gomara,  Hist.  M ex. , 4. 

4 And  Pizarro  y Orellana,  Varones  Ilvstres,  66-69,  indulges  in  a lengthy 
dissertation  upon  the  effect  of  mothers’  milk  on  heroes.  ‘ Oriole  a sus  pechos 
Doha  Catalina  Pizarro  su  madre:  y a la  generosidad  deste  lacticinio  atribuye 
Marineo  e Siculo  su  gran  valor,  y virtud.  ’ 

5 Pizarro  y Orellana,  Varones  Ilvstres,  67,  states  that  he  was  supported  at 
college  by  Monroy  and  Rodriguez.  It  is  possible  that  his  proud  spirit  chafed 
under  this  dependence,  or  that  he  felt  too  deeply  his  position  as  a poor  student 
among  the  wealthy  youth  there  congregated;  or  that  this  aid  was  withdrawn 
owing  to  the  turbulent  character  here  developed  by  the  young  man.  These 
views  find  support  in  Gomara,  Hist.  Mcx. , 4:  ‘Boluiose  a Medellin,  harto  o 
arrepentido  de  estudiar,  o (plica  falto  de  dineros.  ’ While  admitting  the  want 
both  of  money  and  inclination  for  study,  Torquemada,  i.  345,  states  that  a 
quartan  fever  came  on  as  he  was  preparing  for  the  study  of  law,  and  was  the 
chief  cause  of  his  leaving  the  college.  Las  Casas,  His',  hid.,  iv.  11,  gives  him 
the  honors  of  a bachiller,  and  as  having  studied  law,  both  of  which  statements 
are  unlikely,  considering  his  short  course.  ‘Aprendiendo  gramutica’  implies  a 
course  of  study  in  Latin  and  Greek,  as  well  as  rhetoric,  which  it  required 
three  years  to  complete.  Plan  de  Estudios  de  In  Universidatl  de  Salamanca, 
quoted  by  Folsom,  in  Cortes'  Despatches,  10.  According  to  Peralta,  ‘asento 
con  un  escribano, . . . .y  aprenditi a cscrebir,’  etc.  in  Valladolid.  Hot.  Hist.,  56. 


44 


THE  HERO  OF  THE  CONQUEST. 


despite  his  aversion  to  them,  had  been  wholly  ne- 
glected; he  could  boast  a smatter  of  Latin,  which 
indeed  proved  of  advantage  afterward,  giving  him  in- 
fluence over  many  of  those  with  whom  he  associated. 
He  had  also  acquired  some  knowledge  of  rhetoric,  as 
is  manifest  in  his  letters  and  occasional  verses.6  At 
present,  however,  his  intellectual  talents  were  em- 
ployed only  in  scribbling  rhymes  in  aid  of  amorous 
intrigues,  which  were  now  his  chief  pursuit.  Hence 
when  arms  possessed  his  fancy  the  parents  did  not 
repine,  but  were  only  too  glad  for  him  to  enter  ser- 
vice, as  he  seemed  inclined,  under  the  Gran  Capitan, 
who  was  just  then  alluring  to  his  standard  the  chiv- 
alry of  Spain  by  brilliant  achievements  in  Italy. 
There  was,  however,  the  glitter  of  gold  in  the  Indies, 
and  the  appointment  of  NicoHs  de  Ovando,7  as  gov- 
ernor, turned  the  youth’s  vacillating  mind  in  that 
direction. 

Cortes  had  concluded  to  accompany  the  new  gov- 
ernor, when  one  night,  just  before  the  sailing  of  the 
fleet,  an  accident  intervened.  While  engaged  in  one 
of  his  intrigues  he  had  occasion  to  climb  a courtyard 
wall  to  gain  the  lady’s  apartment.  The  wall  crum- 
bling beneath  his  weight  threw  him  to  the  ground, 
and  the  noise  brought  to  the  door  of  an  adjoining 
house  a blustering  Benedick,  who,  perceiving  the  sit- 
uation of  the  gallant,  and  suspecting  his  own  newly 
made  wife,  drew  the  sword  with  bloody  intent.  At 
the  prayer  of  the  suspected  wife’s  mother,  however, 
the  husband  suspended  vengeance.  Before  the  scape- 
grace recovered  from  a fever  brought  on  by  the 
bruises  received  in  this  fall,  the  fleet  of  Ovando  had 
sailed. 

6 Verses  which  were  tolerably  good,  and  even  procured  him  some  fame. 
Anales,  220.  ‘ Quando  hablana  con  Letrados,  y hombres  Latinos,  respondia  d 
lo  que  le  dezian  en  Latin.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdarl. , 238.  The  combined 
qualities  of  scholar  and  general  have  called  up  a not  inappropriate  comparison 
between  C’orttjs  and  Caesar.  See  Help*’  Span.  Conq.,  and  other  authorities. 

7 Some  claim  him  for  a relative  of  Cortes.  See  Pizarro  y Orellana , Vanities 
llvstres,  70;  Solis,  Hist.  Hex. , i.  45;  De  Rebus  Gestis  Ferdinandi  Cortesii,  in 
Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  312. 


CORTES  SAILS  FOR  THE  NEW  WORLD. 


45 


After  this,  Cortds  thought  again  of  Italy,  and  went 
to  Valencia  to  place  himself  under  Cordoba,  but  once 
more  illness  overtook  him,  this  time  accompanied  by 
destitution,  and  he  returned  to  Medellin  somewhat 
sobered.8  Thus  another  year  was  idled  away;  but 
notwithstanding  his  follies,  the  youthful  cavalier,  who 
was  now  nineteen,  displayed  many  fine  qualities.  As 
he  approached  manhood  his  health  improved,  and  form 
and  features  became  more  pleasing.  Though  proud  in 
his  bearing,  and  of  quick  perceptions,  and  high-spirited 
in  temper,  he  sought  to  school  his  tongue,  and  to 
practise  discretion  in  the  use  of  his  sword.  Native  to 
him  were  generosity  and  amiability.  The  qualities  of 
his  heart  were  noble ; the  vices  were  those  of  his  time 
and  station.  Yet  he  lacked  the  moral  fibre  which 
should  be  interwoven  with  the  good  impulses  of  every 
rich,  sensitive  nature,  and  this  want  could  not  be 
made  up  by  repeating  prayers  and  singing  psalms, 
wherein  Gomara  describes  him  as  efficient. 

The  pinching  economy  to  which  Cortes  was  reduced 
made  his  present  frequent  visions  of  the  Indies  appear 
only  the  brighter;  and  when,  in  1504,  a fleet  of  five 
ships  was  announced  to  sail  for  Espanola,  he  deter- 
mined to  delay  no  longer.  With  little  else  than  his 
father’s  blessing  he  proceeded  to  Seville,  and  took 
passage  with  Alonso  Quintero,  master  of  one  of  the 
vessels,  who  fancied  himself  shrewder  than  other  men, 
and  shrewder  than  he  was.  Thinking  to  overreach 
his  brother  captains  in  whose  company  he  sailed,  and 
to  secure  at  Espanola  the  first  market  for  his  merchan- 
dise, he  stole  forth  one  night  from  the  Canary  Isles, 
where  the  squadron  had  touched  for  supplies.  A gale 
dismasted  his  vessel  on  reaching  the  open  sea,  and 
sent  him  back  to  port.  The  others  agreed  to  await 
his  repairs,  which  generosity  Quintero  repaid  by  seek- 
ing a second  time  to  take  advantage  of  them  by  going 

8 ‘Anduvo  se  a la  flor  del  berro,  aun  q no  sin  trabajos  y necessidades 
cercade  vn  a no.’  Gomara , Hist.  5.  ‘Squandered  his  means  at  Valencia 

with  bad# companions,’  is  the  term  used  in  Sandoval,  llisl.  Canos,  i.  161. 


46 


THE  HERO  OF  THE  CONQUEST. 


before,  and  his  treachery  was  a second  time  punished 
by  the  winds,  aided,  indeed,  by  the  pilot,  who  was  at 
enmity  with  the  captain,  and  who  threw  the  ship  from 
her  course  during  the  night  so  that  the  reckoning  was 
lost.  The  usual  sufferings  are  related;  and,  in  answer 
to  prayer,  we  are  told  of  a miraculous  interposition. 
On  Good  Friday,  when  all  hope  had  been  abandoned, 
there  was  seen  poised  above  the  ship  a dove,  which 
presently  dropped  down  and  rested  on  the  mast.9  How- 
ever this  might  have  been,  we  are  credibly  informed 
that  the  wind  subsided  and  the  ship  proceeded  on  her 
voyage.  Finally,  on  reaching  his  destination,  Quintero 
found  the  other  ships  snugly  riding  at  anchor,  their 
cargoes  having  been  profitably  disposed  of  several 
days  before. 

The  governor  being  absent,  his  secretary,  Medina, 
received  Cortes  kindly,  and  pointed  him  the  common 
highway  to  fortune.  “Register  yourself  a citizen,”  he 
said.  “Promise  not  to  leave  the  island  for  five  years, 
and  you  shall  have  lands  and  Indians;  after  the  ex- 
piration of  your  time  you  may  go  where  you  choose.” 
Cortes  answered:  “I  want  gold,  not  work;  and  neither 
in  this  island  nor  in  any  other  place  will  I promise  to 
remain  so  long.”  He  thought  better  of  it,  however, 
and  on  the  return  of  Ovando  he  presented  himself, 
and  was  induced  to  settle.  Not  long  after  an  Indian 
revolt  called  Diego  Velazquez,  lieutenant  of  Ovando, 
into  the  field,  and  Cortes  hastened  to  join  the  expedi- 
tion. The  coolness  and  ability  displayed  in  this  short 
campaign  won  for  him  the  admiration  and  esteem 
alike  of  chief  and  comrades.10  His  reward  was  an  en- 
comienda  of  Indians  in  the  Daiguao  country,  together 
with  the  notaryship  of  the  new  town  of  Azua.  For 
the  next  six  years  he  was  occupied  in  husbandry  and 

•Torquemada,  i.  346,  sees  in  the  bird  a messenger  from  God  to  conduct 
safely  his  chosen  instrument  for  converting  the  natives  of  the  New  World. 
Pizarro  y Orellana,  Varones  I/vstres,  09-70,  recognizes  the  Holy  Ghost,  who 
assumed  this  form,  and  comments  on  similar  appearances  elsewhere.  How 
goodly  a thing  is  faith  ! 

10  He  assisted  in  the  pacification  of  Higne,  Bauruco,  Daiguao,  Iutagna, 
Jaragud,  and  Amguayagua.  Corlds,  Memorial,  in  Col.  Doc.  laid.,  iv.  220. 


THE  SNAItES  OF  WOMAN. 


47 


in  official  pursuits,  varied  by  military  exploits  and  love 
intrigues  which  kept  his  sword  from  rusting  and  gave 
him  wounds  which  he  carried  through  life.  An  ab- 
scess under  the  right  knee,  a most  lucky  affliction, 
alone  prevented  his  joining  the  ill-fated  expedition  of 
Nicuesa  to  Veraspia.11 

On  assuming  the  direction  of  New  World  affairs  as 
governor,  in  place  of  Ovando,  Diego  Colon  in  1511 
fitted  out  an  expedition  against  Cuba,  and  gave  the 
command  to  Velazquez,  who  appointed  Cortes  his 
adviser  and  executive  officer,12  a position  which  the 
latter  gladly  accepted,  deprived  as  he  was  of  his  patron 
Ovando,  and  heartily  tired  of  the  monotony  of  Es- 
pahola.  Still  hidden  beneath  a careless  exterior  were 
the  deeper  qualities  of  his  nature,  and  there  were  yet 
six  other  years,  and  more  of  ordinary  business  and 
pleasure,  before  the  appearance  of  earnest  thought  or 
great  self-reliance.13  Meanwhile  Spanish  women  were 
not  numerous  in  the  Indies,  and  rivalry  for  their 
favors  was  great.  Cortes  had  escaped  with  light 

11  The  author  of  De  Rebus  Oestis  Ferdinandi  Cortesii  directs  this  expedition 
to  Cuba,  after  delaying  it  three  months  in  the  hope  of  securing  the  services 
of  Cortes,  in  both  of  which  statements  he  is  in  error.  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc. , 
i.  318-19. 

12  ‘Socium  et  ministrum  consiliorum  omnium  adsumit.’  De  Rebus  Cedis 
Ferdinandi  Cortesii,  in  Icaz'ia’ceta,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  323.  So  highly  did  Velazquez 
esteem  the  qualities  of  his  friend,  ‘ din  multiimque  Cortesium  rogat,  ut  secum 
eat:  maria  ac  monte3  pollicetur,  si  operam  ad  id  bellum  polliceatur. ’ Id., 
319.  Las  Casas,  who  knew  Cortds  at  a later  time,  makes  him  one  of  the  two 
secretaries  of  Velazquez,  the  other  being  Andres  de  Duero;  and  this  would 
coincide  with  the  above.  Las  Casas  is  too  inconsistent  to  be  very  reliable. 
On  the  same  page  he  refers  to  Cortes  as  a prudent,  reticent  man,  and  also  as 
a prater  not  to  be  trusted  with  secrets;  useful  to  Velazquez  only  for  his 
knowledgeof  Latin.  Hist.  Ind.,  iv.  10-1 1.  Herrera,  dec.  i.,  lib.  ix.,  cap.  viii., 
follows  Las  Casas.  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex. , 6,  calls  him  ‘oficial  del  tesorero 
Miguel  de  Passamote,  para  tener  cueta  co  los  quintos  y hazienda  del  rey,  y 
aun  cl  mesmo  Diego  Velazquez  se  lo  rogo,  por  ser  habil  y diligente.’  Gomara 
may  have  had  his  reasons  for  not  connecting  him  too  closely  with  his  later 
enemy,  but  he  admits  on  this  and  on  the  following  page  that  Velazquez  in- 
trusted him  with  business  affairs  of  his  own,  which  he  was  afterward  charged 

_ with  having  divulged.  Among  these  duties  was  superintending  the  con- 
struction of  a mint  and  hospital.  The  position  of  clerk  to  a treasurer  would 
of  course  be  inferior  to  that  of  secretary  to  the  chief  of  the  expedition ; yet 
if  the  treasurer  was  as  illiterate  as  Contador  L&res,  his  clerk  would  rank 
rather  as  deputy. 

13  ‘ Era  muy  resabido  y recatado,’  says  Las  Casas,  ‘puesto  que  no 
mostraba  saber  tanto,  ni  ser  de  tanta  habilidad  como  despues  lo  mostrb  en 
cosas  arduas.’ 


48 


THE  HERO  OF  THE  CONQUEST. 


punishment  many  gallantries,  but  he  had  not  been 
settled  long  in  Cuba  before  he  found  a more  serious 
case  upon  his  hands. 

Among  those  who  had  settled  in  Cuba  was  a family 
from  Granada,  Suarez  by  name,  consisting  of  a widow, 
her  son  Juan,  and  three  daughters,  remarkable  for  their 
beauty.  They  had  come  with  the  vireyna  Maria  do 
Toledo,  and  Gomara  is  so  ungallant  as  to  say  that  their 
object  was  to  secure  rich  husbands.11  Scores  of  hearts 
are  laid  at  their  feet,  but  the  marriage  obligation  is 
evaded  by  the  more  promising  men  of  the  colony,  for 
the  Suarez  family  has  a somewhat  clouded  reputation. 
In  one  of  them  Velazquez  takes  a tender  interest; 
some  say  he  marries  her.15  Cortes  fancies  another; 
Catalina  is  her  name;  he  trifles  with  her  affections, 
obtains  her  favors,  promises  her  marriage,  and  then 
seeks  to  evade  the  issue.  The  brother  petitions  the 
virtuous  governor,  who  cannot  see  the  sister  of  his 
love  thus  wronged.  Velazquez  orders  Cortes  to  marry 
Catalina.  The  cavalier  refuses.  Enmity  arises  be- 
tween the  two  men,  and  without  difficulty  Cortes  is 
persuaded  by  certain  disaffected  to  join  a cabal  against 
the  governor.  Nocturnal  meetings  are  held  at  the 
house  of  Cortes;  and  when  it  is  determined  to  lay 
their  fancied  grievances  before  the  authorities  at  Santo 

1 1 The  deceased  head  of  the  family  bore  the  name  of  Diego  Suarez  Pa- 
checo, the  mother  that  of  Maria  de  Marcaida,  also  wrongly  written  Mercaida. 
The  son,  Juan  Suarez,  the  partner  of  Cortis  in  the  Cuban  encomienda,  after- 
ward settled  in  Mexico.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  12-13.  See  also  Proceso 
dc  Marcayda,  in  Cortes,  Residencia,  ii.  333.  Peralta,  the  son  of  Juan,  gives 

the  family  a genealogy  of  high  order.  Not.  Hist. , 57.  ‘ Suarez gente  pobre.  ’ 

Las  Casas,  Hist,  hid.,  iv.  13.  ‘ Doha  Catalina  Suarez  Pacheco  (the  daughter), 

doncella  noble  y recatada.  ’ Solis,  Hist.  Mex. , i.  46,  and  Pizarro  y Orellana, 
Varones  Iivstres,  70,  also  write  Suarez,  Herrera  and  Gomara,  Xuarez.  The  lat- 
ter says  three  or  four  daughters,  Hist.  Mex.,  7,  but  it  seems  that  there  were 
four  children  in  all.  Those  who  write  the  more  common  form  of  Suarez  are 
more  explicit,  and  deserve  at  least  equal  credit  with  Gomara. 

u Velazquez  was  married  not  long  after  his  arrival  in  Cuba  to  the  daughter 
of  Contador  Cudllar.  The  bride  died  within  the  same  week.  Herrera,  dec. 
i.  lib.  ix.  cap.  ix.  ‘Velazquez  fauorecia  la  por  amor  de  otra  su  liermana,  q 
tenia  ruin  fama,  y aun  el  era  demasiado  mugeril.’  Gomara,  ITist.  Mex., 
7.  Delaporte,  Reisen,  x.  141-2,  assumes  that  Cortes  won  the  love  of  her  whom 
Velazquez  wished  to  possess;  while  Gordon,  Anc.  Mex.,  ii.  32,  supposes  that 
the  bride  had  been  the  object  of  Velazquez’ gallantry ; hence  the  trouble. 
Folsom,  on  the  other  hand,  marries  one  of  the  Suarez  sisters  to  Velazquez, 
and  calls  him  the  brother-in-law  oi  Cortes.  Cortis,  Despatches,  l),  11-12. 


IMPRISONMENTS  AND  ESCAPES. 


49 


Domingo,  Cortes  is  chosen  bearer  of  the  complaints.18 
As  lie  is  about  to  embark  on  his  perilous  mission,  to 
traverse  in  an  open  boat  eighteen  leagues  of  open 
ocean,  the  governor  hears  of  it,  seizes  the  envoy,  and 
sends  him  in  chains  to  the  fortress.  His  partisans 
are  likewise  imprisoned,  and  active  in  preferring 
charges  against  them  are  Bermudez,  the  two  Velaz- 
quez, Villegas,  and  Juan  Suarez.  Friends  intercede 
and  prevent  immediate  hanging.17  Cortes  resolves  on 
escape.  With  some  difficulty  he  extricates  himself 
from  his  fetters,  seizes  the  % sword  of  the  sleeping 
guard,  forces  the  window,  and  dropping  to  the  ground 
takes  refuge  in  the  church.18  Velazquez,  enraged  at 
the  escape,  yet  not  daring  to  violate  the  privilege  of 
sanctuary,  resorts  to  artifice.  Introducing  some  sol- 
diers into  the  chapel  through  a small  door  in  the 
rear,  the  blushing  Catalina  is  stationed  at  a distance 
before  the  sacred  edifice  as  a decoy.  The  lover  sees 
her;  the  dear  girl  wishes  to  speak  with  him,  but 
her  maidenly  modesty  forbids  her  nearer  approach. 
Cortes  rushes  forward  to  clasp  her  in  his  arms,  only 
to  be  seized  from  behind,  and  placed  under  a strong 
guard  in  the  hold  of  a vessel  bound  for  Espanola, 
where,  in  company  with  the  other  conspirators,  he  is 
to  undergo  trial.19 

10  Gomara,  TIist.  Mex. , 7,  insists  that  Velazquez  had  no  motive  for 
anger  except  the  refusal  of  Cort6s  to  marry.  The  meeting  of  conspirators 
at  his  house  gave  plausibility  to  the  charges  of  his  enemies.  By  others 
it  is  even  stated  that  at  these  meetings  Cortes  defended  the  governor 
(against  the  charges  of  the  conspirators  and  overruled  their  plots.  De  Rebus 
Gestis  Ferdinandi  Cortesii,  in  Icazbalcela,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  325-0.  The  prepon- 
derance of  evidence,  however,  is  against  this  supposition. 

17  ‘ Estando  para  se  embarcar  en  una  canoa  de  indios  con  sus"  papeles,  fud 
Diego  Velazquez  avisado  y hozolo  prender  y quisola  ahorcar.  ’ Las  Casas,  Hist. 
Ltd.,  iv.  1 1 . He  was  cast  in  the  fort  prison,  lest  the  army  should  proclaim  him 
general.  ‘Timebat  ne  si  quis,’ etc.  De  Rebus  Gestis  Ferdinandi  Cortesii,  in 
Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  325  and  326-7. 

18  In  De  Rebus  Gestis  Ferdinandi  Cortesii,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,, L 326-7, 
it  is  related  that  Cortes  broke  the  ropes  holding  him  by  means  of  a stick,  and 
filed  the  padlock  of  the  chains.  Seizing  a bludgeon  he  advanced  on  the  sleep- 
ing jailer,  resolved  to  break  his  head  if  he  moved.  But  Cristobal  de  Lago3 
either  slept  or  pretended  not  to  hear  the  noise  as  Cortes  seized  the  sword 
and  shield  at  his  head.  Swinging  open  a small  window,  Cort6s  slid  down 
and  hurried  to  the  sanctuary,  giving  on  the  way  a word  of  cheer  and  advice 
to  the  conspirators  who  were  held  within  the  prison. 

10  ‘ Cortes. . . .tuuo  por  eierto  q lo  embiaria  a santo  Domingo  o a Espaua.’ 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  I.  i 


50 


THE  HERO  OF  THE  CONQUEST. 


Sympathy  for  Cortes  increases  with  his  misfortunes, 
and  aid  is  furnished  for  a second  escape.  The  shackles 
are  removed,  and  exchan£inor  clothes  with  an  attend- 
ant,  he  mounts  the  upper  deck,20  strolls  carelessly  about 
watching  his  opportunity  until  he  gains  the  skiff;  then 
cutting  loose  the  boat  of  another  vessel  near  by,  to  pre- 
vent pursuit,  he  pulls  lustily  toward  Baracoa.  The 
boat  becomes  unmanageable,  he  plunges  into  the  water, 
swims  ashore,  and  once  more  gains  the  sanctuary.21 

Cortes  was  sensible  enough  now  to  perceive  that 
he  had  involved  himself  more  deeply  than  a trifling 
love  affair  would  justif}r,  and  that  possibly  he  might 
best  rid  himself  of  the  charming  Catalina  by  marry- 
ing her.  Once  determined  on  this  course,  he  called 
to  him  the  brother,  Juan  Suarez,  and  informed  him  of 
his  doleful  resolve.  Meanwhile  the  constant  impor- 
tunities of  powerful  friends,  and  the  need  of  Cortes’ 
services  in  an  Indian  outbreak,  induced  Velazquez  to 
make  overtures  of  reconciliation ; but  Cortes  met  him 

Gomara,  Hist.  Nex. , 7.  There  would  have  been  no  reasons  for  his  fears  on 
this  score,  if  he  possessed  papers  implicating  Velazquez,  as  Gomara  states. 
Another  version  is  that  the  alcaldes  imposed  a heavy  sentence  on  Cortt'S, 
after  his  capture,  and  that  Velazquez,  on  being  appealed  to  by  Duero  and 
others,  was  noble-minded  enough  to  grant  a pardon.  He  discharged  him  from 
his  sei*vice,  however,  and  had  him  placed  on  board  a ship  for  Espaiiola. 
Torquemada,  i.  348.  Herrera  says  that  Catalina  lived  near  the  church,  and 
while  Cortes  was  making  love  to  her  an  alguacil  named  Juan  Escudero,  whom 
Cortes  afterward  hanged  in  Mexico,  came  up  behind  him  and  pinioned  his 
arms,  while  the  soldiers  rushed  to  his  assistance.  Dec.  i.  lib.  ix.  cap.  ix.;  Cortes, 
Residencia,  i.  G3,  etc.  Las  Casas,  Hist,  hid.,  iv.  11;  De  Rebus  Gist  is  F'er - 
dinandi  Gortesii,  in  Icazbalceta,  i.  327-8,  give  minutely  the  mode  of  capture. 

20  Broke  the  pump  and  crawled  through,  ‘ Organum  pneumaticum,’  etc. 
De  Rebus  Gestis  Ferdinandi  Cortesii,  in  Icazbcdceta,  Col.  Doc. , i.  329. 

21  The  current  of  the  Macaguanigua  River  did  not  allow  him  to  enter  it, 
and  elsewhere  the  breakers  would  upset  the  boat.  Stripping  himself,  he  tied 
to  his  head  certain  documents  against  Velazquez,  held  by  him  as  notary  of  the 
ayuntamiento  and  clerk  of  the  treasurer,  and  thereupon  swam  ashore.  He 
entered  his  house,  consulted  with  Juan  Suarez,  and  reentered  the  temple, 
armed.  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex. , 7.  De  Rebus  Gestis  Ferdinandi  Cortesii,  in 
Icazbalceta,  vi.  329-30,  refers  to  a friend  of  Cortes  chained  in  the  same  ship’s 
hold,  and  states  that  Cortes  rowed  ashore.  On  the  way  to  the  house  of 
Suarez  he  narrowly  escapes  a patrol.  Having  secured  arms,  he  proceeds  to 
cheer  his  captive  partisans,  and  then  enters  the  sanctuary.  At  dawn  the  cap- 
tain of  the  vessel  from  which  Cortes  escaped  comes  also  to  the  temple,  to  secure 
himself  against  Velazquez’  wrath,  no  doubt,  but  is  refused  admission  into 
the  sacristy  by  his  fellow-refugee,  who  suspects  the  man,  and  fears  that  the 
provisions  may  not  outlast  the  siege.  In  Herrera,  dec.  i.  lib.  ix.  cap.  viii., 
Cortds  drifts  about  on  a log  and  is  finally  cast  ashore. 


LOVING  ENEMIES. 


51 


in  a haughty  spirit,  and  surrounding  the  church  with 
a guard  he  went  his  way  to  the  wars.  Notwith- 
standing the  cavalier  had  made  up  his  mind  to  drink 
the  marriage-draught,  he  would  none  of  the  governor 
in  it;  or  if  he  must,  the  reconciliation  should  be  ac- 
complished after  his  own  fashion.  No  sooner  had  the 
governor  departed  than  Cortes  directed  Juan  Suarez, 
with  lance  and  cross-bow,  to  await  him  at  a certain 
place.  Escaping  the  guard  during  the  night,  Cortes 
joined  Suarez,  and  proceeded  to  the  plantation  where 
Velazquez  was  quartered.  The  governor,  who  was 
enofasfed  in  looking  over  some  books  of  accounts,  was 
not  a little  startled  when  Cortes  knocked  at  the  open 
door  and  entered.  “Is  it  murder  the  man  means  with 
arms  in  his  hands,  and  at  this  hour?”  was  his  thought, 
as  he  gave  the  visitor  a nervous  welcome.  “ Command 
that  no  one  come  near  me!”  exclaimed  Cortes,  “else  I 
will  put  this  pike  through  him.  And  now,  if  my  ex- 
cellent and  brave  captain,  Sehor  Velazquez,  lias  aught 
against  me,  let  him  speak.  I am  here  to  answer.” 
So  sweet  was  the  mutual  forgiveness  that  followed, 
that  in  the  morning  the  two  gentlemen  were  found 
occupying  the  same  bed.22  Not  long  after  Cortes 

22  So  tlie  story  was  current  at  the  time,  and  I doubt  not  it  contains  some 
degree  of  truth,  notwithstanding  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.,  iv.  11-12,  scouts  it  as 
a pure  fabrication.  He  knew  both  men ; Velazquez  as  a proud  chief,  exacting 
the  deepest  reverence  from  those  around  him,  and  making  them  tremble  at 
his  frown ; while  Cortes  was  in  those  days  so  lowly  and  humble  as  to  be  glad 
to  curry  favor  with  the  meanest  servants  of  the  governor.  The  good  bishop 
is  evidently  prejudiced.  In  De  Rebus  Gestis  Ferdinamli  Cortesii,  in  Icazbalceta, 
Col.  Hoc.,  i.  332-4,  the  facts  are  a little  elaborated  and  contradictory,  as 
usual.  Cortes  escapes  the  guard  round  the  church,  and  reaches  the  farm. 

‘ Halloh,  sefiores  ! ’ he  shouts,  1 Cortes  is  at  the  door,  and  salutes  Seflor 
Velazquez,  his  excellent  and  gallant  captain.’  Velazquez  is  astonished,  yet 
pleased,  at  the  arrival  of  one  whom  he  always  had  regarded  as  a friend  and 
beloved  brother.  He  orders  supper  and  bed  to  be  prepared;  but  Cortes 
insists  that  none  shall  approach,  or  he  will  lance  them.  He  demands  to 
know  what  complaints  there  are  against  him.  He  abhors  the  suspicion  of 
being  a traitor,  and  will  clear  himself.  ‘ Receive  me,  ’ he  concludes,  ‘ in  your 
favor  with  the  same  good  faith  that  I return  to  it.’  'Now  I believe,’ 
answers  Velazquez,  ‘that  you  regard  as  highly  my  name  and  fame  as  your 
own  loyalty.  ’ They  shake  hands,  and  Cortes  now  enters  the  house  to 
fully  explain  the  misunderstanding.  After  supper  they  retire  to  one  bed. 
In  the  morning  the  messenger,  Diego  Orellana,  arrives  to  announce  Cortes’ 
flight,  and  finds  them  lying  side  by  side.  Cortes  will  not  proceed  with 
the  expedition  just  then;  but  after  arranging  his  affairs  he  joins,  to  the 
delight  of  the  general,  who  follows  his  advice  implicitly,  as  he  had  done 


52 


THE  HERO  OF  THE  CONQUEST. 


married  Catalina,  and  jointly  with  his  brother-in-law 
received  an  encomienda  of  Manicarao  Indians.  Like 
a brave  cavalier  he  put  the  best  face  possible  on  the 
inevitable,  and  vowed  he  was  as  pleased  with  his  bride 
as  if  she  had  been  a duchess.23  Velazquez  stood 
godfather  to  a child  born  to  them,  and  thenceforth 
addressed  Cortes  by  the  intimate  term  compadre,24 
investing  him  afterward  with  the  staff  of  alcalde  at 
Santiago  de  Cuba.25  For  a time,  however,  he  re- 
mained at  Baracoa,  where  the  preceding  events  oc- 
curred, and  beside  mining  he  was  one  of  the  first  upon 
the  island  to  engage  in  stock  raising.  Thus  by  diligence 
and  judicious  investments  he  was  enabled  to  rise  from 
poverty,  as  well  as  from  profligacy,  and  to  stand  ready 
to  embrace  the  golden  opportunity  fortune  was  now 
about  to  offer  him. 

The  soft  white  snow  gently  dropped  upon  the 
mountain  top  is  forged  by  alternate  thawings  and 
freezings  into  hard,  rasping  glaciers. 

in  former  campaigns.  After  their  victorious  return  Cort6s  enjoys  greater 
honors  than  ever.  Peralta,  who  also  gives  the  story  at  length,  states  that 
Cortes  surprised  Velazquez  asleep.  At  the  request  of  the  governor  he  gave 
himself  up  to  the  jailer  in  order  to  be  formally  released.  Nat.  Hist.,  58-62. 
Still  Peralta  is  a little  confused. 

23  She  was  received  by  Cortds  in  Mexico,  after  the  conquest,  with  great 
distinction ; but  died  in  about  three  months  after  her  arrival. 

21  Las  Casas,  who,  as  usual,  will  have  a fling  at  Cortes,  writes:  ‘Tuvo 
Cortes  un  hi  jo  6 liija,  no  sc  si  en  su  mujer,  y suplico  & Diego  Velazquez 
que  tuviese  por  bien  de  se  lo  sacar  de  la  pila  en  el  baptismo  y ser  su  com- 
padre, lo  que  Diego  Velazquez  acepto,  por  honralle.’  Hist.  Ind.,  iv.  13. 
Among  Cortes’  children  a natural  daughter  by  a Cuban  Indian  is  mentioned, 
Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  238,  but  it  is  not  likely  that  Cortes  would  ask 
the  governor  to  stand  godfather  to  a natural  child.  The  same  writer  makes 
Velazquez  the  groomsman  or  sponsor  at  the  marriage.  ‘ Fue  su  padrino, 
quando  Cortes  se  velo  con  Dona  Catalina;  ’ ib. , 13;  Vetancovrt,  Teatro  Mex., 
pt.  iii.  109.  Although  compadre  is  not  unfrequently  used  as  a mere  term  of 
friendship,  it  is  not  likely  to  have  been  applied  by  a marriage  padrino;, 
hence  the  title  of  co-father  indicates  that  it  originated  at  the  font. 

25  An  office  granted  only  to  men  of  note  and  to  leading  conquistadores. 
Solis,  Jlist.  Mex. , i.  46.  It  conveyed  the  title  of  ‘muy  virtuoso  seuor,  ’ the  gov- 
ernor being  called  ‘muymagnifico  seuor,’  Paeheco and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc.,x ii., 
225,  and  permitted  the  holder  to  walk  side  by  side  with  the  governor.  Herrera, 
doc.  ii.  lib.  iii.  cap.  xii.  ‘ Auia  sido  dos  vezes  Alcalde  en  la  Villa  de  Satlago  de 
Boroco,  adode  era  vezino : porque  en  aquestas  tierras  setiene  por  mucha  henra.  ’ 
Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  13.  He  does  not  refer  to  him  as  alcalde  at  Santi-i 
ago  de  Cuba,  where  the  fleet  is  fitting  out,  a»s  he  clearly  states.  Gomara,  Hislj, 
Mex.,  4,  mentions  merely  that  he  was  here  before  the  quarrel  with  Velazquez. 
Some  writers  assume  that  Santiago  de  Cuba  is  the  same  as  Santiago  de  Baracoa, 
but  Herrera,  loc.  cit. , and  others,  observe  the  distinction. 


CHAPTEK  V. 


SAILING  OF  THE  EXPEDITION. 

1518-1519. 

The  Quality  of  Leader  Desired — Instructions  Issued  to  Hernan  Cor- 
tes, Commander-in-Chief— The  Character  of  Cortes  Undergoes  a 
Change— Cost  of  the  Expedition — By  whom  Borne — Places  Estab- 
lished for  Enlistment — The  Banner — Cortes  Puts  on  the  Great 
Han — More  of  his  Character — The  Scene  at  Santiago  Harbor — 
The  Governor’s  Jester — Dark  Suspicions  of  Velazquez — Departure 
from  Santiago — Cortes  at  Trinidad — Fresh  Recruits — Verdugo 
Receives  Orders  to  Depose  Cortes — The  Fleet  Proceeds  to  San 
Crist6bal,  or  The  Habana — Review  at  Guaguanico — Speech  of 
Cortes — Organization  into  Companies — Departure  from  Cuba. 


With  relations  so  lovingly  established,  and  with  a 
personal  knowledge  of  the  military  genius  of  Cortes, 
and  the  strength  and  versatility  of  his  character,  it 
would  seem  that  here  would  be  the  first  instant  choice 
of  the  governor  for  the  command  of  the  important 
expedition  now  in  preparation.  But  the  quality  of 
the  man  required  did  not  altogether  hinge  on  merit. 
As  we  have  seen,  Velazquez  required  for  his  purpose 
an  anomalous  creation.  He  must  be  able  but  humble; 
able  to  command  men,  and  able  likewise  to  obey  his 
chief;  honest  to  Velazquez,  but  false,  if  necessary, 
to  all  the  world  else.  It  was  not  an  Alexander  or  an 
Alcibiades  that  was  wanted;  not  so  much  a man  as  a 
thing:  “Piper,  non  homo,”  as  Petronius  Arbiter  said; 
pungent  as  pepper,  and  not  a human  being. 

Be  this  as  it  may,  the  sordid  friendship  of  Lfires 
and  Duero  prevailed  with  the  governor,  and  on  the  23d 
of  October,  1518,  his  instructions  to  Hernan  Cortes, 
commander-in-chief  of  the  expedition,  were  drawn  up 


54 


SAILING  OF  THE  EXPEDITION. 


before  the  notary,  Alonso  de  Escalante,  in  accordance 
with  the  permission  granted  by  the  authorities  at  Santo 
Domingo,  which  limited  the  enterprise  to  exploration; 
the  privilege  to  colonize  depending  on  royal  favor  for 
which  Velazquez  must  sue  in  Spain.1 

One  would  think  that  after  these  twenty-five  years 
of  experience  there  could  be  found  no  ecclesiastic  or 
ruler  so  childish  as  to  expect  morality  or  humanity 
from  the  wolves  of  Spain  let  loose  among  the  naked 
and-  defenceless  of  America.  And  yet  we  find  the 
friars  of  Espahola,  in  pursuance  of  the  devout  and 
high-minded  views  expressed  by  Velazquez,  subscrib- 
ing to  instructions  which  enjoin  Cortes  to  observe 
a conduct  befitting  a Christian  soldier,  as  if  there 
were  any  reasonable  hope  of  his  doing  so.  He  must 
prohibit  blasphemy,  licentiousness,  and  gambling 
among  his  men,  and  on  no  account  molest  the  natives, 
but  gently  inform  them  of  the  glory  of  God,  and  of 
the  Catholic  kin£.  Possession  must  be  taken  in  Ve- 
lazquez’  name  and  the  secrets  of  the  country  ascer- 
tained. Search  must  be  made  for  Grijalva  and  Olid, 
and  for  the  Christian  captives  supposed  to  be  in 
Yucatan.  We  might  again  mark  the  double-dealing 
of  the  governor,  who  discharges  Grijalva  for  not 
having  settled  contrary  to  his  instructions,  while 
charging  the  new  commander  not  to  seize  the  coun- 
try,  yet  expecting  him  to  do  so.2  The  instructions 

’ ‘ Fray  Luys  de  Figueroa,  fray  Alonso  de  santo  Domingo,  y fray  Bemaldino 
Macenedo,  q eran  los  gouemadores,  dieron  la  licencia  para  Fernando  Cortds 
como  capitan  y armador  c5  Diego  Velazquez.’  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex. , 12.  Tlie 
Fathers  no  doubt  required  to  know  the  name  of  the  commander.  ‘His  litteris 
Cortesius  confirmatus,  ’ is  the  statement  in  De  Rebus  GestisFerdinandiCorlesH, 
in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  344,  in  reference  to  their  permit.  This  authority 
intimates  that  Salcedo,  at  a later  date  probably,  obtained  license  from  the 
Fathers  for  warfare  in  Yucatan  and  for  the  settlement  of  the  mainland,  but 
this  is  not  confirmed  anywhere.  Id. , 350. 

2 Evidently  Velazquez  desired  his  captains  to  disobey  instructions  and 
colonize.  He  could  not  officially  authorize  them  to  do  so,  not  having  as 
yet  received  permission  from  Spain.  Neither  Velazquez  nor  Cortes  had 
any  intention  in  this  instance  of  confining  this  enterprise  to  trade,  or  protect- 
ing the  natives,  or  imposing  morality  upon  the  men.  It  was  well  understood 
by  all  that  licentiousness  and  plunder  were  to  be  the  reward  for  perils  to 
be  undergone.  ‘ Atque  etiam  quod  Grijalvae  praetentA,  causa  auxilii  ferendi 
quod  Alvaradus  postulabat,  ire  licebat,  ’ is  the  pointed  observation  in  De  Rebus 
Geslis  Ferdinahdi  Cortesii,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  343-4.  Bernal  Diaz, 


EVOLUTION  OF  THE  GREAT  MAN. 


55 


consist  of  thirty  clauses,  and  the  document  reflects  no 
credit  on  the  scrivener.3 


Man  and  his  character  are  subject  to  environment. 
Neither  is  finished  until  decay  has  well  set  in. 
Long  before  the  receipt  of  his  commission  the  ado- 
lescent Cortes  was  a creation  of  the  past;  even  the 
adult  Cortes  was  a different  being  before  and  after 
his  appointment.  His  action  now  was  the  expression 
of  new  intuitions.  Always  under  the  influence  of 
turbulent  emotions,  his  ambition  had  suddenly  be- 
come more  aggressive.  In  pure  impulses,  in  refined 
feelings,  in  noble  instincts,  he  was  essentially  defective. 
He  harbored  no  ideal  of  duty,  such  as  we  have  seen 
in  the  mind  of  Grijalva.  His  code  of  ethics  was 
neither  broad  nor  catholic.  And  notwithstanding:  his 
great  respect  for  religion,  so  great  indeed  as  to  excite 
suspicion  that  he  cared  very  little  for  it;  notwith- 
standing his  outward  piety,  and  his  devotion  to  the 
church,  the  lighter  immoralities  fitted  him  with  an 
ease  and  grace  that  hampered  his  movements  not  in 
the  least.  Yet  for  all  this  the  alcalde  of  Santiago 

O 

suddenly  became  a great  man,  not  in  name  only,  but 
actually;  wellnigh  revolutionizing  the  society  of  which 
he  himself  was  the  product.  To  him,  and  to  others,  his 
commission  was  a match  applied  to  explosive  material, 
letting  loose  the  latent  force.  The  leaders  of  the  first 
gulf-shore  expeditions,  Cordoba,  Grijalva,  and  Cortes, 
present  themselves  before  us  in  relatively  increasing 
proportions.  Cordoba,  the  first,  was  least,  though  a 

Hist.  Verclad.,  13,  refers  to  promises  of  Indian  repartimientos  in  the  new 
regions  as  an  inducement  for  volunteers.  Cortes’  statement  at  Vera  Cruz,  that 
he  had  no  order  to  settle,  means  nothing  in  view  of  the  motives  then  actuating 
him.  Secret  agreements  between  governors  and  lieutenants  for  defrauding  the 
crown  and  promoting  their  own  aims  were  only  too  common;  and  this  is 
overlooked  by  those  who  trust  merely  to  the  instructions  for  arguments  on 
this  point. 

3 The  full  text  of  the  instructions  is  to  be  found  in  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas, 
Col.  Doc.,  xii.  225-46;  Col.  Doc.  Ined.,  i.  3S5,  406;  Alaman,  Disert , i.  App.  ii. 
1-27,  with  notes,  reproduced  in  Zamacios,  Hist.  Mej. , ii.  791-815.  The  Munoz 
copy,  given  in  Prescott’s  Me x.,  iii.  434-9,  preserved  the  original  spelling 
in  the  preamble,  but  the  clauses  are  abbreviated,  though  Prescott  does  not 
appear  to  be  aware  of  it. 


56 


SAILING  OF  THE  EXPEDITION. 


most  gentlemanly  and  kind-hearted  pirate.  Grijalva, 
though  second  to  Cortfis  in  talents  and  fame,  was  far 
before  him  in  honesty.  During  the  preparations 
which  quickly  followed  the  appointment  of  Cortes, 
the  inherent  qualities  of  the  man  developed  to  a 
degree  alarming  alike  to  friends  and  enemies,  and 
astonishing  to  himself.  He  found  his  nature  a strong 
one,  with  magnetic  attractions,  and  an  affinity  with 
danger.  He  found  himself  possessed  of  that  higher 
courage  of  the  mind  which  begets  self-confidence, 
breeds  the  hero,  and  ends  in  the  achievement  of  the 
uttermost.  And  genius  was  there;  he  began  to  feel 
it  and  to  know  it:  the  genius  of  ambition  and  ego- 
tism, whose  central  figure  was  himself,  an  all- 
prevailing  sentiment,  before  which  right,  religion, 
humanity,  and  even  life  itself,  must  be  subservient. 
His  rapidly  evolving  will  was  becoming  ponderous, 
overwhelming.  Fame  was  becoming  to  him  what 
ambition  was  to  Columbus;  only  he  possessed  his 
idea  instead  of  being  possessed  by  it.  Sufficiently 
educated  for  the  purposes  of  statecraft,  opportunity 
alone  was  needed  to  enable  him  to  turn  every  weapon 
to  the  furtherance  of  his  own  designs.  Without 
attempting  to  pry  into  the  occult,  he  now  began  to 
see  things  with  a large  and  liberal  eye.  Life  was 
assuming  tremendous  realities,  which  bridled  impulse ; 
yet  it  was  an  ordeal  he  believed  he  could  face.  While 
in  sophistry  he  found  himself  equal  to  Euripides,  he 
began  to  put  on  bombast  such  as  HCschylus  could  not 
have  scorned,  and  to  display  an  energy  as  sublime  as 
that  of  Archilochus;  yet  all  this  time  his  good  sense 
was  supplemented  by  graceful  courtesy.  All  who  wor- 
ship the  bright  wit  and  intellectual  versatility  that 
flatter  ambition  and  yield  unscrupulous  success  may 
henceforth  bow  the  knee  to  Hernan  Cortes. 

No  sooner  was  his  commission  sealed  than  Cortes  set 
himself  about  the  task  of  collecting  his  many  require- 
ments. His  own  few  thousand  pesos  of  ready  money 


PREPARATION. 


57 


were  quickly  spent;  then  he  mortgaged  his  estates, 
and  borrowed  to  the  uttermost  from  his  friends. 
Velazquez  was  free  with  everything  except  his  sub- 
stance; free  with  his  advice  and  ostentation,  free 
with  the  ships  of  others,  and  willing  to  sell  to  the 
expedition  the  products  of  his  farm  at  exorbitant 
prices.  Nevertheless  the  investment  to  the  gov- 
ernor, as  well  as  to  Cortes,  was  large,  the  former 
furnishing  some  ships  of  his  own  and  some  money,  the 
whole  cost  of  vessels  and  outfit  being  about  twenty 
thousand  ducats.* 

4 The  ownership  of  the  expedition  has  been  a moot  question,  some  authors 
regarding  it  as  pertaining  chiefly  to  Velazquez,  while  others  accord  it  wholly 
to  Cortes  and  his  friends.  According  to  Gomara,  after  receiving  the  vessel 
brought  by  Alvarado,  and  another  provided  by  Velazquez,  Cortes,  aided  by 
his  friends,  bought  two  large  and  two  small  vessels  before  leaving  Santiago; 
and  at  least  two  more  were  bought  after  this  with  bills  forced  upon  the  owners. 
The  rest  of  the  fleet  appears  to  have  been  made  up  from  the  transport  spoken 
of  and  from  Grijalva’s  vessels.  The  latter  is  to  be  regarded  as  V elazquez’  con- 
tribution, for  in  the  testimony  before  the  royal  council  in  Spain,  Montejo,  the 
trusted  friend  of  the  commander,  declares  that  on  delivering  them  over  to 
the  governor  he  received  the  order  to  join  CortfSs,  with  the  vessels,  of  course. 
Plis  statements,  and  those  of  the  captain  Puertocarrero,  confirmed  by  the  let- 
ter of  the  ayuntamiento  of  Villa  Rica  to  the  emperor,  agree  that,  from  their 
own  observations  and  the  accounts  given  by  others,  Cortes  must  have  con- 
tributed not  only  seven  vessels,  but  expended  over  5000  Castellanos  on  the 
outfit,  beside  procuring  goods  and  provisions,  while  Velazquez  furnished  only 
one  third,  chiefly  in  clothes,  provisions,  wines,  and  other  effects,  which  he 
sold  through  an  agent  to  the  company,  the  witnesses  included,  at  exorbitant 
prices.  Montejo  had  heard  that  Velazquez  contributed  three  vessels,  but 
whether  these  were  exclusive  of  Grijalva’s  fleet  is  not  clear.  He  is  also  sup- 
posed to  have  lent  Cortes  2000  Castellanos,  and  to  have  given  twelve  or  thir- 
teen hundred  loads  of  bread,  and  300tocinos,  beside  1800  Castellanos  in  goods, 
to  be  sold  to  the  party  at  high  prices.  Every  other  supply  was  furnished  by 
Cortes,  who  maintained  the  whole  force  without  touching  the  ship’s  stores, 
while  remaining  in  Cuba,  no  doubt.  Col.  Doc.  Inid.,  i.  487-90.  Puertocarrero 
adds  that  Cortes’  liberality  to  men  in  advancing  means  and  outfits  was  gen- 
erally admitted.  He  himself  had  received  a horse  from  the  commander.  He 
gives  a list  of  the  outrageously  high  prices  charged  by  Velazquez  for  his  sup- 
plies. Id.,  491-5.  Another  member  of  the  expedition  states  that  Cortes 
furnished  seven  vessels,  and  Velazquez  three,  two  more  belonging  to  the  lat- 
ter joining  the  fleet  afterward.  Cortes  paid  for  all  the  outfit.  Extract  ap- 
pended to  Carta  del  Ayunt.  de  V.  Cruz , in  Col.  Doc.  hied.,  i.  419-20:  ‘ Casi 

las  dos  partes A su  (Cortes)  costa,  asi  en  navios  como  en  bastimentos  de 

mar.’  ‘ Todo  el  concierto  de  la  dicha  armada  se  hizo  a voluntad  de  dicho  Diego 
Velazquez,  aunque  ni  puso  ni  gastb  61  mas  de  la  tercia  parte  de  ella. . . .La 
mayor  parte  de  la  dicha  tercia  parte ....  fud  emplear  sus  dineros  en  vinos  y 
en  ropas  y en  otras  cosas  de  poco  valor  para  nos  lo  vender  acA  (V.  Cruz)  en 
mucha  mas  cantidad  de  lo  que  A el  le  costo.’  Carta  de  la  Justicia  de  Vera- 
cruz, 10  de  julio,  1519,  in  Cortes,  Cartas,  8;  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc., 
xiv.  37.  Claiming  to  have  no  ready  money  of  his  own,  Velazquez  took  for  the 
expedition  1000  Castellanos  from  the  estate  of  Narvaez  in  his  charge.  Gomara, 
Hist.  Hex.,  12-13.  ‘ Salio  de  la  Isla  de  Cuba...  con  quince  navibs  suyos.’ 


58 


SAILING  OF  THE  EXPEDITION. 


Establishing  places  of  enlistment  throughout  the 
island,  Cortes  roused  to  action  his  many  friends,  both 


expedition  was  proclaimed  about  the  streets,  in  the 
king’s  name,  by  the  beating  of  drums  and  the  voice 
of  the  crier.  One  third  of  the  proceeds  of  the  ad- 
venture was  promised  the  soldiers  and  subalterns, 

Cortes , Memorial,  1542,  in  Cortts,  Escritos  Sueltos,  310.  Peter  Martyr  assumes 
that  Cuban  colonists  furnished  the  fleet  with  the  governor’s  consent,  and 
elected  Cortes  commander.  Dec.  iv.  cap.  vi.  Solis,  Hist.  Mex.,  i.  01,  considers 
that  Velazquez  held  only  a minor  share  in  the  expedition.  Montejo  stated 
in  a general  way  that  he  spent  all  his  fortune  on  joining  the  expedition.  Cm. 
A'ni. , 1554-55,  127-30,  in  Squiers  MS.  In  De  Rebus  Gestis  Ferdinandi 
Cor  test!  it  is  asserted  that  Cortes  expended  0000  pesos  of  his  own,  and  0000 
ducats  borrowed  money,  beside  what  Velazquez  lent  him;  his  expenditures 
being  in  all  15,000  pesos.  Velazquez  gave  not  one  real,  but  merely  sold 
goods  at  exorbitant  figures,  or  made  advances  at  a high  interest,  even  the 
vessels  provided  by  him  being  transferred  to  the  commander  under  an  ex- 
pensive charter.  ‘ Sunt  pretereli  multi  Hispani  viri  boni  qui  et  nunc  vivunt, 
et  qui  ciun  ea  classis  de  qua  agimus,  apparabatur,  aderant.  Hi  in  hujus 
causae  defensione,  cujus  apud  Consilium  Regium  Indicum  Cortcsius  est  accu- 
satus,  testes  jurati  assernnt  Vclazquium  nihil  omnino  ex  propria  facultate  in 
Cortesii  classcm  impandisse.  ’ This  would  indicate  that  Montejo  and  Puer- 
tocarrero’s  testimony  was  confirmed  by  many  others.  The  agent,  Juan  Diaz, 
who  attended  to  the  sale  of  the  goods  and  the  collection  of  the  advances,  fell 
in  the  retreat  from. Mexico,  and  his  money  was  lost,  fcazbalceta.  Col.  Hoc., 
i.  345-9.  This  testimony  by  members  of  the  expedition  merits  the  foremost 
attention  in  the  question,  particularly  since  the  fewer  statements  on  the  other 
side  are  based  wholly  on  supposition.  It  is  somewhat  qualified,  however, 
by  the  consideration  that  both  Montejo  and  Puertocarrero  were  stanch 
friends  of  Cortes,  and  that  the  letter  of  the  ayuntamiento  was  prepared  in 
his  presence.  It  must  also  be  borne  in  mind  that  a goodly  proportion  of  the 
share  attributed  to  him  consisted  of  vessels  and  effects  obtained  upon  his 
credit  as  captain-general  of  the  fleet,  and  also  in  a semi-piratical  manner.  The 
statements  in  CorUs,  Memorial,  and  in  De  Rebus  Gestis  Ferdinandi  Cortesii, 
indicate,  beside,  a hardly  warranted  attempt  to  regard  Velazquez’  contribu- 
tion chiefly  as  a loan  to  the  commander  or  to  the  party,  his  vessels  being 
spoken  of  as  chartered.  Another  proportion  belonged  to  wealthy  volun- 
teers. On  the  whole,  however,  it  may  'be  concluded  that  Cortes  could  lay 
claim  to  a larger  share  in  the  expedition  than  Velazquez;  but  the  latter  pos- 
sessed the  title  of  being  not  only  the  discoverer,  through  his  captains,  of  the 
regions  to  be  conquered,  but  the  projector  of  the  expedition.  Oviedo,  while 
believing  that  the  fleet  belonged  with  more  right  to  the  governor,  feels  no 
pity  for  the  treatment  he  received,  in  view  of  his  own  conduct  to  Diego  Colon. 
Complacently  he  cites  the  proverb:  ‘ Matards  y mat  arte  han:  y matardn  quien  te 
mature.’  As  you  do  unto  others,  so  shall  be  done  unto  you.  Oviedo  asserts 
that  he  has  seen  testimony  showing  that  Cortes  and  his  men  did  not  sail  at 
their  own  expense,  but  from  his  own  statement  it  appears  that  the  instruc- 
tions of  Velazquez,  wherein  he  speaks  of  the  expedition  as  sent  in  his  name, 
is  the  chief  feature  in  this  so-called  testimony;  i.  538-9.  Las  Casas  naturally 
sides  with  Velazquez,  and  estimates  that  he  expended  over  20,000  caste- 
llanos;  he  had  no  need  for,  nor  would  he  have  stooped  to  a partnership,  at 
least  with  a man  like  Cortes.  Hist,  hid.,  iv.  448.  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  iii. 
cap.  xi. , copies  this,  and  Torquemada,  i.  359,  reverses  this  figure  in  favor 
of  Cortes. 


in  person  and  by  letter. 


settlements  tlie 


CORTfiS  PUTS  ON  OSTENTATION. 


59 


two  thirds  going  to  tlie  outfitters.5 6  A banner  of  black 
taffeta  was  embroidered  with  the  royal  arms  in  gold, 
and  blue  and  white  flames  surrounding  a red  cross, 
and  round  the  border  it  bore  the  inscription,  “Amici 
sequamur  crucem,  si  nos  habuerimus  fidem  in  hoc 
signo  vincemus.”  Friends,  let  us  follow  the  cross, 
and  if  we  have  faith  under  this  sign  we  shall  conquer.6 

Assuming  a dress  and  bearing  more  fitting  a mili- 
tary commander,  Cortes  threw  open  his  doors,  and  by 
judiciously  combining  the  frank  joviality  of  a soldier 
with  the  liberal  hospitality  of  a man  of  wealth,  he 
rapidly  drew  to  his  adventure  all  the  available  men 
of  the  island.  There  were  not  lacking  those  to  sneer 
at  this  assumption  of  preeminence,  which  flaunted  it 
so  bravely  with  plume  and  medal,  with  martial  music 
and  retinue,  saying,  here  was  a lord  without  lands.7 
But  they  little  knew  the  strength  and  firmness  of 
him  who,  having  once  put  on  the  great  man,  would 
lay  the  livery  down  but  with  his  life.  This  soldierly 
display,  always  taking  to  the  Castilian  fancy,  could 
scarcely  be  called  affectation,  for  the  genius  which 
commands  success  was  present,  and  the  firmness  of 
resolve  was  covered  with  such  pleasing  affability  as 
to  render  its  presence  scarcely  suspected.  With  his 


5 Testimonio  de  Puertocarrero,  in  Col.  Doc.  Incd. , i.  491.  ‘ Mado  dar 

pregones,  y tocar  susatarn bores,  y trompetas  en  nombre  de  su  Mages tad,  y 
en  su  Real  nombre  por  Diego  Velazquez  para  que  qualesquier  personas  que 
quisiessen  ir  en  su  compania  £i  las  tierras  nuevamente  descubiertas  a los  con- 
quistar  y doblar,  les  darian  sus  partes  del  oro  plata,  y joyas  que  se  huviesse, 
y encomiendas  de  Indios  despues  de  pacificada.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad., 
13.  Mark  here  the  promise  of  encomiendas  to  the  volunteers.  The  word 
‘ doblar  ’ doubtless  meant  to  explore  or  to  sail  round  the  new  islands.  Bernal 
Diaz  does  not  fail  to  observe  that  the  royal  license  had  not  yet  arrived  to 
warrant  these  proclamations. 

6 See  Landa,  Rel.  de  Yuc.,  23;  Tapia,  Rel.,  in  Icazbalccta,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  554; 
Fancourt,  Hist.  Yuc.,  27,  leaves  out  the  middle  sentence;  Gomara,  Hist. 
Hex. , 15;  Torquemada,  i.  364,  and  others  give  only  the  Spanish  translation. 
Prescott  says  the  flag  was  of  velvet,  and  attributes  the  sign  to  the  labarum 
of  Constantine,  which,  to  say  the  least,  is  somewhat  far-fetched.  Bernal  Diaz, 
Hist.  Verdad.,  13,  places  the  motto  upon  ‘ estandartes,  y vanderas  labradas  de 
oro  co  las  armas  Reales,  y una  Cruz  de  cada  parte,  juntamente  con  las  armas 
de  nuestro  Rey.’ 

7 ‘ Se  puso  vn  penacho  de  plumas  con  su  medalla  deoro.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist. 
Verdad.,  13.  ‘ Tomo  casa.  Hizo  Mesa.  Y comencjo  a yr  con  armas,  y mucha 
compania.  De  que  muchos  murmurauan,  diziendo  que  tenia  estado  sin  senorio.  ’ 
Gomara,  Hist,  ilex.,  13. 


60 


SAILING  OF  THE  EXPEDITION. 


fine  soldierly  qualities  were  financial  and  executive 
ability,  and  fair  common  sense,  a rare  combination  in 
a Spanish  cavalier.  While  loving  adventure  he  did 
not  altogether  hate  ideas.  His  world  now  spread 
itself  before  him,  as  divided  into  two  unequal  classes, 
those  that  use  others,  and  those  that  are  used  by 
others,  and  he  resolved  himself  forever  into  the 
former  category.  Like  Diogenes,  though  enslaved  at 
Crete,  Cortes  felt  that  if  he  could  do  one  thing  better 
than  another  it  was  to  command  men.  Coupled  with 
this  egotism  was  the  sensible  intuition  that  the  mas- 
tery of  others  begins  with  self-mastery.  Indeed  his 
command  over  himself,  as  well  as  over  others,  was 
most  remarkable.  “ By  my  conscience!”  was  a favor- 
ite oath,  which  implies  not  brutal  passion.  At  times 
a swelling  vein  in  the  forehead,  and  another  in  the 
throat,  indicated  rising  anger,  manifested  also  by  a 
peculiarity  of  throwing  off  his  cloak;  but  the  voice 
would  remain  decorous,  and  the  words  seldom  passed 
beyond  a “ Mai  pese  & vos !”  May  it  bear  heavily  upon 
you.  To  the  insolent  soldier,  whom  we  shall  often 
find  overstepping  the  bounds  of  prudence,  he  would 
merely  say,  “Be  silent!”  or  “Go,  in  God’s  name,  and 
be  more  careful  if  you  would  escape  punishment.” 
Equally  composed  in  argument,  he  wielded  his  per- 
suasive powers  to  their  best  advantage.  Rio  de  Ave- 
nida,  the  Rushing  River,  was  at  one  time  a nickname, 
and  later  he  affected  long  hair  and  lawsuits.  At  the 
gaming-table,  to  which  he  was  greatly  addicted,  he 
won  or  lost  with  equal  sang-froid,  ever  ready  with  a 
witticism  to  smooth  the  varying  course  of  fortune. 
Though  he  did  not  hesitate  as  gay  Lothario  to  invade 
the  family  of  another,  most  unreasonably  he  was  very 
jealous  lest  his  own  family  should  be  invaded.  While 
liberal  to  friend  or  mistress,  and  ready  to  sacrifice 
almost  anything  to  gain  an  object,  he  was  not  always 
regarded  as  over-generous  by  his  men,  too  many  of 
whom  were  of  that  class,  however,  that  nothing  would 
satisfy.  Although  a fair  eater,  he  drank  but  little, 


FIIAXCISQUILLO  THE  FOOL. 


61 


and  confined  liimscif  to  simple  diet.  This  moderation 
also  extended  to  dress,  which,  before  his  elevation, 
was  not  only  neat  but  tasteful  in  its  rich  simplicity, 
ornamented  with  few  but  choice  jewels,  and  with  little 
diversity.  A love  of  pomp,  however,  developed  with 
his  rising  fortunes,  more  particularly  in  the  way  of 
showy  residences  and  a large  retinue,  which  accorded 
well  with  the  courtly  manners  native  to  the  Spaniard 
claiming  noble  blood.  Cervantes  says  that  in . the 
army  even  the  niggardly  become  prodigal. 

Cortes  found  the  way  of  throwing  into  his  cause 
not  only  himself,  but  others,  in  some  respects  as  able 
as  himself.  His  liberal  measures  and  enthusiasm 
became  infectious,  and  brought  to  enrolment  wealthy 
volunteers,  who  furnished  not  only  their  own  outfit, 
but  helped  to  provide  others.8  Within  a short  time 
there  joined  over  three  hundred  men,  among  them 
some  high  in  the  service  and  confidence  of  the 
governor — instance,  Francisco  de  Morla  his  chamber- 
lain, Martin  Ramos  de  Ldres  a Basque,  Pedro  Escu- 
dero,  Juan  Ruano,  Escobar,  and  Diego  de  Ordaz 
mayordomo  of  Velazquez,  and  instructed  by  him  to 
watch  proceedings  and  secretly  report. 

The  harbor  of  Santiago  at  this  time  presented  a 
busy  scene.  There  were  the  hurrying  to  and  fro  of 
laborers  and  recruits,  the  clang  of  carpenters’  ham- 
mers upon  ships  undergoing  repairs,  the  collecting  of 
goods,  and  the  loading  of  vessels.  Every  day  the 
landing  was  enlivened  by  the  presence  of  the  governor, 
often  arm-in-arm  with  his  most  dutiful  and  compliant 
captain-general,  surrounded  by  gayly  dressed  attend- 
ants and  followed  by  half  the  town.  On  one  of  these 
visits  of  inspection,  while  engaged  in  friendly  conversa- 
tion respecting  the  progress  of  affairs,  the  Governor’s 
jester,  Francisquillo,  who  was  present,  as  usual,  per- 

8 Cortds  himself  was  very  liberal  in  advancing  money  or  necessaries.  Puer- 
tocarrero,  loc.  cit.  This  cavalier  received  a horse  which  Cortes  bought  at 
Trinidad  with  gold  fringes  taken  from  his  mantle.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Ver- 
dtul.,  14.  ‘Dio  a muchos  soldados . . . dineros  con  obligacio  de  man  comun.’ 
iromara , Hist.  Hex.,  12. 


62 


SAILING  OF  THE  EXPEDITION. 


forming  his  antics  before  his  master,  cried  out,  “Ah, 
friend  Diego!”  Then  to  Cortes,  “And  how  fares  our 
brave  captain,  he  of  Medellin  and  Estremadura  ? Be 
careful,  good  master,  or  we  shall  soon  have  to  beat 
the  bush  for  this  same  Cortes.”  Velazquez  laughed 
heartily,  and  turning  to  his  companion  exclaimed, 
“Compadre,  do  you  hear  this  fool?”  “What,  sehor?” 
replied  Cortes,  pretending  preoccupation.  “He  says 
you  will  run  away  with  our  fleet,”  replied  Velazquez. 
“ Pay  no  attention  to  the  knave,  your  worship;  I am 
very  sure  these  infamous  pleasantries  never  emanated 
from  his  mad  brain,”  rejoined  Cortes,  deeply  chagrined. 
And  ere  the  laugh  died  away  on  the  lips  of  the 
governor  his  timid  breast  was  chilled  by  fearful  fore- 
bodings. What  if  it  were  true,  thought  Velazquez, 
and  this  fellow,  whom  I have  lifted  from  his  low 
estate,  should  declare  for  himself  on  reaching  New 
Spain?  Then  he  called  to  mind  his  late  quarrel  with 
Cortes,  and  the  courage,  energy,  and  determination 
displayed  by  the  latter  throughout.  The  governor 
trembled  when  he  thought  of  it.  About  him  were 
enough  of  the  disappointed  only  too  ready  to  fan  these 
suspicions  into  a flame.9 

I regret  having  to  spoil  a good  story ; but  the  truth 
is,  the  drama  reported  by  Bartolom^  Las  Casas,  and 
reiterated  by  Herrera  and  Prescott,  was  never  per- 
formed. It  tells  how  Cortes  put  to  sea,  Prescott 
asserts  the  very  night  after  the  jesters  warning;  and 
that  in  the  morning,  when  the  governor,  early  roused 
from  his  bed,  rushed  down  to  the  landing  with  all  the 
town  at  his  heels,  Cortes  returned  part  way  in  an 
armed  boat  and  bandied  words  with  him.  Beside 
being  improbable,  almost  impossible,  this  version  is 


9 Las  Casas,  Hist.  I ltd.,  iv.  450-1;  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  iii.  cap.  xi.  Bemal 
Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  13,  relates  the  incident  as  having  occurred  on  the  way  to 
Sunday  mass.  The  fool,  whom  he  calls  Cervantes,  was  walking  in  front  of  his 
master  and  Cortes,  uttering  nonsense  in  prose  and  rhyme;  finally  he  said  in  a 
louder  voice,  ‘By  my  faith,  master  Diego,  a nice  captain  have  you  chosen: 
one  who  will  run  away  with  the  fleet,  I warrant,  for  he  has  courage  and 
enterprise.’  Duero,  who  walked  close  by,  sought  to  check  his  tongue  by 
striking  at  him  and  by  shouting,  ‘ Silence,  fool ! Don’t  be  knavish  as  well, 


THE  GOVERNOR’S  SUSPICIONS. 


63 


not  sustained  by  the  best  authorities.10  The  fact 
is,  some  time  elapsed,  after  the  suspicions  of  the  gov- 
ernor had  first  been  aroused,  before  the  sailing  of 
the  fleet,  during  which  interval  Grijalva  with  his  ships 
returned. 

Gomara  states  that  Velazquez  sought  to  break  with 
Cortes  and  send  only  Grijalva’s  vessels,  with  another 
commander;  but  to  this  Ldres  and  Duero,  whose  ad- 
vice was  asked  by  the  governor,  made  strong  objection, 
saying  that  Cortes  and  his  friends  had  spent  too  much 
money  now  to  abandon  the  enterprise,  which  was  very 
true;  for  like  the  appetite,  of  Angaston  which  came 
with  eating,  the  more  Cortes  tasted  the  sweets  of 
popularity  and  power,  the  more  stomach  he  had  for 
the  business.  And  the  more  the  suspicions  of  the 
governor  grew,  the  greater  were  the  captain-general’s 
assurances  of  devotion,  and  the  firmer  became  the 
determination  of  Cortes  and  his  followers  to  prosecute 
this  adventure,  in  which  they  had  staked  their  all.11 


for  we  know  that  this  pretended  jest  is  not  of  thyself.’  But  the  jester 
persisted  in  calling  out,  ‘ Hail  to  my  master  Diego  and  his  valiant  captain  ! 
I swear  to  thee,  my  master,  that  rather  than  see  thee  grievously  regret 
this  foolish  step  I would  hie  me  with  Cortes  to  those  rich  lands.’  It 
was  supposed  that  Velazquez’  relatives  had  induced  the  man  to  make  these 
remarks. 

10  Prescott  states  that  Las  Casas  was  on  the  island  at  the  time.  In  this 
he  is  mistaken.  On  the  other  hand,  Bernal  Diaz  was  an  eye-witness,  and 
tells  a very  different  story.  But  the  tale  of  the  soldier  is  not  so  striking 
as  that  of  the  priest,  who  writes  from  the  statements  of  Velazquez’  friends, 
colored  by  time  and  distance.  The  final  words  which  passed  between  the 
governor  and  Cortes,  according  to  Las  Casas,  in  effect  were  these  : ‘ C'om- 
padre,  is  this  the  way  you  are  going  ? A nice  manner,  truly,  of  taking 
leave  ! ’ To  which  Cortes  makes  answer,  ‘ Pardon  me,  sir ; there  are  things 
which  must  be  carried  out  before  they  are  considered.  I wait  your  wor- 
ship’s orders.  ’ Hist.  Ind.,  iv.  451-2;  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  iii.  cap.  xii. 

11  Testimonio  de  Moutejo,  in  Col.  Doc.  Ined.,  i.  437.  ‘No  le  pudo  estoruar 
la  yda  porq  todos  le  siguian:  los  q alii  estaua,  como  los  q venian  con  Grijalua. 
Ca  si  lo  tentara  con  rigor  vuiera  rebuelta  en  la  ciudad,  y aun  muertes. 
Y como  no  era  parte  dissimulo.  ’ Cortes  even  announced  that  he  was  going 
on  his  own  account,  and  that  the  soldiers  had  nothing  to  do  with  Velazquez. 
Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  13.  But  this  is  highly  improbable.  According  to  De 
Debus  Gestis  Ferdinandi  Cortesii,  Cort6s  spread  insinuations  against  Velazquez’ 
greed  and  selfishness,  commented  upon  his  own  liberality  and  upon  the  rich 
prospects  before  them,  and  thus  gained  the  voice  of  his  followers,  so  that 
the  former  dared  not  attempt  any  overt  acts.  ‘ Lorica  ab  eo  tempore  sub 
veste  munitus,  stipatusque  armatis  militibus,  quos  spe  sibi  fidos  amicos  fecerat.  ’ 
Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  34C-9;  Cories,  Memorial,  1542,  in  Cortes,  Escritos 
Duellos,  310.  Las  Casas  repeats  his  condemnation  of  Gomara,  as  a man  who 


64 


SAILING  OF  THE  EXPEDITION. 


Warned  by  Ldres  and  Duero  of  every  plot,  Cortds 
hurried  preparations,  sending  friends  to  forage,  and 
shipping  stores  with  the  utmost  despatch,  meanwhile 
giving  secret  orders  for  all  to  be  ready  to  embark  at 
a moment’s  notice.  Finally,  the  hour  having  come, 
on  the  evening  of  the  17th  of  November,  with  a few 
trusty  adherents,  Cortes  presented  himself  before  the 
governor,  and  politely  took  his  leave.  It  fell  suddenly 
on  Velazquez,  in  whose  eyes  all  movements  relating 
to  the  expedition  had  of  late  become  the  manoeuvres 
of  men  conspired  to  overreach  him.  But  having 
neither  the  excuse  nor  the  ability  to  stop  the  expedi- 
tion he  let  the  officers  depart. 

By  playing  with  the  devil  one  soon  learns  to 
play  the  devil.  From  the  governor’s  house  Cortds 
hastened  to  the  public  meat  depository,  seized  and 
added  to  his  stores  the  town’s  next  week’s  supply, 
and  left  the  keeper,  Fernando  Alfonso,  a gold  chain, 
all  he  had  remaining  wherewith  to  make  payment.12 
It  was  a dull,  dry,  gray  November  morning,  the 
1 8th,  very  early,  after  mass  had  been  said,  when  the 
squadron,  consisting  of  six  vessels,  sailed  out  of 
Santiago  harbor  amidst  the  vivas  of  the  populace 
and  the  inward  cursings  of  the  governor.13  But  of 
little  avail  was  Velazquez’  remorse;  for  Cortes  carried 


wrote  only  what  he  was  told  by  his  master.  He  scouts  the  idea  of  the 
powerful  Velazquez  either  needing  Cor 1 6s’  pecuniai’y  aid  or  not  being  able 
to  dispose  of  his  fleet  as  he  wished.  A humble  squire,  indeed,  to  raise  his 
voice  against  the  great  Velazquez,  who  could  have  taken  his  bread  and  life 
at  any  moment ! Hist.  hut..  iv.  44S-9. 

12  In  his  memorial  to  the  emperor  in  1542,  Cortes  relates  this  enforced 
transaction  quite  at  length.  Learning  that  his  stock  of  the  week  had  been 
seized,  Hernan  Dalonso  seeks  Cort6s  and  complains,  with  tears  in  his  eyes, 
whereupon  he  receives  the  gold  chain,  ‘ de  unos  abrojos.’  Cortes,  Escritos  Suel- 
tos,  310-11;  Col.  Doc.  [tied.,  iv.  221. 

18  Bernal  Diaz  asserts  that  Duero  and  Ldres  were  present  at  the  parting, 
and  that  Velazquez  and  Cort6s  several  times  embraced  each  other  and  vowed 
eternal  friendship.  ‘ Habuit  Cortesius  ciim  e Sancti  Jacobi  urbe  et  portu 
solvit,  naves  sex;  alia,  nam  septem  habuit,  in  portu,  ut  sarciretur  reficereturque, 
relicta.  ’ De  Rebus  Cestis  Ferdinandi  Cortesii,  in  Icazhalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  348. 
This  authority  believes  that  one  of  the  reasons  for  Cortes’  hurried  departure 
was  a fear  that  Grijalva’s  vessels  might  turn  up;  but  they  had  already  arrived, 
as  we  have  seen.  The  seventh  vessel,  a caravel,  joined  Cortes  at  Trinidad, 
with  nine  horses  and  eighty  volunteers,  under  Francisco  de  Salcedo.  Id.,  354. 
‘Partio  se  de  Santiago  Barucoa en  seys  nauios.’  Gomara,  Hist.  Alex.,  13. 


CORTfiS  AT  TRINIDAD. 


63 


no  MColian  wind-bags  to  drive  him  back  from  his 
destination. 

Despatching  one  of  the  vessels  to  Jamaica14  for 
provisions,  Cortes  touched  at  Macaca  for  further  sup- 
plies, and  thence  steered  for  Trinidad,  where  he  was 
received  with  demonstrations  of  enthusiasm  by  the 
alcalde  mayor,  Francisco  Yerdugo  brother-in-law  of 
Velazquez,  and  by  other  hidalgos,  who  placed  their 
houses  at  his  disposal.  Raising  his  standard  before 
his  quarters,  he  proclaimed  the  expedition  and  invited 
volunteers,  as  he  had  done  at  Santiago.  Soon  his 
force  was  augmented  by  over  one  hundred  of  Gri- 
jalva’s men.  Here  also  joined  several  captains  and 
hidalgos,  afterward  famous  in  New  Spain  adventure. 
There  were  the  five  brothers  Alvarado,  Alonso  de 
Avila,  Gonzalo  Mejia  afterward  treasurer  at  Mexico, 
Cristobal  de  Olid,  Alonzo  Hernandez  Puertocarrero 
cousin  of  the  count  of  Medellin,  Gonzalo  de  Sando- 
val who  became  so  great  a friend  of  Cortds,  Juan 
Velazquez  de  Leon  a relative  of  the  governor,  and 
others.15  From  the  plantations  of  Santi  Esplritu  and 
elsewhere  came  many.  This  Cortes  beheld  with  proud 
satisfaction, and  welcomed  these  important  acquisitions 
with  martial  music  and  peals  of  artillery. 

In  seeking  supplies  Cortes  paid  little  heed  to  rights 
of  property,  so  long  as  he  obtained  what  he  needed; 
he  was  subsequently  not  a little  proud  of  his  success. 
“By  my  faith,”  he  boasts  in  Spain  in  1542,  “but  I did 
play  the  corsair  genteelly.”  Among  the  arbitrary 
purchases  was  that  of  a vessel  from  Jamaica  laden 
with  provisions  for  the  mines,  for  which  the  owner 


14  Pedro  Juarez  Gallinato  de  Porra  was  sent  with  a caravel  under  orders 
to  take  the  cargo  of  supplies  to  Cabo  Corrientes  or  Punta  de  Santanton,  and 
there  await  the  fleet.  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  13.  • In  De  Reims  Gestis  Ferdinandi 
C'ortesii,  loc.  cit.,  the  captain  is  called  Pedro  Gonzalez  de  Trujillo.  He  brings 
1300  tocinas  (salt  pork),  and  *2000  loads  cassava.  ‘ Mil  cargas  de  pan  eazavi, 
y dos  mil  tocinos  y muchos  fasoles  y aves  y otras  cosas.  ’ Cortes,  Memorial, 
1.34*2,  in  id.,  Escritos  Sueltos,  311. 

13  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  14.  mentions  several  more  names,  with  occa- 
sional remarks  on  wealth  and  standing.  Puertocarrero  is  also  'written  Puerto 
Carrero,  and  in  the  modern  form  of  Portocarrero.  Torquemada  and  Oviedo, 
passim. 

Hist.  Hex.,  Vol.  I.  5 


66 


SAILING  OF  THE  EXPEDITION. 


might  accept  promissory  notes  or  nothing.16  Another 
vessel  from  the  same  place,  on  the  same  mission, 
Cortes  sent  Ordaz  to  seize  and  convey  to  Cape  San 
Antonio,  or  perhaps  to  San  Cristdbal  where  we  after- 
ward find  him,  there  to  await  the  fleet.  This  captain, 
it  will  be  remembered,  was  the  spy  of  Velazquez,  and 
to  him,  therefore,  rather  than  to  another,  was  given 
this  mission,  to  prevent  his  watching  proceedings  at 
Trinidad.  The  commander  of  the  seized  vessel  was 
Juan  Nunez  Sedeno,  who  was  induced  to  join  the 
expedition.17  Meanwhile  in  the  breast  of  Velazquez 
was  stirred  afresh  the  poison  of  jealousy  by  an  astrol- 
oger, one  Juan  Millan,  employed  by  the  enemies  of 
Cortes  to  work  on  the  fears  of  the  governor.  The 
result  was  the  arrival  at  Trinidad,  in  hot  haste,  of 
two  messengers  from  the  governor,  with  orders  for 
Verdugo  to  detain  the  fleet,  the  command  of  which 
had  been  transferred  to  Vasco  Porcallo.  Moreover, 
all  the  retainers  of  Velazquez  were  called  upon  to 
aid  in  deposing  Cortfis.  It  was  no  difficult  matter, 
however,  for  Cortes  to  persuade  Verdugo  of  two 
things:  first,  that  there  were  no  grounds  for  Velaz- 
quez’ fears,  and  secondly,  if  there  were,  force  would 
now  avail  him  nothing.  So  strong  was  Cortds  in  his 
position  that  he  could  easily  lay  the  town  in  ashes 
should  its  authorities  attempt  to  interfere  in  his  pur- 
poses. Taking  one  of  the  messengers,  Pedro  Lasso, 
into  his  service,  by  the  other  Cortes  wrote  Velazquez, 

18  This  appears  to  be  the  same  vessel  referred  to  by  Gomara  as  Alonso 
Guillen’s,  bought  at  Trinidad,  though  nothing  is  of  course  said  about  the  mode 
of  payment.  Hist.  Mex. , 13.  Prescott  mistakes  in  making  Sedeno  the  master 
of  this  vessel. 

17  Ordaz  proceeded  on  his  mission  in  the  caravel  El  Guerho,  and  returned 
to  Trinidad  in  the  vessel  of  Sedeno,  who  received  two  thousand  and  more  Cas- 
tellanos in  gold  fringes,  the  only  treasure  on  hand.  Cortes,  Memorial,  1542,  in 
id.,  Escritos  Sueltos,  312.  ‘ Quatro  mil  arrouas  de  pan,  mil  y quinientos 

tocinos  y muchas  gallinas.’  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  14.  Bernal  Diaz  intimates 
that  Sedeno  came  into  port  of  his  own  accord,  and  was  induced  to  sell  ships 
and  cargo.  Hist.  Verdad.,  14.  He  was  reputed  the  richest  man  in  the  party. 
lb.;  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ltd.,  ii.  455-6;  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  iii.  cap.  xii.  ‘De 
una  hacienda  de  V.  M.  compro  al  mayordomo  de  ella  quinientas  6 tantas 
cargas  (pan)’.  Cort,6s,  Memorial,  1542,  loc.  cit.  The  Prohanza  por  Lejalde,  in 
Lazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  411,  contains  interesting  testimony  as  to  what  goods 
were  obtained,  and  how. 


AT  THE  HABANA. 


67 


in  language  most  respectful,  begging  him  to  believe 
that  he  would  always  be  true  to  his  God,  his  king, 
and  his  dear  friend  and  governor.  In  like  notes  the 
robin  and  the  screech-owl  muffle  their  voices  when 
danger  is  near,  so  as  to  conceal  the  distance,  and  make 
themselves  seem  far  away.  Thus  passed  twelve  days, 
according  to  Bernal  Diaz,  at  Trinidad,  when  one  of 
the  vessels  w'as  despatched  to  the  north  side  of  the 
island  for  supplies,  and  the  fleet  departed  for  San 
Cristobal,  then  Habana,18  while  Pedro  de  Alvarado, 
with  fifty  soldiers  and  all  the  horses,  proceeded  thither 
overland,  adding  to  their  number  at  the  plantations 
on  the  way. 

One  night  during  the  voyage  to  San  Cristobal,  the 
flag-ship  was  separated,  from  the  other  vessels  and 
stranded  on  a reef  near  Isla  de  Pinos.  With  skill  and 
promptness  Cortes  transferred  the  contents  in  small 
boats  to  the  shore,  set  free  the  lightened  vessel,  and, 
reloading,  joined  his  captains  at  San  Cristobal.  This 
accident  delayed  him  seven  days,  during  which  time 
there  was  no  small  stir  among  his  men  at  San  Cristo- 
bal as  to  who  should  command  the  fleet  in  case  its 
captain-general  failed  to  appear.  Conspicuous  among 
these  questioners  was  Ordaz,  who  claimed  precedence 
as  Velazquez’  representative.  But  the  arrival  of  the 
commander  put  an  end  to  the  controversy  and  spread 
unbounded  joy  throughout  the  armada.  Landing,  he 
accepted  the  hospitality  of  Pedro  Barba,  lieutenant  of 
Velazquez.  Among  those  who  joined  him  here  were 
Francisco  Montejo,  the  future  conqueror  of  Yucatan, 
and  Diego  de  Soto,  who  in  Mexico  became  the 
mayordomo  of  Cortes.  Again  the  commander  rid 
himself  of  Ordaz  by  sending  him  with  a vessel  to  the 
plantations  near  Cape  San  Antonio,  there  to  await 


18  The  Habana  was  then  situated  on  the  south  side  of  the  island,  not  on 
the  north  side,  where  the  appellation  now  obtains.  Prescott  and  others  fall 
into  numerous  blunders  by  supposing  the  Habana  of  to-day  to  be  identical 
with  the  Habana  of  three  hundred  years  ago,  sending  a whole  fleet  far  out  of 
its  way  for  no  other  purpose  than  to  collect  provisions,  which  one  vessel  would 
accomplish  as  well. 


GS 


SAILING  OF  THE  EXPEDITION. 


the  fleet.  The  artillery  was  landed  and  cleaned;  the 
cross-bows  were  tested  and  the  firelocks  polished. 
Cotton  armor  was  secured.  More  provisions  being 
required,  Quesada,  the  Episcopal  tithe-collector,  con- 
tributed his  stock. 

Warranted,  as  he  thought,  by  his  success  and  pros- 
pects,. and  well  aware  of  the  effect  on  the  Spanish 
mind  of  some  degree  of  ostentation  and  military  dis- 
play, Cortes  put  on  the  paraphernalia  of  still  greater 
leadership,  and  appointed  a chamberlain,  a chief  but- 
ler, and  a mayordomo,  in  the  persons  of  Rodrigo 
Rangel,  Guzman,  and  Juan  de  Cdceres,  which  pomp 
he  ever  after  maintained.19  Caspar  de  Garnica  now 
arrived  with  letters  from  Velazquez  to  Barba,  Ordaz, 
Leon,  and  others,  ordering  and  entreating  them  to 
stop  the  fleet,  arrest  Cortes,  and  send  him  a prisoner 
to  Santiago.  It  was  of  no  avail,  however.  Soldiers, 
officers,  even  Barba  himself,  were  enthusiastic  for 
Cortds,  who  once  more  wrote  the  governor,  in  terms 
as  courteous  as  they  were  costless,  and  shortly  after- 
ward, on  the  10th  of  February,  1519,  the  fleet  again 
set  sail.20  Guaguanico,  on  the  north  side  of  Cape 

19  ‘Comenc6  Cortds  a poner  casa,  y & tratarse  como  sefior:  y el  primer 
Maestresala q tuvo,  fue  vn  Guzma  qixe  luego  se  murib,  6 mataron  Indies.’  A 
different  man  from  the  later  mayordomo,  Cristobal  de  Guzman,  who  captured 

Quauhtemotzin  during  the  siege  of  Mexico.  ‘Caceres fue  despues  de 

ganado  Mexico,  hombre  rico.’  Bernal  Diaz , Hist.  Verclad .,  15-16. 

20  Bernal  Diaz  says  that  Barba  was  one  of  the  most  devoted  to  Cortes. 
See,  also,  Herrera , dec.  ii.  lib.  iii. , cap.  xiii.  Solis  details  at  length  a public 
gathering,  in  which  the  members  of  the  expedition  became  highly  excited 
over  Velazquez’  efforts  to  stop  Cortes,  and  threatened  to  destroy  the  town. 
He  adds  that  a minor  of  Velazquez’  coming  in  person  to  enforce  his  order 
created  another  excitement.  Hist.  Hex. , i.  63-6;  Robertson,  Hist.  Am.,  ii.  8, 
follows  him;  also  Prescott.  According  to  Las  Casas, Velazquez  sends  a letter 
to  Cortes,  asking  him  to  wait  for  an  important  coxnmunication,  which  he  will 
brixxg  in  person  or  send  by  messenger.  At  the  same  time  come  letters  for 
Ordaz  and  others,  requesting  them  to  seize  the  commander.  Ordaz  accord- 
ingly invites  him  to  a banquet  on  board  his  vessel,  with  the  intent  of  carry- 
ing him  off  to  Santiago;  but  Cortes  perceives  the  snare  and  retix-es  under  pre- 
tence of  indisposition.  The  good  bishop  observes  that  he  never  knew 
Velazquez  evince  so  little  sagacity  as  on  this  occasion ; nor  did  Ox-daz  behave 
any  better.  {list.  I ml.,  iv.  456-7.  Gomax-a  has  the  same  account,  but  adds 
that  the  messenger  from  Velazquez  came  in  a caravel,  together  with  Alvax-ado, 
Olid,  Avila,  Montejo,  and  othex-s  of  Grijalva’s  pax-ty,  who  had  just  arrived  from 
an  interview  with  the  governor.  Hist.  Hex. , 14.  He  is  evidently  mixed. 
Torqucmada,  who  quotes  both  versions  from  Herrex-a  and  Gomax-a,  places  the 
occurrence  at  Txinidad,  and  considex'S  that  Cortes  was  capable  of  and  x-iglit 


EQUIPMENT. 


69 


San  Antonio,  was  the  place  appointed  for  muster 
and  apportionment.21  Meanwhile  Pedro  Alvarado 
was  sent  forward  with  sixty  soldiers  in  the  San 
Sebastian  to  bring  Ordaz  to  the  rendezvous,  but 
driven  by  a gale  beyond  his  goal  and  near  to  Yuca- 
tan, he  thought  it  useless  to  return,  and  so  proceeded 
to  Cozumel  Island,  where  he  arrived  two  days  before 
the  others.  The  expedition  consisted  of  twelve  ves- 
sels, the  flag-ship  or  capitana  of  one  hundred  tons, 
three  others  of  from  sixty  to  eighty  tons,  and  the 
rest  small  brigantines  and  open  craft,  including  a 
transport  commanded  by  Gines  Nortes.  The  soldiers 
numbered  five  hundred  and  eight,  and  the  sailors  one 
hundred  and  nine,  including  officers  and  pilots.  The 
priests  present  were  Juan  Diaz  and  Bartolome  de 
Olmedo,  of  the  Order  of  Mercy.  Under  Juan  Beni- 
tez and  Pedro  de  Guzman  were  thirty-two  cross- 
bowmen; thirteen  men  only  carried  firelocks,  the  rest 
being  armed  with  swords  and  spears.  The  artillery 
consisted  of  ten  bronzed  guns  and  four  falconets,  and 
was  in  charge  of  Francisco  de  Orozco,  aided  by  Mesa 
Usagre,  Arbenga,  and  others.  About  two  hundred 
Cuban  Indians,  together  with  some  native  women 
and  negro  slaves,  were  brought  for  service,  despite 
the  prohibitory  clause  in  the  instructions.  Sixteen 
horses  receive  the  minute  description  and  glowing 
encomium  of  the  soldier  Diaz,  and  play  an  important 
part  in  the  coming  campaign.  The  supplies  included 
some  five  thousand  tocinos,  or  pieces  of  salt  pork,  six 
thousand  loads  of  maize  and  yucca,  fowl,  vegetables, 

in  foiling  Velazquez.  Bernal  Diaz  scouts  Gomara’s  story,  which  is  repeated 
in  De  Rebus  Geslis  Fenlinandi  Cortesii,  in  Icazbcdceta,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  35.5-6. 
Peralta  claims  that  his  father,  Suarez,  pursued  and  slew  the  Indian  courier 
sent  with  orders  for  Luis  de  Medina,  then  with  the  fleet,  to  assume  the 
command.  He  thereupon  brought  the  papers  to  Cortes  and  warned  him  to 
sail  away.  Nat,.  Hist. , 62-4.  Peralta  evidently  upholds  all  his  father  told  him. 

21  So  affirms  Tapia,  one  of  the  party.  Relacion,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc., 
ii.  555;  and  this  is  the  view  of  most  writers.  Bernal  Diaz  states  that  the  re- 
view was  held  at  Cozumel,  which  may  also  have  been  the  case;  but  he  was 
not  present  at  San  Antonio.  A review  must  have  been  held  before  the  fleet  set 
out  on  its  voyage,  in  order  that  captains  might  be  appointed  and  receive  ap- 
portionments of  men  and  supplies.  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej. , ii.  292-3,  assumes 
that,  owing  to  Alvarado’s  absence,  the  muster  was  reserved  for  Cozumel. 


70 


SAILING  OF  THE  EXPEDITION. 


groceries,  and  other  provisions.  For  barter  were 
beads,  bells,  mirrors,  needles,  ribbons,  knives,  hatchets, 
cotton  goods,  and  other  articles.22 

The  force  was  divided  into  eleven  companies,  each 
under  a captain  having  control  on  sea  and  land.  The 
names  of  the  captains  were  Alonso  Hernandez  Puer- 
tocarrero,  Alonso  de  Avila,  Diego  de  Ordaz,  Fran- 
cisco de  Montejo,  Francisco  de  Morla,  Escobar,  Juan 
de  Escalante,  Juan  Velazquez  de  Leon,  Cristobal  de 
Olid,  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  and  Cortes,  with  Anton  de 
Alaminos  as  chief  pilot.23 

From  this  list  it  will  be  seen  that  those  but  lately 
regarded  as  of  the  Velazquez  party  received  their  full 
share  in  the  command.  This  cannot  be  attributed  so 
much  to  the  captain-general’s  sense  of  fairness,  which 
forbade  him  to  take  advantage  of  interests  voluntarily 
intrusted  to  his  care,  as  to  a studied  policy  whereby 
he  hoped  to  win  for  his  purposes  certain  men  of  in- 


22  ‘ Tomo  [Cortes]  fiada  de  Diego  Sanz  tendero,  vna  tieda  de  bohoneria  en 
sietecietos  pesos  de  oro.’  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex. , 12,  14-15.  This  was  at  San- 
tiago. This  author,  who,  together  with  Diaz,  forms  the  main  authority  for 
the  above  list,  mentions  only  eleven  vessels,  but  does  not  include  Alvarado’s. 
Hq  places  the  Spanish  force  at  550  men,  but,  by  adding  to  this  the  sixty  and 
odd  men  absent  with  Alvarado  from  the  review,  the  number  would  agree  with 
Bernal  Diaz’  figures.  Thirteen  vessels,  two  having  joined  at  Habana  as  trans- 
ports; 530  infantry;  twenty-four  horses;  5000  loads  of  maize  and  cassava; 
2000  tocinos.  De  Rebus  Gestis  Ferdinandi  Cortesii,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  i. 
356.  Twelve  vessels  and  500  men.  Carta  del  Ayunt,  de  V.  Cruz,  in  Col.  Doc. 
hidd.,  i.  419-20.  Fifteen  vessels  and  500  men,  without  any  Indians  or  negroes, 
says  Cortes,  in  his  Memorial,  1542,  not  venturing  to  admit  that  he  had  dis- 
obeyed the  royal  order  and  his  instructions  in  taking  Cuban  Indians.  Cortds, 
Escritos  Sueltos,  310 ; Col.  Doc.  Died. , iv.  220.  Seven  navios,  three  bergantines. 
Oviedo,  i.  539.  Nine  vessels,  550  Spaniards,  two  to  three  hundred  Indians. 
Las  Casas,  Hist,  hid.,  iv.  446,  457.  Eleven  vessels  of  thirty  to  one  hundred 
tons,  663  Spaniards,  including  thirty  men  with  firearms.  Brasseur  de  Bour- 
bourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  54;  Cogolludo,  Hist.  Yucathau,  19;  Vetancvrt,  Tealro 
Ecles.,  pt.  ii.  100-11;  Fancourt’s  Hist.  Yuc.,  26-7;  Zamncois,  Hist.  Mdj.,  ii. 
296.  Thirteen  vessels,  560  persons,  thirteen  horses.  Tapia,  Relacion,  in  Icaz- 
balceta, Col.  Doc.,  ii.  558;  Prescott,  Mex.,  i.  262,  follows  both  Bernal  Diaz 
and  Gomara,  but  without  seeking  to  account  for  their  differences,  and  thus 
allows  himself  to  exceed  every  other  authentic  estimate  for  the  number  of 
the  men. 

23  Torquemada,  i.  364;  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  14,  gives  the  same  names, 
except  that  Francisco  de  Salcedo  stands  in  the  place  of  Alvarado.  Solis, 
Hist.  Mex.,  i.  66,  mentions  eleven,  including  Salcedo  and  Nortes;  Las  Casas, 
Hist.  Ind.,  iv.  453,  names  eight,  as  appointed  by  Velazquez.  Zamacois,  Hist. 
Mdj. , ii.  287,  leaves  out  Avila,  which  is  certainly  a mistake,  based  on  Bernal 
Diaz,  who  includes  Gin6s  Nortes,  the  captain  merely  of  a transport.  Salcedo 
joined  later,  at  Villa  Rica. 


SPEECH  OF  CORTES. 


71 


fluence,  whom  it  would,  for  that  matter,  have  been 
dangerous  to  remove. 

Before  the  review,  Cortfis  addressed  his  soldiers  in 
a speech  as  shrewd  and  stirring  as  that  of  Marcius  at 
Corioli.  Pointing  to  the  thousands  of  unbaptized,  he 
awakened  their  religious  zeal ; dwelling  on  the  grandeur 
of  the  undertaking,  he  stimulated  their  ambition;  re- 
ferring to  the  vast  wealth  these  lands  contained,  he 
excited  their  cupidity.  Greater  and  richer  lands  than 
all  the  Spanish  kingdoms,  he  called  them,  and  in- 
habited by  strange  races,  only  awaiting  submission  to 
their  invincible  arms.  Their  whole  fortune  was  in- 
vested in  the  fleet  that  carried  them;  but  who  would 
regret  so  trifling  an  expenditure  when  compared  with 
the  glorious  results  to  follow?  They  were  setting  out 
upon  a career  of  conquest  in  the  name  of  their  God, 
who  had  always  befriended  the  Spanish  nation;  and 
in  the  name  of  their  emperor,  for  whom  they  would 
achieve  greater  deeds  than  any  ever  performed.  Riches 
lay  spread  before  them;  but  like  good  and  brave  men 
they  must  look  with  him  to  the  higher  and  nobler 
reward  of  glory.  “Nevertheless,”  he  archly  added, 
“be  true  to  me,  as  am  I to  you,  and  ere  long  I will 
load  you  with  wealth  such  as  you  have  never  dreamed 
of.  I will  not  say  it  is  to  be  won  without  hardships; 
but  who  of  you  are  afraid?  We  are  few,  but  we  are 
brave.  Let  us  therefore  on  with  the  work  so  well 
begun,  joyously  and  confidently  to  the  end !” 24  There 
is  no  passion  so  artful  as  avarice  in  hiding  itself  under 
some  virtue.  Sometimes  it  is  progress,  sometimes 
patriotism,  but  its  warmest  cloak  has  ever  been  religion. 
There  is  a double  profit  to  the  devotee  whose  religion 
gratifies  his  avarice,  and  whose  avarice  is  made  a part 
of  his  religion. 

On  the  morning  of  February  18th  mass  was  said,  the 

21  Such  is  in  substance  the  speech  prepared  by  Gomara,  1 list.  Mex.,  15-16, 
well  suited  for  the  enterprise,  yet  not  exactly  in  accord  with  the  pretended 
mission  of  peaceful  trade  and  exploration.  Torquemada,  i.  364-5,  gives  it 
nearly  in  the  same  form,  while  Solis,  Hist.  Hex.,  i.  71-3,  elaborates  to  suit 
himself. 


SAILING  OF  THE  EXPEDITION. 


campaign  standard  blessed,  and  Saint  Peter  invoked, 
whereupon  the  prows  were  pointed  toward  the  islands 
of  the  west.  All  the  vessels  were  to  follow  the  flag- 
ship, whose  light  should  be  their  guide  by  night;  in 
case  of  separation  they  were  to  steer  for  Cape  Catoche 
and  thence  proceed  to  Cozumel.25 


25  The  (late  of  departure  is  generally  admitted  to  be  February  18th,  but  in 
Cortes,  Memorial,  1542,  is  written  ‘ tar  do  en  esto  [fitting  out]  desde  dieciocho 
dias  del  mes  de  Octubre . . . hasta  dieciocho  dias  del  mes  de  Enero,  del  ano  de 
diez  y nueve  que  acabd  de  salir  de  la  dicha  Isla  de  Cuba,  del  cabo  de  Corrientes.  ’ 
Cortes,  Eseritos  Suellos,  313.  This  is  wrong,  however,  for  the  fleet  could  not 
have  left  Santiago  before  the  date  of  the  instructions;  yet  it  confirms  the  fact 
that  three  months  were  spent,  after  leaving  Santiago,  before  the  fleet  finally 
left  the  island.  Some  of  the  authors  indicate  a portion  of  this  time,  showing 
that  eight  days  were  spent  at  Macaco  and  twelve  at  Trinidad,  leaving  seventy- 
two  days  for  the  brief  passages  along  the  south  coast  of  Cuba  and  for  the 
stay  at  San  Cristobal. 

De  Rebus  Gestis  Ferdinandi  Corlesii,  or,  as  the  Spanish  translator  entitles  it, 
Vida  de  Hernan  Cortes,  giving  the  fullest  but  also  the  most  partial  account 
of  Cortes  up  to  this  time,  is  an  anonymous  manuscript  in  Latin,  of  eleven 
folio  leaves,  deposited  in  the  Simancas  archives,  whence  Munoz  obtained  a 
copy,  published  by  Icazbalceta  in  his  Coleccion  de  Documentos , i.  309-57.  It 
is  in  a clear  hand,  with  corrections  and  marginals,  evidently  by  the  author. 
Several  points  indicate  that  it  formed  part  of  De  Orbe  Novo,  a history  of 
America,  written  apparently  in  a series  of  biographies,  to  judge  from  the 
reference  made  to  a preceding  part  relating  to  Columbus,  and  to  later  parts 
on  the  conquest  of  Mexico.  Munoz  expresses  the  opinion  that  the  author 
may  be  Cal  vet  de  Estrella,  chronicler  of  the  Indies,  mentioned*  by  Nic. 
Antonio  as  the  writer  of  the  manuscripts  De  Rebus  Gestis  Vaccce  Cast,/, 
in  the  Colegio  del  Sacro  Monte  de  Granada.  This  title  induced  him  to  name 
the  present  document  De  Rebus  Gestis  Ferdinandi  Corlesii.  The  supposition 
is  warranted  by  the  style  and  by  the  evident  date;  for  references  indicate 
that  it  was  written  during  the  lifetime  of  several  companions  of  Cortes. 
The  fragment  begins  with  the  hero’s  birth  and  ends  at  his  departure  with  the 
fleet  from  Cuba.  Although  the  facts  related  conform,  as  a rule,  to  Gomara’s 
version,  a number  of  authorities  have  been  consulted,  some  of  them  no  longer 
extant,  chiefly  with  a view  to  extol  the  character  and  career  of  the  hero,  and 
to  elaborate  incidents  into  tiresome  prolixity. 


CHAPTER  VI. 


THE  VOYAGE. 

1519. 

Something  of  the  Captains  of  Cortes — Alvarado — Monte. jo — Avila — 
Olid — Sandoval — Leon — Ordaz — Morla — The  Passage — The  Fleet 
Struck  by  a Squall — Arrival  at  Cozumel — Alvarado  Censured — 
Search  for  the  Captive  Christians — Arrival  of  Aguilar — His 
Chaste  Adventures — They  Come  to  Tabasco  River — Battles 
there — Conquest  of  the  Natives — Peace  Made — Twenty  Female 
Slaves  among  the  Presents — The  Fleet  Proceeds  along  the 
Shore — Puertocarrep.o’s  Witticism — Arrival  at  San  Juan  de  Ulua. 

As  the  everlasting  waves  that  bowl  his  ships  along 
are  discoursing  to  Cortes  of  his  destiny,  let  us  make 
the  acquaintance  of  his  captains,  some  of  whom  are 
to  play  parts  in  the  Anahuac  amphitheatre  secondary 
only  to  his  own. 

First,  there  was  the  fiery  and  impetuous  Pedro  de 
Alvarado,  a hero  of  the  Achilles  or  Sir  Lancelot 
school,  strong  and  s}unmetrical  as  a goddess-born ; 
haughty,  choleric,  sometimes  stanch  and  generous; 
passionate  in  his  loves  and  hates,  with  the  usual  mix- 
ture of  license,  loyalty,  and  zeal  for  the  church.  He 
had  not  eyes  to  see,  from  where  he  stood  in  the  war- 
fare of  his  day,  at  once  the  decline  of  the  fiercer  bar- 
barism and  the  dawn  of  a truer  and  gentler  heroism. 
Already  we  have  discovered  flashes  of  temper  and 
tendencies  to  treachery  that  display  his  character  by 
too  sulphurous  a flame ; but  we  shall  find  in  him  much 
to  admire  as  conquistador  and  governor. 

Alvarado  was  about  the  age  of  Cortes,  Bajadoz 
being  his  native  place.  There  his  father,  Diego  de 
Alvarado,  comendador  de  Lobon  in  the  order  of  San- 

173) 


74 


THE  VOYAGE. 


tiago,  and  his  mother,  Sara  de  Contreras,  struggled 
with  poverty  to  maintain  the  reputation  of  a good 
family  name.  At  the  age  of  twenty-five  Pedro  came 
over  to  Santo  Domingo,  and  prompted  by  vanity 
paraded  himself  in  an  old  gown  of  his  fathers,  whereon 
was  sewn  the  red  cross  of  Santiago.  At  first  he  wore 
this  garment  inside  out,  giving  as  a reason  his  reduced 
circumstances  which  made  him  ashamed  to  publicly 
own  the  rank  of  knight.  On  being  reproved  by  the 
admiral,  he  boldly  affixed  the  insignia  to  his  other 
dresses,  and  thenceforth  called  and  signed  himself  the 
Comendador  Alvarado.1  The  title  was  never  openly 
questioned  in  the  Indies,  where  men  had  little  time 
for  inquiring  into  the  affairs  of  others,  and  Alvarado 
failed  not  with  his  plausible  tongue  and  crafty  nature 
to  use  it  for  obtaining  certain  privileges  and  advance- 
ment. 

When  Grijalva  prepared  his  expedition  he  was 
living  as  an  encomendero,  near  Trinidad,  in  Cuba, 
with  five  brothers.2  As  captain  under  this  chief  he 
gave  evidence  of  an  enterprising  nature,  combined 
with  an  impatiency  of  restraint  which  ill  fitted  a 
subordinate.  The  want  of  principle  already  shown 
by  his  conduct  at  Santo  Domingo  was  here  made 
apparent  in  the  attempt  to  injure  his  commander  with 
Velazquez,  in  order  to  further  his  own  ends.  His  now 
prominent  position  as  a well-to-do  gentleman,  and 
the  experience  gathered  under  Grijalva,  had  made 
him  a welcome  member  of  the  present  expedition. 
He  had  also  acquired  the  reputation  of  a good  soldier 
and  horseman,  with  a bravery  bordering  on  reckless- 
ness, and  was  a great  favorite  with  his  men,  among 
whom  he  also  ranked  as  an  able  drill  master.  With 
an  agile  frame,  he  presented  a most  cheerful  and 
pleasing  countenance,  fair,  some  called  ‘it,  with  a ten- 

1 ‘Qustando. . . .en  la  cibdad  de  Sto  Domingo  vibiendo  con  el  Almirante. 
Ramirez,  Proceso  contra  Alvarado,  pp.  xi.  61;  Juarros,  Guat.,  i.  252. 

2 ‘ Todos  hermanos,  que  fue  el  Capitan  Pedro  de  Aluarado,  y Gon<jalo  de 
Aluarado,  y Jorge  de  Aluarado,  y Gon^alo  [Alonzc]  y Gomez,  6 Juan  de  Alva- 
rado el  viejo,  que  era  bastardo.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  14. 


ALVARADO,  MONTEJO,  AND  AVILA. 


75 


dcncy  to  ruddiness.  Its  attraction  centred  chiefly  in 
the  eyes,  and  afterward  obtained  for  him  among  the 
Indians  of  Tlascala  the  appellation  of  Tonatiuh,  the 
Sun.3  His  first  glance  thrown  upon  a combatant  was 
the  flash  which  was  to  be  followed  by  the  thunder- 
bolt. Vanity  prompted  a careful  attention  to  dress, 
but  with  a result  approaching  the  showy  rather  than 
the  elegant.  His  manner,  no  less  winning  than  the 
face,  made  him  a most  agreeable  companion,  the  more 
so  as  he  was  a liberal  fellow,  particularly  with  respect 
to  women,  and  to  pleasures  generally.  Beneath  this 
smiling  exterior,  however,  lay  hidden  an  insatiable 
longing  for  power,  and  a blind  worship  of  gold  as 
the  purchaser  of  pleasure,  and  under  their  influ- 
ence he  became  at  times  so  insensible  to  feelings 
of  humanity  as  to  place  him  outside  the  category  of 
greatness.* 

Another  of  Grijalva’s  captains  here  present  was 
Francisco  de  Montejo,  who  came  from  Spain  with 
Pedrarias  Davila  in  1514.  After  enlisting  men  in 
Espanola,  and  aiding  in  the  conquest  of  Cemi,  he  came 
to  Cuba  to  wield  the  sword  for  Velazquez;  but  while 
ranking  as  a brave  officer  and  a good  horseman,  he 
showed  greater  aptitude  for  business. 

At  the  present  time  he  was  about  thirty-five  years 
of  age,  of  medium  stature,  and  with  a bright  face, 

3 See  Native  Races,  iii.  109  and  183.  ‘ Biondo.’  Clavigero,  Storia  Mess.,  iii. 

8.  Elaborating  this,  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  says,  ‘Aux  clicveux  blonds  et 
colore  de  visage,  ce  qui  lui  fit  donner  par  les  Tlaxcalteques  le  surnom  de 
Tonatiuh.’  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  53.  But  the  authority  for  calling  him  blonde 
is  not  mentioned.  It  may  rest  on  mere  tradition.  A Mexican  picture  gives 
him  dark  beard  and  a yellow  helmet  or  head-dress,  the  same  colors  being 
given  to  the  beard  and  head-dress  of  figures  representing  the  Spanish  troops. 
Ramirez  is  rather  inclined  to  doubt  the  authenticity  of  the  portrait  so  fre- 
quently copied  from  Cortina’s  copper-plates,  representing  him  as  of  dark 
complexion,  with  long,  meagre,  pointed  face,  very  high  forehead,  stubbed 
hair,  mustache,  and  imperial.  Ramirez,  Proceso  contra  Alvarado,  pp.  xi.  xxii. 
277-82,  with  plates.  Prescott's  Mex.  (Mex.  1844),  i.  458;  Id.  ( Gondra  ed. ), 
iii.  220;  ‘ Carbajal  Espinosa,  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  340,  686,  with  signature.  A 
wood-cut  in  Armin,  Alte  Mex.,  222,  presents  a much  younger  man,  with  a 
round,  handsome  face,  curled  hair,  and  full,  curled  beard.  This  corresponds 
more  to  the  description  given  in  the  text,  but  the  authority  is  not  indicated. 
Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  ii.  4S4,  gives  a full-length  portrait  corresponding  to  this. 

' Helps.  Cortes,  ii.  163,  compares  him  to  Murat,  Cortes  being  the  Napoleon. 
Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  15,  240,  245. 


76 


THE  VOYAGE. 


which  indicated  love  for  pleasure  and  generous  lib- 
erality.5 

Alonso  cle  Avila,  the  third  of  Grijalva’s  brave  lieu- 
tenants, had  also  a pleasant  face  and  liberal  disposition, 
combined  with  good  reasoning  power,  but  was  alto- 
gether too  loud-spoken  and  argumentative,  and  had 
an  overbearing  manner  that  created  many  enemies. 
He  was  about  thirty-three  years  of  age.  Cristobal 
de  Olid,  a year  his  junior,  was  a well  formed,  strong- 
limbed  man,  with  wide  shoulders  and  a somewhat 
fair  complexion.  Despite  the  peculiarity  of  a groove 
in  the  lower  lip,  which  gave  it  the  appearance  of  being 
split,  the  face  was  most  attractive,  and  the  powerful 
voice  helped  to  bear  him  out  as  a good  talker.  While 
lacking  in  sincerity  and  depth  of  thought,  and  being 
little  tit  for  the  council,  lie  possessed  qualities  which, 
in  connection  with  great  bravery  and  determination, 
made  him  an  admirable  executive  officer;  but  an 
ambition  to  command  began  to  assert  itself,  and  di- 
rected by  evil  influence  it  brought  about  his  fall  a few 
years  later.  Bernal  Diaz  calls  him  a very  Hector  in 
combat,  and  possessing,  among  other  good  qualities, 
that  of  being  liberal;  on  the  whole  an  excellent  man, 
though  unfit  to  be  a leader.6  The  youngest  of  the 
captains,  the  most  worshipful  and  the  most  lovable, 
was  Gonzalo  de  Sandoval,  an  hidalgo  of  only  twenty- 
two  years,  from  Cortes’  own  town,  the  son  of  a fortress 
commandant,  but  with  merely  a rudimentary  educa- 


5 Montejo,  Memorial  al  Emp. , 1545,  in  Cent.  Amer.,  1545-55,  MS.  130. 
‘Fud  uno  cle  aquellos  milites  que  passaron  & estas  partes. . .mill  6 quinientos 
y catorce,  <5  aquel  mesmo  ano . . . fu6sse  de  la  Tierra-Firma. . . 6 passose  A la  isla 
deCuba.’  Oviedo,  iii.  217. 

°See  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  this  series,  i.,  524-32.  ‘Era  estremado  varon,  mas 
no  era  para  mandar,  sino  para  ser  miidado,  y era  de  edad  de  treinta  y seis 

aflos,  natural  de  cerca  cle  Baezab  Linares Tenia  otras  buenas  codiciones, 

de  ser  franco.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  177.  ‘Era  vn  Hector  en  el  esfu- 
er«jo,  para  combatir  persona  por  persona.’  Id. , 240.  ‘Natural  que  fue  de 
Vbeda  6 de  Linares.’  Id.,  241.  ‘ Da  Baeza  nell’  Andaluzia.  Era  membruto, 
ombroso,  e doppio.’  Clavigero,  Storia  Mess.,  iii.  8,  ‘D’une  laideur  extreme; 
sa  duplicity  et  sa  fourberie  le  rendaicnt  un  homme  peu  sur,’  says  Brasseur  de 
Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  53,  with  his  not  unusual  hasty  elaboration. 
Portrait  in  Prescott’s  Mex.  (Mex.  1844),  i.  421;  also  in  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej., 
iv.  254. 


SANDOVAL,  VELASQUEZ  DE  LEON,  OHDAZ.  77 

tion.  Brave,  intrepid,  and  with  a good  head,  he  was 
equally  determined  in  speech  and  in  deportment,  yet 
with  a faultless  obedience  and  loyalty  that  won  the 
confidence  and  esteem  of  his  chief.  With  a strict  eye 
to  discipline,  he  possessed  also  a kind,  humane  dispo- 
sition, which  gained  the  love  and  respect  of  his  men, 
whose  comfort  he  studied  far  more  than  his  own. 
Plain  in  dress,  and  modest  in  manner  and  aspiration, 
he  was  free  from  the  greed  which  tainted  so  many 
around  him.  A soldier  in  all  qualities  of  the  heart 
and  mind,  he  was  also  physically  fitted  for  one.  In 
battle  he  was  as  wrathful  and  as  beautiful  as  Apollo 
when  he  slew  the  Python.  The  robust  frame,  with 
its  high  chest  and  broad  shoulders,  supported  a full 
face  adorned  with  short,  curly,  nut-brown  hair.  The 
powerful  voice,  inclining  at  times  to  a lisp,  was  ex- 
hibited more  in  the  issue  of  brief  command  than  in 
conversation ; for  Don  Gonzalo  was  as  energetic  to  act 
as  he  was  char}T  of  words.  The  slightly  bow-legged 
limbs  indicated  an  early  training  for  the  saddle. 
Indeed,  equestrian  exercises  were  his  delight,  and  his 
horse  Motilla,  a chestnut  with  a white  foot  and  a star 
on  the  forehead,  is  described  by  Bernal  Diaz  as  the 
finest  he  ever  saw.  Sandoval  stands  before  us  not 
only  as  an  admirable  man,  but  as  an  ideal  officer,  in 
his  combined  qualities  of  juvenile  ardor  and  prudence, 
valor  and  humanity,  modesty  of  disposition  and  purity 
of  heart.  Cortes  spoke  of  him  after  his  death  with 
feelings  of  deepest  regret,  and  represented  him  to  the 
emperor  as  one  of  the  finest  soldiers  in  the  world,  fit 
to  command  armies.7 

In  Velazquez  de  Leon  we  find  another  admirable 
officer,  who  possesses  many  traits  in  common  with 
Sandoval.  He  is  described  as  about  four  years  older 
than  that  chivalrous  youth,  with  a well  formed,  power- 
ful frame,  fine  chest  and  shoulders,  full  face,  set  in  a 


7 Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verclad.,  240,  246;  Clavir/ero,  Storia  Mess.,  iii.  8;  Por- 
trait and  signature  in  Carbajal  Espinosa,  Hist.  Hex.,  ii.  254,  686.  Portrait 
in  Zamacois,  Hist.  J Jcj.,  ii.  485,  and  in  Armin,  Alte  Alex.,  217. 


78 


THE  VOYAGE. 


somewhat  curled  and  carefully  tended  beard.  He 
was  open  with  the  hand,  ready  with  the  sword,  and 
an  expert  horseman.  He  bore  the  reputation  of 
having  killed  a prominent  and  rich  man  in  a duel  in 
Espahola,  a deed  which  had  obliged  him  to  seek  refuge 
in  Cuba  with  his  relation  Velazquez. 

The  most  devoted  adherent  of  Velazquez,  although 
not  bound  to  him  by  ties  of  relationship,  was  liis 
ancient  mayordomo  mayor,  Diego  de  Ordaz,8  a power- 
ful man,  of  large  stature,  with  full  face,  thin,  dark 
beard,  and  stuttering  speech.  As  a leader  of  foot- 
soldiers,  for  he  did  not  ride,  he  gained  the  reputation 
of  possessing  great  daring,  as  well  as  a good  head; 
and  among  comrades  he  ranked  as  a liberal  man  and 
a conversationalist.  Of  the  other  captains,  Francisco 
de  Salcedo,  reputed  chief  butler  to  the  admiral  of 
Castile,  bore  the  sobriquet  of  ‘Dandy’  from  his  spruce 
manner;9  and  Francisco  de  Morla  is  spoken  of  as  a 
valiant  soldier  and  good  horseman.10 

On  the  way  over  the  vessels  were  dispersed  by  a 
squall,  but  were  gathered  by  the  flag-ship,  some  at 
Catoche,  and  some  at  Port  San  Juan,  on  the  north 
end  of  Cozumel  Island,  where  they  all  finally  congre- 
gated.11 Quite  early  in  the  adventure  Cortes  was 


8 Also  written  Ordds.  ‘Natural  de  tierra  de  Campos.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist. 
Verdad.,  246.  Portrait  in  Carbajal  Espinosa,  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  192. 

s ' Saucedo,  natural  de  Medina  de  Kioseco;  y porque  era  muy  pulido,  le 
llama  vamos,  el  galan.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  240.  This  captain  joins 
later. 

10  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  240-7,  gives  a long  list  of  notices  of  members 
of  the  expedition,  many  of  whom  will  receive  attention  during  the  course  of 
the  narrative. 

11  San  Juan,  Ante  Portam  Latinam.  See  also  Carta  de  Ayunt.  de  Vera  Cruz, 
in  Cortts,  Cartas,  9.  Several  authors,  following  Gomara,  it  seems,  refer  to  one 
vessel  as  missing,  but  as  this  is  identified  with  Escobar’s,  sent,  according  to 
Bernal  Diaz,  on  a special  exploring  expedition  to  Laguna  de  Thrminos,  the 
view  of  the  latter  author  is  probably  more  correct.  It  is  not  likely  that  a 
captain  would  have  sailed  so  far  beyond  the  rendezvous,  and  there  waited  for 
weeks  the  chance  arrival  of  the  fleet.  In  Tajiia,  Relacion,  in  Tcazbalceta, 
Col.  Doc.,  ii.  557,  are  references  yet  more  vague  to  a missing  vessel.  During 
the  gale  Morla’s  vessel  was  struck  by  a wave,  which  unshipped  her  rudder. 
His  signal  of  distress  caused  the  flag-ship  to  heave  to  till  daybreak.  The  rud- 
der was  then  discovered  floating  close  by,  and  tying  a rope  to  his  body,  Morla 
leaped  into  the  sea  to  aid  in  replacing  it.  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  16;  Las  Casas, 
Hist.  Ind.,  iv.  458. 


DISCIPLINE. 


79 


called  on  to  spread  before  his  unbridled  associates 
the  quality  of  discipline  they  might  expect.  It  seems 
that  Alvarado  arrived  at  Cozumel  Island  two  days 
before  the  fleet,  and  had  begun  to  carry  matters 
with  rather  a high  hand  for  a subordinate.  He  had 
entered  two  towns,  taken  three  persons  captive,  and 
seized  some  property  of  the  natives.  “Is  this  the  way 
to  win  to  our  purpose  barbarous  peoples?”  exclaimed 
the  indignant  Cortes.  For  failing  to  bring  the  vessel 
to  the  rendezvous  at  Cape  San  Antonio,  Alvarado’s 
pilot  was  placed  in  chains.  A little  later,  seven  sailors 
were  flogged  for  theft  and  perjury.  The  captives 
were  soothed  with  presents  and  liberated,  the  stolen 
articles  restored,  and  with  the  aid  of  Melchor,  the  in- 
terpreter, the  fears  of  the  natives  were  assuaged. 

In  answer  to  his  inquiries  regarding  the  captive 
Christians,  Cortes  was  informed  that  two  days’  journey 
in  the  interior  of  Yucatan  bearded  men  had  been  seen 
by  Cozumel  traders,  not  long  since,  whereupon  two 
vessels  were  despatched  to  Catoche  under  Ordaz,  who 
was  there  to  await,  one  week,  the  return  of  three 
Indian  messengers,  sent  with  presents  to  redeem  the 
captives,  and  bearing  a letter  telling  them  where  to 
find  their  countrymen.12 

While  waiting  events,  Cortes  landed  the  horses  to 
explore  and  forage,  and  employed  the  otherwise  unoc- 


12  The  letter,  as  given  in  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  17,  and  Gomara, 
Hist.  Mex.,  19,  differs  somewhat  in  tenor,  and  the  former  assigns  eight  days, 
the  latter  six,  as  the  time  Ordaz  was  to  wait.  Gomara  writes  further  that 
the  Indians  were  at  first  afraid  to  venture  on  such  an  errand  into  the  interior, 
but  the  large  reward  overcame  their  fears,  and  they  were  carried  to  the  cape 
in  Escalante’s  vessel,  escorted  by  Ordaz  in  two  other  craft  manned  by  fifty 
men.  Cogolludo,  Hist.  Yucathan,  20,  thinks  there  could  be  no  danger  for 
messengers.  * Escondieron  [the  letter]  a vno  entre  los  cabellos,  que  trahian 
largos  y trenzados,  rebueltos,  a la  cabeca:  y embi6  los  dos  nauios  de  menos 
porte ....  cort  veynte  ballesteros,  y escopeteros . . . . y que  el  menor  boluiesse  a 
dar  cuenta  de  lo  que  auian  hecho.’  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  iv.  cap.  vi. ; P.  ter 
Martyr,  dec.  iv.  cap.  vi.  ‘ Envio  un  bergantin  6 cuatro  bateles ....  que  esper- 
arien  cinco  dias,  6 no  mas.’  Tapia,  Relacion,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  556. 
Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.,  iv.  459,  states  that  the  cacique  of  Cozumel,  eager  to 
communicate  freely  with  Cortes,  sent  messengers  to  the  lord  owning  one  of 
the  captives,  and  asked  him  to  sell  or  lend  the  man.  Cortes  at  first  proposed 
to  rescue  the  captive  with  an  armed  force,  but  the  cacique  suggested  a ransom 
a3more  effective.  Solis,  Hist.  Mex.,  i.  76;  Landa,  Bel.  de  Yuc.,  24-6. 


so 


THE  VOYAGE. 


cupied  men  in  military  exercise.  The  islanders  were 
highly  entertained,  and  thought  the  animals  giant  deer 
and  the  ships  water-houses.  In  return  they  gave  the 
strano'ers  cause  for  wonderment  not  unmixed  with 

o 

wrath ; for  this  was  a sacred  island,  in  a heathen  sense, 
and  thither,  from  distant  parts,  resorted  pilgrims  with 
offerings  for  sanguinary  shrines.  And  when  one  feast- 
day  the  priests  of  Baal,  within  their  temple,  arose 
before  the  people  and  called  upon  the  gods  of  their 
fathers,  the  excited  Spaniards  could  not  contain  them- 
selves; Cortes  stood  forth  and  preached  his  religion 
to  the  indignant  savages,  but  failing  in  the  desired 
effect,  the  Spaniards  rushed  upon  the  idols,  hurled 
them  from  their  seats,  and  planted  in  their  place  the 
emblem  of  their  faith.13 

In  due  time  Ordaz  returned  without  the  lost 
Christians,  greatly  to  the  disappointment  of  Cortds, 
who  desired  them  particularly  for  interpreters.  The 
fleet  then  set  sail,  but  was  obliged  to  return,  owing 
to  the  leaky  condition  of  Escalante’s  vessel.  While 
engaged  upon  repairs  one  day,  the  Spaniards  being 
encamped  upon  the  shore,  a canoe  was  seen  approach- 
ing the  harbor  from  the  mainland.  Andres  de  Tapia 
and  others  hastened  to  the  landing,  where  presently 
the  boat  arrived,  and  four  tawny  undressed  figures 
stepped  upon  the  shore.  One  was  bearded,  and  his 
form  a little  bent,  and  as  he  advanced  before  the 
others  there  was  eager  questioning  in  the  piercing 
glance  he  threw  about  him.  Presently  he  cried  out 
in  ill-articulated  speech,  “ Senores,  sois  cristianos?” 
On  being  assured  that  they  were,-  he  dropped  upon 

13  Two  carpenters,  Alonso  Yauez  and  Alvaro  Lopez,  claim  the  honor  of 
having  raised  the  first  cross  for  the  church  in  New  Spain.  To  this  the  natives 
made  no  great  objection,  the  cross  having  already  with  them  a religious 
significance;  and  surely  the  sanctified  effigy  of  the  benign  Mary  was  a more 
beautiful  object  to  look  upon  than  their  idols.  See  Native  llaces,  iii.  4GS-70.  In 
one  of  the  temples  ‘ auia  vna  cruz  de  cal  tan  alta  como  diez  palmos.  Gomara, 
Hist.  Mex. , 24.  Las  Casas  objects  to  the  compulsory  mode  of  conversion  used 
by  Cortiis  and  his  holy  company,  and  devotes  a long  paragraph  to  depicting 
the  folly  and  evil  thereof.  Hist.  Iiul.,  iv.  460-2,  470.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  I cr- 
iImL.,  18,  describes  the  idolatrous  rite,  and  Prescott,  Mex. , i.  209-71,  speaks 
of  Cort6s  as  a reformer. . 


TIIE  LOST  CHRISTIANS. 


81 


his  knees,  and  with  tears  falling  from  uplifted  eyes 
thanked  God  for  his  deliverance.  Tapia  saw  it  at  a 
glance;  this  was  one  of  the  captives.  Hastily  step- 
ping forward,  he  caught  the  uncouth  object  in  his 
arms,  raised  him  from  the  ground  with  a tender  em- 
brace, and  conducted  him  to  camp.11  But  for  the 
beard  it  -would  have  been  difficult,  from  his  outward 
appearance,  to  believe  him  a European.  Naturally 
of  a dark  complexion,  he  was  now  bronzed  by  ex- 
posure, and  entirely  naked  except  for  a breech-cloth 
and  sandals.  His  crown  was  shorn,  and  the  remain- 
ing hair  braided  and  coiled  upon  the  head.15  In  his 
hand  he  carried  a net  containing,  among  other  things, 
a greasy  prayer-book.  On  being  presented  to  Cortes 
he  seemed  dazed,  scarcely  knowing  whether  to  call 
himself  savage  or  civilized.  At  best  he  could  not 
all  at  once  throw  himself  out  of  the  former  and  into 
the  latter  category;  for  when  his  Indian  companions 
squatted  themselves  before  the  captain-general,  and 
with  the  right  hand,  moistened  by  the  lips,  touched 
the  ground  and  then  the  region  of  the  heart  in  token 
of  reverence,  impelled  by  habit  he  found  himself  doing 
the  same.  Cortes  was  touched.  Lifting  him  up,  he 
threw  over  the  naked  Spaniard  his  own  yellow  mantle, 

14  This  is  the  substance  of  Tapia’s  own  account.  Felarion,  in  Icnzbalceta, 
Col.  Doc.,  ii.  556-7.  Others  differ  somewhat  in  the  number  of  Indians  who 
arrive  in  the  canoe,  in  the  mode  of  addressing  Tapia,  and  other  points.  Ac- 
cording to  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  19,  some  soldiers  out  hunting  report 
the  approach  of  the  canoe,  whereupon  Cort6s  sends  Tapia  to  ascertain  its  ob- 
ject. Seven  Indians  of  Cozumel  land,  and,  on  seeing  the  Spaniards  advance, 
are  about  to  flee  in  alarm,  but  one  of  them  reassures  the  rest,  and  calls  out, 
‘ Dios,  y Santa  Maria,  y Sevilla.’  While  he  is  embraced  by  Tnpia,  a soldier 
rushes  to  announce  the  news  to  Cortes.  According  to  Gomara,  Hist.  Me.x.,  20, 
it  is  meal-time  and  first  Sunday  in  Lent  when  the  news  of  a canoe  with  four 
Indians  is  brought.  The  fleet  had  been  prevented  by  a storm  from  sailing 
on  the  previous  day. 

13  This  was  a common  form  of  Maya  hair-dress.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad. , 
19,  and  some  others  describe  him  as  shorn  like  a slave;  but  thi3  man  appears 
to  have  risen  from  that  condition.  He  gives  him  an  extra  pair  of  sandals, 
hanging  at  the  waist,  a dilapidated  mantle  or  cloth — called  a net  by  Herrera — - 
wherein  is  tied  a thumbed  prayer-book,  and  upon  the  shoulder  he  places  an 
oar.  This  oar  is  brought  into  camp  by  almost  every  writer,  regardless  of  the 
fact  that  it  did  not  belong  to  him  and  could  no  longer  be  of  use.  Gomara, 
Wist.  Mex. , 20,  gives  him  bow  and  arrows.  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.,  iv.  461, 
j marks  that  in  the  prayer-book  was  kept  an  account  of  time,  which  marked 
-is  day  as  a Wednesday,  while  it  really  was  Sunday. 

Hist,  Mex.,  Von.  I.  6 


82 


THE  VOYAGE. 


lined  with  crimson.  He  asked  his  name,  and  the  man 
said  he  was  Gerbnimo  de  Aguilar,  ordained  in  minor 
orders,  a native  of  Ecija,  and  relative  of  the  Licen- 
ciado  Marcos  de  Aguilar,  known  to  Cortds  in  Es- 
panola.  He  and  Gonzalo  Guerrero,  a sailor  and  a 
native  of  Palos,  were  the  sole  survivors  of  the  ex- 
pedition which,  nearly  eight  years  before,  had  left 
Darien  for  Espahola,  under  Valdivia,  whose  ship- 
wreck and  horrible  fate  I have  elsewhere  detailed.16 

If  backward  at  the  beginning  in  the  use  of  his  tongue, 
Aguilar  talked  well  enough  when  started,  giving  his 
thrilling  experiences  in  words  which  filled  his  lis- 
teners with  amazement.  On  escaping  from  the  lord  of 
Maya,  who  had  eaten  Valdivia  and  the  others  with  the 
same  relish  that  the  Cyclops  ate  the  companions  of 
Ulysses,  the  survivors  threw  themselves  on  the  mercy 
of  a neighboring  cacique  called  Ahkin  Xooc.  He  with 
his  successor,  Taxmar,  enslaved  them,  and  treated 
them  so  severely  that  all  died  but  himself  and  the 
sailor,  Guerrero.  There  is  a law  of  relativity  which 
applies  to  happiness  and  misery,  no  less  than  to  mental 
and  physical  consciousness.  By  ways  widely  different 
these  two  men  had  saved  themselves;  the  former  by 
humility  and  chastity,  the  latter  by  boldness  and 
sensuality.  Securing  services  under  Nachan  Kan, 
cacique  of  Chetumal,  the  sailor  adopted  the  dress  and 
manners  of  the  people,  rapidly  rose  in  favor,  became 
the  chief  captain  of  his  master,  married  a woman  of 
rank,  and  began  to  rear  a dusky  race;  so  that  when 
the  messengers  of  Cortes  arrived  he  declined  to  be 

O 

ransomed.17  Then  blushing  beneath  his  tawny  skin 
the  sanctified  Aguilar  went  on  to  tell  of  his  own 
temptations  and  triumphs,  in  which  he  had  been  as 
lonely  as  was  Ethan  Brand  in  hugging  the  unpardon- 

16  See  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  350,  this  series. 

Aguilar  intimated  another  reason  why  Guerrero  remained,  that  he  had 
taken  part  in  the  fights  against  Cordoba  and  Grijalva  at  Potonchan,  which 
is  very  doubtful.  Then  it  is  said  that  his  face  was  tattooed  and  his  lips  turned 
down,  and  when  Aguilar  besought  him  to  go  the  children  clung  to  him,  and 
the  wife  first  begged,  and  then  threatened,  to  make  Aguilar  desist.  Cogolludo, 
Jlisl.  Y ucathan,  23;  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Vtrdad.,  18-19;  Torquemada,  i.  370. 


ADVENTURES  OF  AGUILAR. 


83 


able  sin.  So  sublime  had  been  his  patience  and  his 
piety  under  the  drudgery  at  first  put  upon  him,  that  he 
too  rose  in  the  estimation  of  his  master,  who  was  led 
to  entrust  him  with  more  important  matters.  F or  in  all 
things  pertaining  to  flesh  and  spirit  he  acted  with  so 
much  conscientiousness  thatTaxmar,a  stranger  to  those 
who  loved  virtue  for  its  own  sake,  suspected  the  motives 
that  inspired  his  captives.  To  test  his  wonderful  in- 
tegrity, for  he  had  noticed  that  Aguilar  never  raised 
his  eyes  to  look  upon  a woman,  Taxmar  once  sent 
him  for  fish  to  a distant  station,  giving  him  as  sole 
companion  a beautiful  girl,  who  had  been  instructed 
to  employ  all  her  arts  to  cause  the  Christian  to  break 
his  vow  of  continency.  Care  had  been  taken  that 
there  should  be  but  one  hammock  between  them,  and 
at  night  she  bantered  him  to  occupy  it  with  her;  but 
stopping  his  ears  to  the  voice  of  the  siren,  he  threw 
himself  upon  the  cold,  chaste  sands,  and  passed  the 
night  in  peaceful  dreams  beneath  the  songs  of  heaven.18 

Cortes  smiled  somewhat  sceptically  at  this  and  like 
recitals,  wherein  the  sentiments  expressed  would  have 
done  honor  to  Scipio  Africanus ; nevertheless,  he  was 

18  This  is  in  substance  the  adventures  of  Aguilar,  as  related  at  length  in  Her- 
rera, dec.  ii.lib.  iv.  cap.  vii.-viii.,  followed  by  Torquemada,  i.  370-72,  and  Cogol- 
ludo,  Hist.  Yucathan,  24-9,  and  prettily,  though  hastily,  elaborated  in  Irvimj's 
Columbus,  iii.  290-301,  and  other  modern  writers.  On  reaching  Catoche  and 
finding  Ordaz  gone,  he  proceeded  to  Cozumel,  in  the  hope  of  finding  some  of 
the  Spaniards.  ‘ Era  Aguilar  estudiante  quando  passb  a las  Indias,  y hombre 
discrete,  y por  esto  se  puede  creer  qualquiera  cosa  del,’  concludes  Herrera, 
as  if  suspecting  that  the  version  may  be  questioned.  Prudence  is  shown  in  the 
care  with  which  he  gradually  accustomed  himself  to  the  change  of  food  and 
habitsonagain  joining  the  Spaniards.  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  iv.  cap.  vi.,  relatestliat 
Aguilar’s  mother  became  insane  on  hearing  that  her  son  had  fallen  among  can- 
nibals— who  brought  her  the  news  it  is  hard  to  guess — and  whenever  she  beheld 
flesh  roasting,  loud  became  the  laments  for  his  sad  fate.  This  is  repeated  in 
Gomara , Hist.  Me-. r.,  22;  Martinez , Hut.  Nat.  Nueva  Esp.,  ii.  xxiv.  Her- 
rera, who  cannot  avoid  mixing  in  all  the  romance  possible,  makes  him  search 
for  means  to  cross  the  strait.  He  finds  at  last  a leaky  canoe  half  buried  in  the 
sand,  and  in  this  frail  skiff  he  and  the  Indian  companion  presented  by  his  late 
naster  managed  to  gain  the  island.  Others  give  him  Cortes’  messengers  for 
;ompanions.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  18,  very  reasonably  permits  him  to 
ire  a canoe  with  six  rowers,  for  he  has  beads  to  pay  for  it,  and  canoes  would 
.ot  be  wanting,  since  the  island  was  a resort  for  pilgrims,  particularly  at  this 
very  time.  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  175-76,  fails  not  to  recognize,  in  the  com- 
pulsory return  of  the  fleet  to  Cozumel,  and  in  the  finding  of  Aguilar,  the  hand 
of  God;  and  Torquemada,  i.  370,  eagerly  elaborates  the  miraculous  features  in 
the  appearance  of  this  Aaron,  who  is  to  be  the  mouth-piece  of  his  Moses. 


84 


THE  VOYAGE. 


exceedingly  glad  to  secure  this  man,  even  though  he 
had  been  a little  less  chaste  and  brave  and  cunning 
than  he  represented  himself  to  be.  He  found  him 
not  only  useful  but  willing,  for  this  humble  holy  man 
was  a great  fighter,  as  he  had  said,  and  was  very 
ready  to  lead  the  Spaniards  against  his  late  master, 
though  pledged  to  peace  and  friendliness. 

Early  in  March19  the  fleet  again  sailed,  and  after 
taking  shelter  from  a gale  behind  Punta  de  las  Mu- 
jeres  for  one  or  two  days,  passed  round  Catoche  and 
along  the  Yucatan  coast,  hugging  the  shore  to  note 
its  features,  and  sending  forth  a growl  of  revenge 
on  passing  Potonchan.  Boca  de  Terminos  was  now 
reached,  whither  Escobar  had  been  sent  in  advance 
to  explore,  and  within  the  entrance  of  a little  harbor, 
to  which  a boat’s  crew  was  guided  by  blazings,  a 
letter  was  found,  hidden  in  a tree,  from  which  cir- 
cumstance the  harbor  was  named  Puerto  Escondido. 
The  letter  reported  a good  harbor,  surrounded  by 
rich  lands  abounding  in  game;  and  soon  after  the 
fleet  met  the  exploring  vessel,  and  learned  of  the  im- 
portant acquisition  to  the  expedition  in  Grijalva’s 
lost  dog.20  Off  Rio  de  Tabasco  the  fleet  came  to 
anchor,  and  the  pilots  knowing  the  bar  to  be  low, 
only  the  smaller  vessels  entered  the  river.  Remem- 
bering the  friendly  reception  accorded  Grijalva,  the 
Spaniards  were  surprised  to  find  the  banks  lined  with 
hostile  bands,  forbidding  them  to  land.  Cortes  there- 
fore encamped  at  Punta  de  los  Palmares,  on  an  island 
about  half  a league  up  the  river  from  the  mouth,  and 

19  Bernal  Diaz  says  the  4th,  which  is  rather  close  reckoning,  according  to 
his  own  account,  for  two  days  are  required  to  reach  Cozumel  from  Cape  San 
Antonio,  nine  days  are  consumed  by  Ordaz  in  waiting  for  the  captives,  and 
four  days  for  repairing  Escalante’s  leaky  vessel.  This  alone  brings  us  from 
February  18th,  the  date  of  leaving  Cape  San  Antonio,  to  March  5th,  without 
counting  a probable  day  or  two  for  preparing,  starting,  and  returning. 

20  A greyhound  bitch,  really  of  great  service  to  the  hunters.  Bernal  Diaz, 
Hist.  Verdad.,  20,  starts  Escobar  from  Punta  de  las  Mujeres.  Vetancvrt, 
Tcatro  Mex.,  Pt.  iii.  112.  Cogolludc,  Hist.  Yuen  than,  29,  while  adopting  on 
hearsay  the  more  general  supposition  that  a missing  vessel  is  found  here,  follows 
Diaz  in  the  account  of  the  exploring  vessel.  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  25-6,  and 
Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  iv.  cap.  xi. , evidently  attributes  the  name  Escondido  to 
the  finding  of  the  missing  vessel. 


BATTLE  OF  TABASCO. 


85 


not  far  from  the  capital  of  the  Nonohualcas,  a large 
town  of  adobe  and  stone  buildings  on  the  opposite 
mainland,  protected  by  a heavy  stockade.21 

In  answer  to  a demand  for  water,  the  natives  there- 
about pointed  to  the  river;  as  for  food,  they  would 
brings  some  on  the  morrow.  Cortes  did  not  like  the 
appearance  of  things;  and  when,  during  the  night, 
they  began  to  remove  their  women  and  children  from 
the  town,  he  saw  that  his  work  must  begin  here. 
More  men  and  arms  were  landed  on  the  island,  and 
Avila  was  ordered  to  proceed  to  the  mainland  with 
one  hundred  men,  gain  the  rear  of  the  town,  and 
attack  at  a given  signal.22  In  the  morning  a few 
canoes  arrived  at  the  island  with  scanty  provisions, 
all  that  could  be  obtained,  the  natives  said;  and 
further  than  this,  the  Spaniards  must  leave:  if  they 
attempted  to  penetrate  the  interior,  they  would  be 
cut  off  to  a man.  Cortes  answered  that  his  duty  to 
the  great  king  he  served  required  him  to  examine  the 
country  and  barter  for  supplies.  Entering  the  vessels, 
he  ordered  them  to  advance  toward  the  town ; and  in 
the  presence  of  the  royal  notary,  Diego  de  Godoy,  he 
made  a final  appeal  for  peace,  as  required  by  Spanish 
law,  casting  upon  the  natives  the  blame  for  the 
consequences  of  their  refusal.  The  reply  came  in 

21  Mille  quingentorum  passuum,  ait  Alaminus  nauclerus,  et  domorum 

quinque  ac  viginti  millium ....  egregie  lapidibus  et  calce  fabrefectre.  ’ Peter 
Martyr,  De  Insvlis,  14.  ‘A  poco  mas  de  media  legua  que  subian  por  el, 
(river)  vieron  vn  gran  pueblo  con  las  casas  de  adoues  y los  tejados  de  paja,  el 
qual  estaua  cercado  de  madera,  con  bien  gruessa  pared  y almenas,  y troneras 
para  flechar.  ’ Halls  and  temples  are  also  referred  to : ‘ Mas  no  tiene  vegente 
y cinco  mil  casas.’  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  26-37.  ‘ Punta  de  los  Palmares 

[where  Grijalva  also  camped],  que  estava  del  pueblo  de  Tabasco  otro  media 
legua.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  20.  Montanus,  Nieuwe  Weertld,  77, 
follows  Gomara  and  Martyr,  in  calling  the  pueblo  Potonchan ; so  does  Helps, 
Span.  Conq.,  ii.  260-4,  who  frequently  reveals  the  superficiality  of  his  re- 
searches. Brassenr  de  Bourbourg  calls  it  Centla.  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  58. 
The  stockade  defences  are  described  in  detail  in  Solis,  Hist.  Mex.,  i.  93-4. 

22  ‘ Mandb  poner  en  cada  vn  batel  tres  tiros.’  Avila  received  one  hundred 
soldiers,  including  ten  cross-bowmen,  and  took  a route  leading  across  creeks 
and  marshes  to  the  rear  of  the  pueblo.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  20. 
‘Seualo  Cortes  dos  capitanes  con  cada  cienticinquento  Espanoles.  Que  fuerou 
Alonso  di  Auila,  y Pedro  de  Aluarado.  ’ A ford  was  found  half  a league  above 
the  camp.  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  27;  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  iv.  cap.  vii.,  sends 
one  hundred  and  fifty  men  by  different  routes.  The  testimony  favors  the 
supposition  that  Avila  forded  the  river. 


86 


THE  VOYAGE. 


the  form  of  yells,  mingled  with  the  noise  of  con'chs, 
trumpets,  and  drums,  and  a shower  of  arrows.  The 
Spaniards  drove  their  prows  forward  into  the  mud. 
The  Indians  crowded  round  in  canoes  to  prevent  their 
landing.  A well  directed  volley  at  once  cleared  the 
way,  and  notified  Avila  to  attack.  Panic-stricken  at 
the  strangeness  and  suddenness  of  it  all,  the  natives 
fell  back,  but  rallied  at  the  call  of  their  leaders,  and 
poured  a shower  of  arrows  on  the  Spaniards  as  they 
threw  themselves  into  the  water  to  wade  ashore, 
receiving  them  at  the  point  of  their  lances  as  they 
reached  the  bank.  Tabasco’s  men  were  powerful  and 
brave.  The  charge  of  cowardice  had  been  flung  at 
them  by  their  neighbors  for  having  been  friendly  with 
the  Spaniards  on  former  occasions,  and  they  were  now 
determined  to  vindicate  their  character  for  courage. 
Once  on  solid  ground  the  Spaniards  rang  their  battle- 
cry  of  “Sus,  Santiago,  d,  ellos!”  Up,  Santiago,  and 
at  them!  and  drove  the  enemy  within  the  stockade. 
A breach  was  quickly  made,  and  the  defenders  chased 
some  distance  up  the  streets,  where  they  made  a stand, 
shouting  “La,  la,  calachoni ! ” Strike  at  the  chief ! At 
this  juncture  Avila  appeared.  The  natives  saw  the 
day  was  lost  to  them,  and  they  turned  and  fled. 
The  Spaniards  did  not  pursue  very  far,  but  halted  in 
an  open  space,  where  three  stately  temples  invited  to 
pillage,  though  little  was  found  worth  taking,  except 
some  maize  and  fowl.  During  the  action  eighteen 
Indians  were  killed  and  fourteen  Spaniards  wounded.23 
In  the  formal  taking  of  possession  which  followed,  it 
was  noticed  by  those  present  that  mention  of  the 
name  of  Velazquez  was  significantly  omitted.24 

JS  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad. , 20,  estimates  that  twelve  thousand  warriors 
defended  the  town.  He  himself  received  a wound  in  the  thigh.  Gomara, 
Hist.  Mex. , 29,  leaves  only  four  hundred  in  charge  of  the  place.  Peter 
Martyr,  dec.  iv.  cap.  vii.,  allows  the  horses  to  share  in  the  battle,  and  places 
the  warriors  at  four  thousand.  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.,  iv.  474,  exaggerates, 
of  course,  the  Spanish  excesses,  but  without  giving  definite  statements. 

il  ‘Intetaba  hacer  loque  despues  hizo,’  says  Vetancvrt,  Tealro  Mex.,  pt.  iii. 
112,  in  reference  to  the  later  effected  independence  of  Velazquez.  The  mode 
of  taking  possession  is  thus  described : Advancing  with  drawn  sword  and  - 
shield  to  a large  ceiba-tree  in  the  court-yard,  Cortes  struck  it  three  times,  and 


BRAVERY  OF  THE  NATIVES. 


87 


Next  morning  Alvarado  and  Francisco  de  Lugo, 
each  with  one  hundred  men,  were  sent  by  different 
ways  to  reconnoitre  and  forage,  with  orders  to  return 
before  dark.25  Melchor,  on  being  called  to  accompany 
one  of  them,  was  missing.  Presently  his  clothes 
were  discovered  hanging  on  a tree,  indicating  that  he 
had  gone  over  to  the  enemy.  Lugo  had  advanced 
not  more  than  a league  when,  near  a town  called 
Centla,  he  encountered  a large  body  of  warriors,  who 
attacked  him  fiercely  and  drove  him  back  toward  the 
camp.  Alvarado  had  meanwhile  been  turned  by  an 
estuary  from  his  course  and  in  the  direction  of  Lugo. 
Hearing  the  noise  of  battle  he  hastens  to  the  assist- 
ance of  Lugo,  only  to  be  likewise  driven  back  by  the 
ever  increasing  hosts,  and  not  until  Cortes  came  to 
the  rescue  with  two  guns  did  the  enemy  retire.26 
The  result,  according  to  Bernal  Diaz,  was  two  of 
Lugo’s  men  killed  and  eleven  wounded,  while  fifteen 
Indians  fell  and  three  were  captured. 

Nor  did  the  matter  rest  here.  The  captives  told 
Cortes  that  Tabasco,  concerned  at  the  arrival  of  so 
large  a fleet  which  augured  hostile  occupation,  had 
aroused  the  province,  the  assembled  chiefs  being  also 
urged  by  Melchor  to  manfully  expel  the  invaders,  as 

announced  that  he  took  possession  for  the  king,  and  would  defend  his  right 
against  all  comers.  The  soldiers  thereupon  shouted  their  approval,  declaring 
that  they  would  sustain  their  captain  in  his  challenge.  Bernal  Diaa , Hist. 
Verdad.,  21.  Zamacois  compares  this  form  with  others  used  elsewhere. 
Hist.  Mcj.,  x.  9S8. 

25  The  Carta  del  Ayunt.  de  Vera  Cruz , in  Cortfs,  Carlas , 15,  refers  to  a 
certain  intercourse  held  with  natives ; on  the  third  day  the  exploring  parties 
start.  This  intercourse  is  spoken  of  by  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  30,  as  the  visit 
of  twenty  leading  men  to  promise  food  and  presents,  but  really  to  spy.  The 
Spaniards  were  encouraged  to  enter  the  interior  to  barter  food.  Tort/uemada, 
i.  374;  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  21.  Alvarado,  Avila,  and  Sandoval  are 
sent,  each  with  eighty  Spaniards  and  some  Cuban  carriers,  to  explore  by  three 
routes,  and  to  get  supplies  for  payment  only.  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  31; 
Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  iv.  cap.  xi.  Three  parties  sent  out.  Tapia,  Relacion, 
in  fcazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  559.  Four  captains  sent,  with  over  two  hundred 
men.  Carta  Ayunt.,  loc.  cit. 

20  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  31,  states  that  one  of  the  captains  took  refuge  in 
a building  in  Centla  town,  and  was  there  joined  by  the  other  two.  All 
three  now  retreat  to  camp,  whither  two  fleet  Cubans  run  for  aid.  Herrera, 
Torquemada,  and  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  follow  him.  Before  Cortes  set  out, 
says  Cogolludo,  Hist.  Yucathan,  32,  he  had  repelled  an  attack  on  his  own 
camp. 


88 


THE  VOYAGE. 


the  people  of  Potonchan  had  done.  To  depart  now 
.would  leave  a stain  upon  the  generalship  of  Cortes  in 
the  eyes  of  both  Spaniards  and  Indians  such  as  was 
not  to  be  thought  of.  There  must  be  a battle  fought 
and  won.  To  this  end  all  the  horses,  cross-bows,  fire- 
locks, and  guns  were  brought  on  shore.  Thirteen  of 
the  best  horsemen27  were  selected  to  form  a cavalry 
corps  under  the  leadership  of  Cortes.  The  horses 
were  provided  with  poitrels  having  bells  attached,  and 
the  riders  were  to  charge  the  thick  of  the  enemy  and 
strike  at  the  face.  Ordaz  was  made  chief  of  infantry 
and  artillery,  the  latter  being  in  special  charge  of 
Mesa.28  In  order  both  to  surprise  the  enemy  and 
secure  good  ground  for  the  cavalry,  Cortes  resolved  to 
advance  at  once  on  Centla.  It  was  annunciation 
day,  the  25th  of  March,  when  the  army  left  camp  and 
stood  before  Centla,  in  the  midst  of  broad  maize  and 
cocoa  fields,  intersected  by  irrigation  ditches.  The 
enemy  were  ready,  their  dark  forms  appearing  in  the 
distance  under  an  agitated  sea  of  glistening  iztli.  The 
cavalry  now  made  a detour  to  gain  their  rear,  while 
the  infantry  marched  straight  on.29  Formidable  as 
was  in  truth  the  Spanish  army,  the  unsophisticated 
natives  made  light  of  it,  and  came  gayly  forward  to 
the  combat  in  five  squadrons,  of  eight  thousand 
warriors  each,30  as  Bernal  Diaz  says,  “ all  in  flowing 
plumes,  with  faces  painted  in  red,  white,  and  black, 
sounding  drums  and  trumpets,  and  flourishing  lances 

27  ‘ S^nalo  treze  de  acauallo,’  who  are  named  as  Olid,  Alvarado,  Puertocar- 
rero,  Escalante,  Montejo,  Avila,  Velazquez  de  Leon,  Morla,  Lares  the  good 
horseman  to  distinguish  him  from  another  Lares,  Gonzalo  Dominguez,  Moron 
of  Bazamo,  and  Pedro  Gonzalez  of  Trujillo,  Cort6s  being  the  thirteenth. 
Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad. , 22 ; Solis,  Hist.  Alex. , i.  106,  says  fifteen  horses,  but 
in  the  Carta  del  Ayunt.  de  V.  Cruz,  in  CorUs,  Cartas,  16,.  the  number  de- 
creases to  ten. 

28  Gomara  says  the  force  mustered  500  men,  13  horses  and  6 guns;  Her 
rera,  400  men  and  12  horses.  The  alferez  was  Antonio  de  Villaroel. 

29  This  was  a favorite  movement  of  Cortes,  and  as  such  Tapia  and  the  Carla 
del  Ayunt.  de  V.  Cruz  accept  it,  while  Bernal  Diaz  and  most  writers  state 
that  the  swampy  ground  required  a circuit. 

30  An  estimate  based  probably  upon  the  strength  of  the  regular  Aztec 
Xiquipilli,  with  which  the  conquerors  were  soon  to  become  acquainted.  See 
Native  Races,  ii.  425.  Tapia  even  raises  the  number  to  six  squadrons.  Rcla- 
cion,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  560. 


THE  HEAVENLY  HORSEMAN. 


89 


and  shields,  two-handed  swords,  fire-hardened  darts, 
and  slings,  and  every  man  protected  by  an  armor  of 
quilted  cotton.”  They  would  encircle  these  impudent 
interlopers,  and  did  they  not  fall  fainting  beneath  their 
brave  yells  and  savage  music,  they  would  crush  them 
like  flies.  And  by  way  of  beginning,  they  sent  forth 
a cloud  of  arrows,  stones,  and  charred  darts,  wounding 
many  and  killing  one,  a soldier  named  Saldana.  The 
Spaniards  answered  with  their  cross-bows  and  fire- 
locks, and  mowed  the  packed  masses  with  their  can- 
non. The  soft  soil  and  ditches  were  less  to  the  agile 
Indian  than  to  the  heavily  accoutred  Spaniard. 

It  adds  nothing  to  the  honor  of  Spanish  arms  to 
throw  in  at  this  juncture  a miracle  to  terrify  the 
already  half-paralyzed  Indians,  who  might  otherwise 
prove  too  strong  for  their  steel-clad  assailants;  but 
the  records  compel  me.  While  in  the  dire  embrace 
of  heathen  hordes,  midst  thrust  and  slash  and  crash 
of  steel  and  stone,  the  enemy  hewn  down  and  driven 
back  only  to  give  place  to  thrice  the  number,  behold, 
upon  a gray -spotted  steed,  a heavenly  horseman 
appeared,  and  from  a slight  eminence  overlooking  the 
bloody  field  he  frowned  confusion  on  the  foe.  The 
heathen  warriors  were  stricken  powerless,  enabling 
the  Spaniards  to  form  anew ; but  when  the  horseman 
vanished,  the  Indians  rallied.  Thrice,  with  the  same 
effect,  the  awful  apparition  came  and  went.31  Then 

31  Cortes,  on  coming  up  and  being  told  of  this,  shouted,  ‘ Onward,  com- 
panions! God  is  with  us!’  Relation,  in  Icazbala-ta,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  559-60. 
Gomara,  who  fervently  adopts  the  story,  states  that  the  rider  was  one  of  the 
apostles,  in  the  person  of  Morla.  ‘Todos  dixeron,  que  vieron  por  tres  vezes  al 
del  cauallo  rucio  picado . . . . y que  era  Santiago  nuestro  patron.  Fernando 
Cortes  mas  queria  que  fuessesan  Pedro,  su especial  auogado. . . .aun  tambieu  los 
Indios  lo  notaron ....  De  los  prisioneros  que  se  tomaro  se  supo  esto.  ’ Hist. 
J [cjc.,  32-3.  Pizarro  y Orellana,  Varones  Ilvstres,  72-3,  gives  arguments  to 
show  that  it  could  have  been  none  other  than  Santiago,  as  the  patron  of  Span- 
iards. After  a struggle  with  his  pious  fears,  Bernal  Diaz  ventures  to  observe 
that  Gomara  may  be  right,  but  1 1,  unworthy  sinner,  was  not  graced  to  see 
either  of  those  glorious  apostles.’  Testimony  was  taken  about  the  battle, 
and  had  this  occurred  it  would  have  been  spoken  of.  ‘ I say  that  our  vic- 
tory was  by  the  hand  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  for  in  that  battle  the  Indians 
were  so  numerous  that  they  could  have  buried  us  with  handfuls  of  earth.  ’ 
Hist.  Verdad.,  22-3.  Las  Casas  scouts  the  story  as  a fabrication  of  Cortes, 
written  down  by  ‘ his  servantGomara,’ in  ‘his  false  history.’  Hist,  lnd.,  iv.  477. 


90 


THE  VOYAGE, 


there  were  horsemen  indeed,  more  real  to  the  Span- 
iards, but  none  the  less  spectral  to  the  Indians.  They 
had  been  detained  by  the  marshes  intervening;  and 
now,  with  swords  and  helmets  glittering,  they  rose 
in  the  enemy’s  rear,  and  midst  clang  of  arms  and 
shouts  of  Santiago  y San  Pedro,  they  threw  them- 
selves with  terrible  effect  upon  him.  What  could 
the  Indians  do?  Those  that  were  not  trampled  or 
cut  to  death  turned  and  fled,  and  the  Spaniards  pos- 
sessed the  field.  “And  this  was  the  first  preaching 
of  the  gospel  in  New  Spain,  by  Cortds,”  remarks  the 
caustic  Las  Casas.32 

The  Spaniards  drew  up  at  a grove  to  return  thanks 
for  this  great  victory.  A large  number  of  the  enemy 
were  slain.  Sixty  of  their  own  number  were  wounded, 
and  two  lay  dead;  eight  horses  had  been  scratched, 
and  their  wounds  were  cauterized  and  anointed  with 
the  fat  of  dead  Indians.33  On  returning  to  camp  two 

32  The  bishop  forgets  the  sermon  before  the  idols  cast  down  at  Cozumel. 

33  Two  Spaniards  fell,  and  over  800  Indians  lay  dead,  so  said  their  country- 
men. Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  22-3.  Over  70  Spaniards  were  wounded, 
and  more  than  300  Indians  were  slain  in  the  pursuit  alone.  Over  100  men 
fell  sick  from  heat  and  bad  water,  but  all  recovered.  Gomara,  Hist.Mex.,  33. 
Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  iv.  cap.  xi. , allows  no  killed  among  the  Spaniards,  while 
over  1000  Indians  are  laid  low.  Torquemada,  i,  375.  Three  Spaniards  are 
killed  and  60  wounded.  Vetancvrl,  Ttodro  Alex.,  pt.  iii.  113.  The  Ayunta- 
miento  of  Vera  Cruz,  in  its  letter  to  the  Emperor,  10  July,  1519,  for  obvious 
reasons  lowers  the  figures  to  twenty  wounded  Spaniards,  of  whom  none  died, 
and  to  220  dead  Indians,  out  of  40,000  engaged.  Cortds,  Cartas,  17.  Finally 
comes  Las  Casas  with  the  other  extreme  of  30,000  souls,  said  to  have  been 
cruelly  slaughtered  in  this  first  great  battle  of  Cort<5s.  Hist.  Ind.,  iv.  477. 
Quite  a list  of  misdeeds  are  here  raked  up,  or  invented  rather,  against 
the  Spaniards  in  the  West- Indische  Spieq/iel,  Amsterdam,  1624,  a curious  little 
quarto,  designed  for  Dutch  traders  in  America,  and  dedicated  to  their  West 
India  Company.  The  author  is  called  Athanasium  Inga.  1 Per  uaen,  uyt  Cusco 
gheboren,  die  dit  alles,  soo  door  onder  vindinghe  als  door  transpositie  en  overset 
tinghq  sijnder  Voor-Ouderen,  hier  te  Lande  ons  overghedraghen  heeft,  says 
Wachter,  in  the  preface.  The  volume  opens  with  a lengthy  description  of  the 
Antilles,  but  the  remaining  text  is  wholly  devoted  to  the  Spanish  colonies  on  the 
main,  mingled  without  order,  and  interspersed  with  special  chapters  on  navi- 
gation and  coast  routes  for  the  benefit  of  traders.  Beside  the  usual  descrip- 
tion of  physical  and  political  geography,  with  particular  reference  to  natural 
resources  and  aboriginal  customs,  several  voyages  are  described,  mainly  to 
point  out  sailing  directions  and  the  progress  of  discovery,  while  the  conquest 
period  is  told  with  some  minuteness,  but  garbled  with  the  idea  of  exposing 
the  avarice  and  cruelty  of  the  hated  Spaniards.  This  is  also  the  object  of 
nearly  all  the  neatly  engraved  copper- plates.  The  map  extends  Hudson 
Bay  very  close  to  the  Pacific  coast,  where  a faintly  outlined  strait  is  visible 
some  distance  above  California  Island.  The  part  relating  to  Mexico,  includ- 


CORTES  INSTRUCTS  THE  NATIVES. 


91 


of  five  captives,  leading  men,  were  sent  with  presents 
to  the  cacique  to  represent  the  danger  of  further  hos- 
tility, and  to  propose  a council  of  peace.  Tabasco  was 
very  ready  to  lay  down  arms,  and  he  sent  a propitia- 
tory offering  of  fowl,  fried  fish,  and  maize  bread  by 
messengers  with  blackened  faces  and  dressed  in  rags. 
Cortes  answered  with  a reprimand,  “Tell  your  master, 
if  he  desires  peace  he  must  sue  for  it,  and  not  send 
slaves.”  Tabasco  hastened  to  comply,  and  sent  imme- 
diately to  Cortes  an  embassy  of  forty  chiefs,  richly 
clad  and  walking  in  stately  procession,  followed  by  a 
file  of  slaves  bearing  presents.  Low  bowing  before 
the  bearded  assembly,  and  swinging  before  them  the 
censer  in  token  of  reverence,  the  ambassador  implored 
pardon,  and  proffered  submission.  “ The  blame  is  all 
your  own,”  said  Cortes,  with  severity.  The  Indians 
acquiesced,  though  it  puzzled  them  to  know  for  what 
they  were  to  blame.  Cortes  further  informed  them 
that  the  great  king,  his  master,  had  sent  him  to 
scatter  blessings,  if  they  were  found  deserving ; if  not, 
to  let  loose  upon  them  the  caged  lightning  and  the 
thunder  wdiich  he  carried.  Whereat  the  gun  charged 
for  the  occasion  was  fired,  and  as  the  noise  rever- 
berated over  the  hills  and  the  ball  went  crashing 
through  the  trees,  the  Indians  fell  prostrate  with 
fear,  and  the  noble  Europeans  were  proud  of  their 
superiority. 

Reassured  against  further  punishment,  the  next 
trick  played  upon  them  was  to  tie  a mare  in  the 
bushes  in  sight  of  a stallion  which  they  paraded  be- 
fore their  visitors;  and  when  he  neighed  and  reared 
and  plunged  to  get  to  his  mate,  the  natives  were  told 
that  the  great  beast  was  angry  because  of  the  peace 
that  was  being  made,  and  only  further  gifts  would 
pacify  him. 

ing  some  brief  references  to  Central  America,  occupies  about  one  third  of  the 
volume,  and  treats  chiefly  of  the  Conquest.  The  book  is  remarkable  for  its 
black-letter  text,  with  marginals  in  the  same  type,  and  for  its  title-page,  with 
the  figures  of  ‘ Montenchuma  ’ and  ‘ Atabaliba  ’ surrounded  by  battle-scenes 
and  Indian  industrial  operations. 


92 


THE  VOYAGE. 


On  the  following  morning  Tabasco  presented  him- 
self in  person,  attended  by  a large  retinue,  and  bring- 
ing presents,  among  which  were  some  gold  ornaments 
of  little  value  and  twenty  female  slaves.  The  terms 
dictated  by  Cortes  were  that  they  should  return  their 
women  and  children  to  the  village  within  two  days,  in 
token  of  their  good  faith,  and  that  the  treacherous 
Melchor  should  be  delivered  up.  But  the  unfortunate 
interpreter  had  already  suffered  death  in  return  for  his 
bad  advice.  It  was  useless  to  demand  gold,  for  there 
was  little  or  none  here.  So  they  proceeded  at  once 
to  expound  the  doctrines  of  their  faith;  to  lay  before 
them  the  truths  of  the  gospel  which  they  had  come 
so  far  to  bring.  An  altar  was  erected  in  the  chief 
temple  on  which  was  placed  a large  cross.  From  this 
altar  Father  Olmedo  preached  to  the  natives,  and 
here  were  baptized  the  first  converts  to  the  church 
in  New  Spain,  consisting  of  the  twenty  female  slaves, 
who  were  afterward  distributed  among  the  leaders. 
Then  followed  the  ceremonial  tender  of  allegiance  by 
the  chiefs  of  Tabasco’s  province  to  the  Spanish  king, 
and  the  formal  naming  of  the  large  town,  which  was 
called  Santa  Maria  de  la  Victoria,  in  commemoration 
of  the  victory.34 

Palm  Sunday  being  at  hand,  it  was  resolved  to 
celebrate  it  in  such  a manner  as  to  further  impress 
the  natives.  Attired  in  their  most  brightly  colored 
garments,  with  palms  in  their  hands  and  banners  aloft, 

34 ‘ Y pusose  nombre  a aquel  pueblo,  Santa  Maria  de  la  V itoria,  e assi  se 
llama  agora  la  villa  de  Tabasco.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdail.,  24.  ‘ Potan- 

chanum  dicitur  ab  accolis  oppidum ....  V ictoriam  nostri  appellarunt.  Peter 
Martyr,  De  Insvlis,  14;  copied  in  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  36.  Referring  to  the 
battle  of  Centla,  Clavigero  writes:  ‘ e per  memoria  vi  fondarono  poi  una  pic- 
cola  cittii  col  nome  della  Mculonna  della  Vittoria,  la  quale  su  per  lungo  tempo 

la  capitate  di  quella  Provincia Si  spopolo  del  tutto  verso  la  metk  del  secolo 

passato.  ’ A later  foundation  received  the  name  of  V illahermosa.  Storia,  Mess. , 
iii.  11.  This  is  based  on  a statement  by  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdtul,  22,  and 
to  reconcile  this  with  the  note  above,  it  must  be  supposed  that  the  Nonohualca 
capital  was  removed  to  the  site  of  the  battle-field  when  the  Spaniards  settled. 
Other  authors  either  confound  the  points  or  avoid  them  by  a vague  reference. 
Victoria  was  founded  by  Cortes  in  1519.  Alcedo,  Die.,  v.  305.  It  is  strange 
that  the  chief  town  is  not  referred  to  under  its  native  name,  for  Potonclian 
is  evidently  a mistake  by  Peter  Martyr. 


PUERTOCARRERO’S  PLEASANTRY. 


93 


the  Spaniards  marched  in  solemn  procession,  to  har- 
monious chants,  about  the  temple;  and  when  these 
doughty  men  of  war  humbled  themselves  before  the 
symbols  of  their  faith,  the  wondering  heathen  thought 
that  great  indeed  must  be  the  god  worshipped  by 
such  beings.  After  commending  the  sacred  emblems 
to  the  care  of  the  chiefs,  with  a promise  to  send  holy 
men  to  teach  them  the  true  faith,  and  with  assurances 
of  royal  protection,  the  Spaniards  bade  the  Nonohual- 
cas  farewell,  and  were  shortly  on  their  way  again. 

Keeping  close  to  the  shore  for  purposes  of  observa- 
tion, the  several  places  observed  and  named  by  Grijalva 
were  pointed  out  to  Cortes  and  commented  upon  by 
those  who  had  accompanied  the  former  expedition. 
Certain  of  the  new  captains  took  umbrage  at  this 
assumption  of  superior  knowledge,  accompanied  by 
liberal  proffers  of  advice;  and  one  of  them,  the  polished 
Puertocarrero,  broke  out  in  a strain  of  pleasant  sar- 
casm. “ It  seems  to  me,  senor,”  he  said,  taking  the 
incidents  of  a well-known  romance  for  his  text,  “as 
if  these  gentlemen  would  enlighten  you,  in  the  words 
of  the  father  of  Montesinos: 

Behold  France,  Montesinos; 

Behold  Paris,  the  city ; 

Behold  the  waters  of  Douro, 

Where  they  fall  into  the  sea ! 

Now  I would  humbly  suggest  that  your  worship 
yourself  should  seek  out  rich  lands  and  learn  to 
govern  them  wisely.”  Catching  the  significance  of 
the  words,  Cortes  replied:  “Let  God  only  grant  sim 
cess  to  our  arms,  as  he  did  to  Paladin  Roldan,  and 
with  such  gentlemen  as  yourself  to  aid  me  I shall  well 
know  what  to  do.” 

Gliding  past  islas  Blanca  and  Verde,  the  fleet 
anchored  behind  San  Juan  de  Ulua  late  on  Thursday 
in  passion  week. 


CHAPTER  VII. 


WH^T  MONTEZUMA  THOUGHT  OF  IT. 

Home  of  Mexican  Civilization — The  Boeder  Land  of  Savaoism — Con- 
figuration of  the  Country — The  Nahuas  and  the  Mayas — Toltecs, 
Chichimecs,  and  Aztecs — The  Valley  of  Mexico — Civil  Polity  of 
the  Aztecs — King  Ahuitzotl — Montezuma  Made  Emperor — Charac- 
ter of  the  Man — His  Career — The  First  Appearing  of  the  Span- 
iards not  Unknown  to  Montezuma— The  Quetzalcoatl  Myth — 
Departure  of  the  Fair  God — Signs  and  Omens  poncerning  his  Re 
turn — The  Coming  of  the  Spaniards  Mistaken  for  the  Fulfilment 
of  the  Prophecy — The  Door  Opened  to  the  Invader. 


Before  entering  upon  the  crusade  which  was  so 
painfully  to  affect  the  destinies  of  this  vast  interior, 
let  us  cast  a brief  glance  upon  the  country  and  its 
•inhabitants,  and  particularly  on  that  idiosyncrasy  of 
the  aboriginal  mind  which  opened  the  door  to  the 
invaders.  The  first  two  subjects  are  fully  treated  in 
the  first,  second,  and  fifth  volumes  of  my  Native  Races 
of  the  Pacific  States  to  which  I would  refer  the  reader, 
being  able  here  to  give  only  an  outline  of  what  in 
detail  is  an  exceedingly  interesting  phase  of  indigenous 
development. 

This  development  awoke  to  consciousness  in  the 
forms  of  the  Nahua  and  Maya  civilizations,  the  former 
occupying  the  northern  portion  of  that  tropical  table- 
land which  rises  to  salubrious  heights  between  latitudes 
22°  and  11°,  and  the  latter  the  southern  portions. 
Round  the  opaque  lowland  edges  of  this  heaven-en- 
lightened interior  the  mind  of  man  seemed  also  dark 
and  low,  dwarfed  by  sandy  sweeps,  or  overshadowed 
by  redundant  foliage;  yet  it  was  not  altogether  free 
from  the  influence  of  its  neighbors,  for  the  people  of 

194) 


EARLY  NATIONS  OF  THE  TABLE  LAND. 


95 


the  tierras  calientes  bordering  this  elevation  were 
further  removed  from  savagism  than  their  more 
northern  and  southern  brethren.  The  valley  of 
Mexico,  the  Andhuac  of  the  Aztecs,  was  situated 
between  the  two  principal  ranges,  the  Pacific  branch 
and  the  Atlantic  branch  of  the  Sierra  Madre,  under 
which  name  the  great  cordillera  here  presents  itself, 
cominor  in  from  the  north-west,  flattening1  near  the 
centre,  and  reuniting  before  reaching  Tehuantepec. 
Eventually  Andhuac  overspreads  the  whole  plateau. 
Cross  the  continent  on  the  nineteenth  parallel  and 
you  will  reach  the  greatest  elevation  and  see  the 
highest  mountains  in  this  vicinity.  Indeed,  from  the 
plain  of  Puebla,  whereabout  lay  the  walled  town  of 
Tlascala,  you  may  take  in  Popocatepetl,  Iztaccihuatl, 
and  Orizaba  at  one  view.  Within  seventy  leagues 
from  Vera  Cruz  inland,  through  the  temperate  valley 
of  Orizaba,  you  may  pass  from  a region  of  palms  to  a 
region  of  pines.  The  plains  of  Tabasco,  upon  whose 
border  we  have  already  landed  and  fought  our  battle, 
form  the  north-eastern  part  of  the  broad  isthmus 
valley  of  Tehuantepec.  This  is  bordered  on  the  south 
by  the  sierra  connecting  the  elevation  of  Andhuac 
with  the  table-land  of  Guatemala,  whose  western 
declivity  breaks  into  parallel  wooded  ridges  running 
due  south-west.  North  of  Andhuac  the  surface  settles 
into  wide  plains  between  short  sierras,  until  monot- 
onous quietude  is  attained  in  the  prairies  of  Texas 
and  New  Mexico.  Crossing  the  isthmus  of  Tehuan- 
tepec at  a diminished  altitude  the  cordillera  rises 
again  and  stretches  out  into  the  broad  and  lofty 
ranges  of  Central  America,  where  the  Maya  nations 
made  their  home. 

Earliest  among  the  Nahua  nations  to  stand  forth 
upon  the  mythic  record  are  the  Toltecs,  whose  first 
supremacy  in  Andhuac  is  placed  in  the  sixth  century. 
Endowed  by  tradition  with  a culture  surpassing  that 
of  their  successors,  the  halo  surrounding  their  name 
has  been  kept  bright  by  monuments,  such  as  the 


96 


WHAT  MONTEZUMA  THOUGHT  OF  IT. 


pyramids  of  Teotihuacan  and  Cholula.  For  five  cen- 
turies this  people  flourish,  sustained  by  a confedera- 
tion of  kings  whose  capitals  become  in  turn  famous 
as  seats  of  learning  and  of  imperial  splendor.  Relig- 
ious strife,  developing  gradually  into  civil  war,  with 
attendant  famine  and  pestilence,  opens  the  door  to 
ruder  tribes,  and  the  Toltecs  pass  off  the  stage. 
Throwing  off  the  Toltec  veil  so  long  shielding  them, 
a number  of  tribes  now  rise  into  distinct  political 
existence,  and  the  stronger,  in  connection  with  some- 
what ruder  yet  more  energetic  incomers,  form  the 
new  ruling  combination,  the  Chichimec  empire.  Of 
the  leading  power,  denominated  the  Chichimec, 
nothing  is  known;  but  the  permanency  of  Nahua 
language  and  civilization  leads  to  the  supposition  that 
it  is  of  the  same  race  as  its  predecessors.  In  later 
times  the  name  is  also  applied  to  the  wild  border 
tribes  of  the  north.  For  several  centuries  An&huac 
becomes  the  scene  of  intrigues  and  struggles  between 
the  different  branches  of  the  combination  for  the 
balance  of  power,  during  which  a number  of  towns 
figure  as  dominating  centres,  and  a number  of  tribes 
rise  to  prominence  under  the  traditional  term  of 
conquerors  and  immigrants.  Among  these  are  the 
Aztecs,  the  representative  nation  of  the  Nahua  civil- 
ization at  the  coming  of  the  Spaniards. 

Upon  opposite  sides  of  the  largest  of  a cluster 
of  lakes  which  illuminate  the  oval  valley  of  Mexico 
have  stood,  since  ' the  beginning  of  the  fourteenth 
century,  three  cities,  Tezcuco,  Mexico,  and  Tlacopan, 
capitals  of  three  confederate  nations,  the  Acolhuas, 
the  Aztecs,  and  the  Tepanecs.  To  the  first  belonged 
the  eastern  portion  of  the  valley,  to  the  second  the 
southern  and  western,  and  to  the  third  a small 
portion  of  the  north-west.  Of  this  confederation, 
Tezcuco  was  for  a time  the  most  powerful;  Tlacopan 
was  least.  While  keeping  to  their  respective  limits 
within  the  valley,  beyond  its  classic  precincts  the 
three  powers  made  common  cause  against  the  barba- 


AZTEC  SUPREMACY. 


97 


rians.  About  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century, 
under  the  warlike  Montezuma  I.,  Mexico  attained 
the  supremacy,  and  during  the  next  sixty  years  ex- 
tended her  empire  to  the  shores  of  either  ocean. 
Within  this  circuit,  however,  were  several  nations 
which  she  never  conquered;  instance  the  Tlascaltecs, 
the  Tarascos,  and  the  Chiapanees.  Many  there  were 
— for  example,  the  people  of  Tehuantepec,  of  north- 
ern Guatemala,  and  Soconusco,  and  the  Miztecs  and 
Zapotecs  of  Oajaca,  whose  conquest  by  the  Aztecs 
was  temporary — who  either  paid  tribute  for  a time 
only,  or  who  threw  off  the  yoke  the  moment  the  in- 
vader’s back  was  turned.  The  Matlaltzincas,  west  of 
the  lakes,  and  the  Huastecs  and  Totonacs  of  Vera 
Cruz,  were  subjugated  but  a few  years  prior  to  the 
appearing  of  the  Spaniards.  These  coast -dwellers 
had  not  yet  become  reconciled  to  the  rule  of  the  in- 
terior lords,  but  hated  them  as  inveterate  foes;  and 
herein  lay  one  of  the  chief  causes  of  success  accom- 
panying the  Castilian  arms.  Indeed,  Aztec  suprem- 
acy was  maintained  in  every  quarter  only  by  constant 
war;  rebellion,  as  soon  as  checked  in  one  quarter, 
breaking  out  in  another.  Further  than  this,  the 
Aztecs,  by  their  overbearing  spirit,  had  become  ob- 
noxious to  their  allies;  yet  their  aggressive  policy 
was  continued  in  full  force  by  the  predecessor  of 
Montezuma  II.,  Ahuitzotl,  with  whom  war  was  an 
absorbing  passion. 

In  the  civil  polity  of  the  Aztecs  were  elements 
which,  if  given  free  play,  would  by  elevating  the 
people  raise  the  nation  yet  higher  in  the  scale  of 
domination.  This  did  not  escape  the  observant 
neighbors,  upon  whom  the  prospect  fell  with  chilling 
fear,  a fear  by  no  means  mitigated  by  the  ever  in- 
creasing tendency  of  the  Mexicans  for  the  immola- 
tion of  human  beings.  Nor  were  the  Aztec  nobles 
pleased  to  see  political  power  slipping  from  their 
grasp  and  falling  into  the  bands  of  the  people,  among 
whom  the  spirit  of  republicanism  and  equality  was 

Hist.  Ml:..,  Vol.  I.  7 


93  WHAT  MONTEZUMA  THOUGHT  OF  IT. 

regarded  as  having  already  gained  too  great  ascend- 
ancy. The  result  was  a struggle,  not  unlike  that  at 
the  same  time  going  on  in  Europe,  between  the  nobil- 
ity and  the  commonalty,  the  clergy  taking  sides  with 
the  former.  And  at  the  death  of  Ahuitzotl  the 
higher  class  succeeded  in  raising  to  the  throne  a 
person  of  extreme  aristocratic  and  religious  tastes, 
though  humble  withal,  as  Coriolanus  could  not  be,  to 
catch  the  common  herd;  for  when  tidings  of  his  elec- 
tion were  brought  him  he  was  found  sweeping  the 
temple. 

Montezuma,  he  was  called,  and  surnamed  Xocoyo- 
tzin,  the  younger,  to  distinguish  him  from  the  tirst 
Montezuma,  known  as  Hueliue,  the  elder.  He  was 
the  son  of  Axayacatl  and  Xochicueitl,  and  nephew 
of  the  late  king;  and  had  reached  only  his  thirty- 
fourth  year  when  selected  for  the  throne,  in  preference 
to  an  elder  brother.  The  reasons  alleged  for  this 
distinction  were  the  possession  of  high  qualities  as 
a warrior,  whose  bravery  had  been  tested  on  more 
than  one  field  of  battle;  as  an  adviser,  whose  words, 
uttered  in  clear,  dignified  tones,  had  been  heard  in 
the  council  with  respect;  and  as  high  priest,  whose 
gravity  and  circumspection  had  won  him  favor  among 
all  classes.  Upon  occasions  he  could  observe  the 
taciturnity  which  so  often  attracts  a reputation  for 
wisdom;  and,  moreover,  he  possessed  a fine  figure  and 
a majestic  presence,  such  as  admirably  suited  the 
monarch.  He  was  proficient  in  astronomy,  picture- 
writing,  and  in  certain  esoteric  branches,  for  which 
he  showed  a natural  bent;  likewise  he  was  well  read 
in  the  history  of  his  people,  and  familiar  with  all  theit 
traditions. 

This  second  Montezuma  was  a born  prince,  and 
might  have  been  a pattern  for  Niccolo  Macchiavelli, 
with  whom  he  was  contemporary.  For,  like  the 
Florentine’s  ideal,  he  was  talented,  learned,  crafty, 
and  unscrupulous.  Had  he  studied  in  his  own  lan- 
guage that  immaculate  manual  of  political  ethics,  The 


CHARACTER  OF  MONTEZUMA  II. 


99 


Prince,  lie  could  not  have  more  faithfully  followed  its 
precepts.  No  sooner  had  he  assumed  the  sceptre 
than,  throwing  off  the  mask  by  which  he  had  deceived 
the  plebeians,  he  dismissed  every  person  of  that  class 
employed  about  the  palace,  and  filled  all  vacancies, 
civil  and  military,  from  the  ranks  of  the  nobles.  He 
applied  himself  with  energy  to  war  and  diplomacy, 
in  both  of  which  he  was  eminently  successful,  and 
raised  himself  and  his  throne  to  the  highest  pinnacle 
of  grandeur;  whereupon  he  did  not  disdain  the  title  of 
Emperor  of  the  World.  Notwithstanding  his  talents 
and  accomplishments,  he  was  exceedingly  superstitious, 
surpassing  in  this  respect  many  of  his  followers,  and 
was  dependent  on  diviners  and  astrologers,  appeal- 
ing also  to  the  counsels  of  Nezahualpilli  and  other 
prominent  personages.  Men,  whom  he  knew,  he  did 
not  fear;  but  the  gods,  whom  he  did  not  know,  he 
feared  exceedingly.  And  because  he  practised  human 
sacrifice  to  propitiate  them  he  has  been  called  cruel, 
but  the  actions  of  a blind  devotee  of  religion  must 
not  be  measured  by  a too  critical  standard.  There  was 
nothing  cruel  in  the  wish  of  Caligula,  however  hate- 
ful  and  vindictive  it  might  be,  that  the  Roman  people 
had  but  one  head,  so  that  he  might  strike  it  off  at  a 
single  blow;  but  when  he  tortured  men  and  women 
for  amusement  while  at  his  meals,  that  was  the 
quintessence  of  cruelty.  As  for  honor,  integrity,  and 
all  those  virtues  which  go  to  make  a man,  we  must 
not  expect  them  in  princes  or  in  politicians;  yet  we 
may  safely  say  that  in  all  the  generous  qualities  of 
mind  and  heart  the  Aztec  monarch  was  no  whit 
behind  contemporary  European  rulers. 

From  all  which  it  is  safe  to  say  that  Montezuma, 
though  most  magnificent  and  lordly  among  his  lords, 
was  not  popular  with  the  masses,  and  his  position  at 
this  juncture  wTas  not  of  the  safest.  His  extravagance 
exceeded  all  bounds;  his  continuous  wars  were  expen- 
sive ; and  to  meet  the  heavy  draughts  upon  the  treas- 
ury required  excessive  taxation.  This  was  made  to 


100 


WHAT  MONTEZUMA  THOUGHT  OF  IT. 


weigh  with  special  heaviness  on  the  subjugated  prov- 
inces, on  which  likewise  was  laid  with  peculiar  aggra- 
vation the  horrible  burden  of  furnishing  victims  for 
human  sacrifices.  The  successful  resistance  to  his 
arms  of  several  states  enclosed  by  his  conquests,  or 
bordering  on  his  domain,  caused  him  no  small  un- 
happiness. There  was  the  little  republic  of  Tlascala, 
on  the  very  border  of  the  Mexican  valley,  which 
often  he  had  tried  to  conquer,  and  failed.  Then 
there  was  the  Tarascan  kingdom  of  Michoacan,  on 
the  western  side,  whose  people  boasted  as  high  a 
culture  as  any  of  the  lake  region,  which  stood  firm 
against  all  efforts  of  the  confederation. 

With  nations  beyond  their  border  little  intercourse 
existed,  yet  Aztec  traders,  likewise  playing  spies,  were 
often  as  far  south  as  Nicaragua,  and  along  the  coasts 
of  Honduras  and  Yucatan.  There  is  no  doubt,  there- 
fore, that  the  presence  in  those  parts  of  the  Spaniards 
was  known  to  Montezuma  from  the  first.  It  migfht 
have  been  like  a voice  from  behind  the  clouds,  the  re- 
ports of  Columbus  and  Pinzon,  but  the  appearing  of 
Cordoba  and  Grijalva,  who  talked  and  drew  blood, 
was  something  more  tangible.  The  people  of  Tuito, 
on  the  west  coast  of  Mexico,  held  that  before  the  con- 
quest a vessel  was  lost  there,  from  which  had  landed 
more  than  forty  persons,  dressed  like  Spaniards,  and 
whom  the  natives  received  kindly,  but  finally  slew 
because  they  insisted  on  the  worship  of  the  cross.1  A 
box  thrown  up  by  the  waves,  and  containing  peculiar 
clothing,  gold  rings,  and  a sword  which  no  one  could 
break,  was  said  to  have  been  in  Montezuma’s  posses- 
sion. Vague  as  were  these  appearings,  there  was 
something  painfully  portentous  in  them. 

1 When  Francisco  Cortds  entered  the  town,  shortly  after  the  fall  of 
Mexico,  he  wasmet  by  a bodyof  Indians  with  their  hair  tonsured  likepriests,  and 
with  crosses  in  their  hands,  headed  by  the  chief  in  flowing  white  gown  and 
scapulary.  This,  they  explained,  had  been  the  practice  of  the  shipwrecked 
crew,  who  had  held  up  the  cross  as  a recourse  from  all  danger.  Frejes,  Hint. 
Conq. , 63-4.  This  authority  places  implicit  reliance  in  the  story,  and  regards 
the  strangers  as  a missionary  party  driven  from  the  East  Indies  or  China. 
Jalisco,  Mem.  llis'.,  30-2. 


THE  FAIR  GOD. 


101 


For  the  chief  divinity  of  the  Nahua  nations  was 
Quetzalcoatl,  the  gentle  god,  ruler  of  the  air,  con- 
troller of  the  sun  and  rain,  and  source  of  all  prosperity. 
In  the  palmy  days  of  the  Toltecs  he  had  been  their 
king,  the  creator  of  their  golden  age,  giving  them 
metals,  improved  government,  and  products  of  spon- 
taneous growth;  after  which  he  was  their  god,  with 
his  chief  shrine  at  Cholula,  where  surrounding  peoples, 
even  those  inimical  to  the  city,  maintained  temples  for 
his  worship.  From  toward  the  rising  sun  Quetzalcoatl 
had  come;  and  he  was  white,  with  large  eyes,  and 
long  black  hair,  and  copious  beard.  After  a final  rule 
of  twenty  years  at  Cholula  he  set  out  for  the  country 
whence  he  came,  and  on  reaching  the  seaboard  of  Go- 
azacoalco  he  sailed  away  on  a craft  of  snakes.  His  last 
words  were  that  one  day  bearded  white  men,  brethren 
of  his,  perhaps  he  himself,  would  come  by  way  of  the 
sea  in  which  the  sun  rises,  and  would  enter  in  and 
rule  the  land;2  and  from  that  day,  with  a fidelity  be- 
fitting Hebrews  waiting  the  coming  of  their  Messiah, 
the  Mexican  people  watched  for  the  fulfilment  of  this 
prophecy,  which  promised  them  a gentle  rule,  free 
from  bloody  sacrifices  and  oppression;  but  to  their 
sovereign  the  thought  gave  rise  to  deep  apprehension, 
for  then  his  own  reign  must  terminate. 

Thus  it  was  that  the  tidings  of  strange  sails  and 
bearded  white  men  on  their  eastern  border  were  re- 
ceived at  the  gay  capital  with  mingled  fear  and  joy. 
And  marvel-mongers  went  about  the  streets  talking 
of  the  good  Quetzalcoatl  and  his  pedigree,  of  the  signs 
and  wonders  that  had  been  seen,  the  prodigies,  oracles, 
and  occult  divinations,  as  in  ancient  Athens  the  old 
families  of  Olympus,  with  their  ape-gods  and  bull-gods 
of  Memphis,  and  the  dog-lieaded  monster  Anubis, 
were  discussed;  and  as  for  Rome,  Lucan  has  recorded 

2 See  Native  Races,  iii.  and  v. , 25-6,  for  the  myths  relating  to  Quetzalcoatl, 
and  to  their  interpretation,  in  which  occur  the  characters  of  the  Messiah  and 
tiie  apostle  Saint  Thomas,  with  whom  some  pious  chroniclers  have  identified 
him.  The  Saint  Thomas  idea  is  advocated  in  Florencia,  Hist.  Prov.  Comp, 
de  Jesus,  234. 


102 


WHAT  MONTEZUMA  THOUGHT  OF  IT. 


no  omens  which  the  sages  of  Mexico  could  not  now 
match.  To  what  extent  the  Spanish  chroniclers  have 
assisted  the  natives  in  the  manufacture  of  marvels 
I leave  the  reader  to  judge,  simply  recommending 
to  his  consideration  the  accompanying  lengthy  note; 
neither,  however,  fell  into  the  madness  of  Canute,  who 
chose  the  time  the  tide  was  rising,  instead  of  when  it 
was  falling,  to  order  the  stay  of  waters. 

It  was  not  alone  in  Mexico,  but  in  distant  parts, 
and  on  the  islands,  that  man  and  nature  were  thus 
annoyed  by  the  supernatural.  There  were  found  pre- 
dictions centuries  old,  by  priests  widely  separated,  and 
the  poems  of  wise  men,  all  pointing  in  the  one  direc- 
tion. The  destruction  of  towns  was  predicted  by  a phi- 
losopher; the  famine  of  1505  spoke  more  plainly  than 
words;  Popocatepetl,  choked  by  consternation,  failed 
to  emit  his  smoke  for  twenty  days,  which,  however, 
was  a good  omen;  an  eclipse  and  an  earthquake  near 
together  and  the  drowning  of  eighteen  hundred  sol- 
diers were  decidedly  unfavorable.  Most  terrible  of 
all,  however,  were  a three-headed  comet  in  open  day,  a 
pyramidal  light  at  night,  and  other  portentous  scenes, 
such  as  the  furious  uprising  of  the  lake,  the  awaken- 
ing of  the  dead,  and  visits  to  the  spirit  world.3 

3 The  natives  of  Espanola  are  said  to  have  received  an  oracle  shortly  be- 
fore Columbus’  arrival,  announcing  the  coming  of  bearded  men,  with  sharp, 
bright  swords.  Villaijvtierre , Hist.  Conq.  Itza. , 33.  The  Yucatec  records  abound 
in  predictions  to  the  same  effect,  more  or  less  clear.  The  most  widely  quoted 
is  that  of  Chilam  Balam-,  high-priest  of  Mani,  and  reputed  a great  prophet, 
who  foretold  that,  ere  many  years,  there  would  come  from  the  direction  of 
the  rising  sun  a bearded  white  people,  bearing  aloft  the  cross  which  he 
displayed  to  his  listeners.  Their  gods  would  flee  before  the  new-comers,  and 
leave  them  to  rule  the  land;  but  no  harm  would  fall  on  the  peaceful  who 
admitted  the  only  true  God.  The  priest  had  a cotton  mantle  woven,  to  be 
deposited  in  the  temple  at  Mani,  as  a specimen  of  the  tribute  required  by  the 
new  rulers,  and  he  it  was  who  erected  the  stone  crosses  found  by  the  Span- 
iards, declaring  them  to  be  the  true  tree  of  the  world.  Cogolludo,  Hist.  Yu- 
cathan,  99-101,  gives  the  prophecy  at  length,  which  is  not  quite  so  clear  as  the 
version  which  he  afterward  quotes  from  Herrera.  The  latter  calls  the  priest 
Chilam  Cambal,  and  says : ‘ Esta  fue  la  causa  que  preguntauan  a Francisco  Her- 
nandez de  Cordoua,  y a los  suyos,  si  yuan  de  donde  nacia  el  Sol.  ’ Dec.  ii.  lib. 
iii.  cap.  i.  Alaman  enters  into  a profound  argument  on  the  above,  and  inter- 
prets Chilam  Cambal  to  be  the  Chinese  for  Saint  Thomas.  In  seeking  to  give  a 
date  he  mistakes  the  meaning  of  a Yucatec  age  and  places  the  prophecy  back 
at  the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era.  The  opening  lines  of  the  prophecy  read, 

‘ at  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  age,’  which  should  be  interpreted  ‘ at  the  end  of 


SIGNS  CONCERNING  QUETZALCOATL. 


103 


To  us  the  most  wonderful  part  of  it  is,  not  the 
wonders  themselves,  but  that  it  should  so  happen,  if 
indeed  it  did,  that  these  fearful  forebodings,  running 


two  hundred  and  sixty  years.’  The  name  is  also  given  as  Chilam  Balan  and 
Chilan  Balam,  the  latter  part  savoring  of  the  Canaanite  divinity.  Remesa1, 
Hist.  Chyapa,  245-0 ; Gonzalez  Davila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  203-4.  A priest  of 
Ifzalan,  named  Patzin  Yaxun  Chan,  is  recorded  as  having  urged  his  people  to 
worship  the  true  god,  whose  word  would  soon  come  to  them;  and  the  high- 
priest  of  the  same  place,  Na  Hau  Pech,  prophesied  that  within  four  ages — a 
Yucatec  age  equals  twenty  of  our  years — news  would  be  brought  of  the  su- 
preme God,  by  men  who  must  be  received  as  guests  and  masters.  All  Ku 
Kil  Chel,  also  a priest,  spoke  with  sorrow  of  ills  to  come  upon  the  people  from 
the  north  and  from  the  east.  In  the  age  following  the  date  of  his  prediction 
no  priest  would  be  found  to  explain  the  will  of  their  idols.  Another  temple 
guardian  announced  that  in  the  last  age  idolatry  would  cease,  and  the  world 
would  be  purified  by  fire.  Happy  he  who  repented!  Cogolludo,  Hist.  Yuca- 
tha.i,  97—101.  Several  prophecies  therein  quoted  literally  are  reproduced  in 
Viltagvtierre,  Hist.  Conq.  Itza.,  34-5,  which  also  refers  to  Itzan  predictions. 

Among  the  Mexicans,  says  Mendieta,  predictions  were  current  some  four 
generations  before  the  conquest  of  the  coming  of  bearded  men  dressed  in 
raiments  of  different  color,  and  with  caskets  on  their  heads.  Then  the  idols 
would  perish,  leaving  but  one  supreme  God;  war  would  cease,  roads  would  be 
opened,  intercourse  established,  and  the  husband  would  cherish  but  one  wife. 
llist.  Ecles. , ISO;  Tonpiemada,  i.  235-0.  This  smacks  of  an  elaboration  of 
the  Quetzalcoatl  promise.  Nezahualcoyotl,  the  wise  Tczcucan  monarch,  who 
died  in  1472,  left  poems  in  which  chroniclers  have  discovered  vague  allusions 
to  a coming  race.  The  reader  may,  perhaps,  be  equally  fortunate  if  he  exam- 
ine the  specimens  of  his  poems  given  in  Native  Races,  ii.  494-7.  His  son 
Nezahualpilli,  equally  celebrated  as  a just  king  and  a philosopher,  versed  in 
the  occult  arts,  revealed  to  Montezuma  that,  according  to  his  astrologic 
investigations,  their  towns  would  within  a few  years  bo  destroyed  and  their 
vassals  decimated.  This,  he  added,  would  soon  be  verified  by  celestial  signs 
and  other  phenomena.  Duran,  Hist.  lud.,  MS.,  ii.  254-7.  The  precursor  of 
these  harbingers  of  evil  appears  to  have  been  the  famine  of  1505,  which 
compelled  many  a parent  to  sell  his  children  for  the  means  to  obtain  food, 
while  others  lined  the  road-side  with  their  famished  bodies.  The  cessation  of 
smoke  from  the  volcano  Popocatepetl,  for  twenty  days,  was  a feature  seized 
upon  by  the  diviners  as  a sign  of  relief;  and  true  enough,  in  the  following 
year,  the  suffering  people  were  cheered  with  an  abundant  harvest.  Soon 
again  their  fears  were  roused  by  an  eclipse  and  an  earthquake,  in  the  very 
inaugural  year  of  the  new  cycle,  1507,  and  by  the  drowning  of  1S00  soldiers 
during  the  Miztec  campaign.  Almost  every  succeeding  year  confirmed  their 
apprehensions  by  one  or  more  signs  or  occurrences  of  an  ominous  nature.  One 
of  the  most  alarming  was  the  appearance,  in  broad  day,  of  a comet  with  three 
heads,  which  darted  across  the  sky,  eastward,  with  such  speed  that  the  tails 
seemed  to  scatter  sparks.  ‘ Salieron  cometas  del  cielo  de  tres  en  tres ....  pare- 

cian ecliando  de  sf  brasas  de  fuego . . . . y llevaban  grandes  y largas  colas.  ’ 

Me.ndit-ta,  Hut.  Ecles.,  179.  ‘ Cayo  una  cometa,  parecian  tres  estrellas. ’ Saha- 

gun,  Hist.  Conq.,  i.  4;  Native  Ra-es,  v.  463.  After  this,  in  1507  or  1510,  a 
pyramidal  light,  which  scattered  sparks  on  all  sides,  rose  at  midnight  from 
the  eastern  horizon  till  its  apex  reached  the  zenith,  where  it  faded  at  dawn. 
This  continued  for  forty  days,  or  for  a year,  according  to  some  accounts.  ‘ Diez 
afios  antes  que  viniesen  los  cspanoles . . . . durd  por  cspacio  dc  un  auo  cada 
noche.’  Sahagun,  Hist.  Conq.,  i.  3.  ‘ Ocho  aiios  antes  de  la  venida  de  los 

eni soles,  . . . .y  esto  se  vie  cuafro  aiios. ’ Id..  Hist.  Gen.,  ii  271.  If  occurred 
i i I »V).  a id  lasted  >v?r  fo  -tv  'ays.  Co  le  • Re'1.  Rem.,  in  Kings' <oro»  /A’#  Hex. 
A.Uiq.,v.  154;  vi.  144.  Tao  interpreter  of  the  Codex  eaters  into  a lengthy 


104 


WHAT  MONTEZUMA  THOUGHT  OF  IT. 


back  for  generations,  should  all  converge  toward  the 
coming  of  the  brethren  of  Quetzalcoatl  at  the  very 
time  the  Spaniards  appeared,  and  that  the  latter  should 


argument  to  prove  it  a volcanic  eruption,  one  of  his  points  being  that  the  orig- 
inal picture-writing  places  the  light  as  appearing  behind,  or  from,  the  mountains 
east  of  the  city.  In  1510,  Ixtldxochill,  Hist.  Chich.,  278,  or  year  five,  toxtli. 
Codex  Chimcilpopoca,  MS.;  Camartjo,  Hist.  Tlax.,  139.  Torquemada,  who 
had  no  other  authority  for  the  preceding  comet  than  Herrera,  considered 
that  by  the  comet  was  meant  this  light,  i.  234.  Humboldt  suggests  that 
the  fiery  pyramid  may  have  been  a zodiacal  light.  Astrologers  announced 
that  it  portended  wars,  famine,  pestilence,  mortality  among  the  lords,  every 
imaginable  ill,  in  fact,  and  causing  one  general  cry  of  fear  and  lament. 
Montezuma  himself  was  so  troubled  that  he  applied  for  advice  to  Nezalxual- 
pilli,  although  they  had  not  been  on  speaking  terms  for  some  time.  This 
royal  astrologer  showed  his  apprehensions  by  ordering  all  campaigns  then 
upon  his  hands  to  be  suspended,  and  announced  to  his  confrere  that  the 
disasters  in  store  would  be  brought  upon  the  empire  by  a strange  race. 
Montezuma  expressed  his  disbelief,  and  proposed  a game  of  tlachtli  to  de- 
cide the  interpretation.  As  if  resigned  to  the  fate  predicted  for  himself, 
and  desirous  of  showing  how  little  he  appreciated  wealth  and  power,  Neza- 
hualpilli  is  said  to  have  staked  on  the  result  his  kingdom  against  three  turkey- 
cocks.  The  wager  was  not  so  hazardous,  however,  as  it  seemed,  for  the  king 
of  Tezcuco  was  a good  player.  After  allowing  Montezuma  to  win  the  first  two 
points,  and  raising  high  his  hopes,  he  stopped  his  exultation  by  scoring  the  rest 
for  himself.  Still  doubtful,  Montezuma  called  on  an  astrologer  famous  for 
his  many  true  announcements,  only  to  receive  confirmation  of  Nezaliualpilli’s 
utterance,  whereupon  the  irate  monarch  caused  the  house  to  be  pulled  down 
over  the  diviner,  who  perished  in  the  ruins.  Ixtlitxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  278-9; 
Veytla,  Hist.  Ant.  Mcj.,  iii.  345-7.  Clavigero,  who  connects  the  game  with  a 
comet,  is  quite  earnest  in  asserting  his  belief  in  traditions  and  presages  of  the 
coming  of  Spaniards,  as  attested  by  native  paintings  and  by  witnesses  of 
hi"h  standing.  ‘ Se  il  Demonio  pronosticava  le  futura  calamity  per  ingannar 
qu6  ’miserabili  Popoli,  il  pietosissimo  Dio  le  annunziava  per  disporre  i loro 
spiriti  al  Vangelo.’  Storia Mess.,  i.  288-9.  According  to  Duran,  the  summon- 
ing of  Nezahualpilli  was  due  to  a comet  with  an  enormous  tail,  which  burst 
upon  the  view  of  a temple-watcher  as  it  rose  in  the  east  and  settled  above  the 
city.  Montezuma,  who  had  been  roused  to  witness  the  phenomenon,  called 
on  his  sorcerers  for  an  explanation,  and  on  finding  that  they  had  seen 
nothing,  had  them  punished  for  their  sloth.  The  wise  Tezcucan  then  came  a nil 
presaged  dire  calamities,  which  would  also  afflict  himself.  He  was  resigned, 
and  would  retire  to  await  death.  This  was  to  be  the  last  interview  between 
the  two  kings.  Hist,  hid,.,  MS.,  ii.  274-85.  Torquemada  compares  the  comet  to 
that  which,  according  to  Josephus,  lib.  vii.  cap.  xii. , presaged  the  entry  of  Titus 
into  Judea.  When  Nezahualpilli  returned  to  his  palace,  a hare  ran  into  the 
halls,  pursued  by  eager  domestics,  but  he  bade  them  to  leave  it,  saying  that 
even  so  would  a strange  people  enter  into  Andhuac  without  resistance.  Torque- 
mada,  i.  21 1-12,  214.  Bernal  Diaz  speaks  of  a round  sign  in  the  eastern  sky,  of 
a reddish  green,  to  which  was  attached  a streak  extending  eastward.  The  con- 
sequent predictions  of  war  and  pestilence  he  finds  fulfilled  in  the  campaign  of 
Cort<5s,  and  in  the  smallpox  epidemic  introduced  by  Narvaez.  Hist.  Verdad. 
(Paris  ed.  1837),  iv.  400-1.  Among  the  accounts  of  celestial  signs  which 
may  be  based  on  the  preceding  is  one  by  Camargo,  describing  a brightness  ob- 
served in  the  east  by  the  Tlascaltecs,  three  hours  before  dawn,  accompanied  by 
a whirlwind  of  dust  from  the  summit  of  Mount  Matlalcueje.  Remesal  refers 
probably  to  the  same  whirlwind  under  the  guise  of  a white  cloud,  like  a pillar, 
which  often  appeared  in  the  east  before  sunrise,  and  afterward  descerded  upon 
the  cross  expected  in  Tlascala  by  the  Spaniards.  The  natives  accepted  this 


PORTENTS  AND  PROPHECIES. 


105 


bo  in  so  many  respects  as  the  good  gods  themselves 
were  to  have  been.  The  prophecies  of  Isaiah  are 
dim  indeed  and  unfathomable  as  compared  with  these. 


as  an  intimation  that  the  new-comers  were  heaven’s  chosen  people,  and 
received  the  cross.  Hist.  Chyapa,  304;  Camargo,  JJist.  Tlax.,  140.  Gomara 
appears  to  connect  this  eastern  light  with  a thick  smoke  and  with  the 
fiery  pyramid,  which  were  followed  by  a battle  in  the  sky  between  bodies 
of  armed  men,  attended  with  great  slaughter.  Some  of  the  courtiers  sur- 
rounding Montezuma  while  he  observed  this  phenomenon,  pointed  out  that 
the  arms  and  dress  of  the  victorious  faction  resembled  those  in  the  chest 
which  had  been  washed  up  on  the  coast.  He  declared  his  conviction, 
however,  that  they  must  be  relics  of  his  divine  ancestors,  not  of  mortal  beings 
who  fell  on  a battle-field,  as  these  forms  appeared  to  do.  He  proposed,  as  a 
test,  that  they  should  break  the  divine  sword.  This  they  tried,  but  in  vain, 
and  remained  mute  with  wonder  at  its  flexibility  and  strength.  /list.  Mex.  ,214; 
Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  ii.  cap.  ix.  Mendieta  places  this  sign  in  1511.  Hist.  Ecles., 
170.  The  last  celestial  sign,  as  described  by  Mendieta,  is  a large,  brilliant 
comet,  which  appeared  the  very  year  of  the  Spaniards’  arrival,  and  remained 
immovable  in  the  air  for  several  days.  Hist.  Ecles. , 180.  Before  Nezahualpilli 
returned  to  his  capital,  after  interpreting  the  fiery  signs,  he  was  feasted  by 
Montezuma,  and  the  two  monarchs  thereupon  retired  to  the  diviners’  chamber 
to  search  into  the  legends  of  their  forefathers  for  further  light  upon  the  omens. 
From  this  circumstance  grew  the  story  that  the  twain  had  made  a journey  to 
the  ancient  home  of  their  race.  Nezahualpilli,  being  a conjurer,  took  Monte- 
zuma through  the  air  to  the  Seven  Caves,  where  they  conversed  with  the 
brethren  of  their  ancestors.  On  learning  that  the  first  named  was  a descend- 
ant of  the  great  Chicliimecatl  Xolotl,  he  was  offered  the  government  of  this 
region,  but  declined,  promising,  however,  to  return  at  a later  date.  Torque- 
rnada,  i.  212-13.  Duran  applies  to  the  reign  of  Montezuma  I.  a similar  story, 
which  is  more  appropriate  to  the  present  subject.  Eager  to  acquaint  his 
an  estors  with  the  glorious  achievements  of  their  progeny,  and  to  learn  some- 
thing of  the  old  home,  this  monarch  sent  a force  of  sixty  sorcerers  on  a mission 
to  Chicomoztoc,  with  numerous  presents  for  Coatlicue,  the  mother  of  the  di- 
vine Hnitzilopoclitli.  Transforming  themselves  into  animals,  they  reached 
the  sacred  region  occupied  by  some  Aztecs  whom  the  god  had  left  behind 
when  he  set  out  on  his  career  of  conquest.  These  venerable  settlers  were  not 
a little  surprised  to  behold  in  the  effeminate  and  ephemeral  specimens  before 
them  the  descendants  of  that  doughty  leader  and  of  his  companions.  On  reach- 
ing the  abode  of  the  divine  mother,  the  sorcerers  found  an  old  woman  sorrow- 
ing over  her  lost  son.  The  news  of  his  glorious  fate  roused  her  interest,  and 
she  was  induced  to  reveal  several  prophecies  by  her  son,  among  them  one 
concerning  the  coming  of  a strange  people  to  wrest  the  land  from  the  Mexicans. 
The  messengers  were  dismissed  with  presents  of  food  and  clothing,  and  re- 
turned to  their  master  with  twenty  of  their  number  missing.  Hist.  IiuL,  MS., 
i.  407-80.  Additional  facts  may  be  found  in  Native  Races,  v.  422-4,  etc. 
Another  visit  to  the  spirit  world  is  attributed  to  Papantzin,  sister  of  Montezuma 
II.,  who,  shortly  after  his  accession,  had  married  the  lord  of  Tlatelulco.  He 
soon  died,  and  after  ruling  for  a few  years  she,  in  1509,  followed  him  to  the 
grave.  She  was  buried  with  great  pomp  in  her  garden,  in  a vault  closed  by 
a flag-stone.  The  next  morning  she  was  discovered  sitting  on  the  steps  of  the 
bath  adjoining  the  v^ult.  Her  niece,  a child  of  five  or  six  years,  was  the 
first  to  notice  her.  Too  young  to  understand  what  would  frighten  older 
heads,  she  fearlessly  approached  the  resurrected  woman,  and  was  told  to 
call  Papantzin’s  mayordoma.  This  old  dame,  on  receiving  the  summons, 
thought  it  a child’s  prank,  and  would  not  stir,  but  at  last  she  yielded,  and 
on  seeing  the  form  of  her  late  mistress,  swooned  with  fear.  Others  proved 
more  courageous,  and  carried  her  into  the  house.  Papantzin  now  enjoined 


106 


WHAT  MONTEZUMA  THOUGHT  OP  IT. 


To  what  end  are  signs  that  cannot  be  interpreted  until 
after  the  occurrence,  as  is  generally  the  case,  when 
their  interpretation  is  not  needed,  sages  do  not  say. 


silence,  and  wished  to  call  Montezuma,  but  no  one  daring  to  appear  before 
the  cruel  and  superstitions  monarch,  Nezahualpilli  was  summoned,  and  he 
brought  the  brother  with  him  to  her  dwelling,  together  with  several  attend- 
ants. To  them  she  related  that,  on  being  released  from  her  earthly  bonds, 
she  had  entered  a boundless  plain,  upon  a road  which  soon  divided  into 
several  branches.  On  one  side  was  a fiercely  running  stream,  which  she 
attempted  to  cross,  but  was  motioned  back  by  a youth  of  line  stature, 
dressed  in  a loose  robe  of  dazzling  whiteness.  His  face,  bright  as  a star, 
was  of  fair  complexion,  the  eyes  grey,  and  the  forehead  marked  with  a cross. 
Taking  her  by  the  hand,  he  led  her  up  the  valley  past  heaps  of  dead  men’s 
bones,  from  many  of  which  rose  the  sound  of  lament.  She  also  observed  a . 
number  of  black  persons,  with  horns  and  deer  legs,  building  a house.  As  the 
sun  rose,  large  vessels  could  be  seen  ascending  the  river,  bearing  white  and 
bearded  men  in  strange  attire,  with  shining  head-gear,  and  standard  borne 
aloft.  They  were  children  of  the  sun.  The  youth,  in  pointing  them  out,  said 
that  God  did  not  yet  wish  her  to  pass  the  river,  which  could  never  be  recrossed, 
but  to  wait  and  bear  testimony  to  the  faith  coming  with  these  men,  who  were 
destined  to  wage  great  wars  with  her  people  and  become  their  masters.  The 
lamenting  bones  were  her  forefathers  — ‘ who  had  not  received  the  faith,’  is  the 
uncharitable  term  used  by  Torquemada — suffering  for  their  evil  deeds,  and 
the  house  building  was  to  hold  the  bones  of  those  slain  in  battle  by  the  fair- 
faced crews.  She  must  return  to  earth,  await  these  men,  and  guide  her  people 
to  baptism.  On  being  restored  to  her  senses  from  the  death  or  trance,  what- 
ever her  listeners  chose  to  term  it,  she  removed  the  stone  from  the  vault  and 
returned  to  her  chamber.  Many  of  those  present  sneered  at  the  story  as  orig- 
inating in  the  brain  of  a sick  woman,  but  Montezuma  was  more  deeply  moved 
than  he  cared  to  show.  He  never  again  saw  his  sister,  who  lived  a retired 
life  till  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards.  She  then  came  forward,  the  first  woman 
in  Tlatelulco  to  receive  baptism,  and  under  the  name  of  Maria  Papantzin 
rendered  good  aid  in  the  missionary  cause.  This  account,  says  Torquemada, 
has  been  taken  from  old  native  paintings,  translated  and  sent  to  Spain,  and 
was  regarded  as  strictly  true  among  the  natives,  Papantzin  being  well  known 
in  the  town.  ‘Esta  Senora  era  del  numero  de  los  Predestinados,  ’ i.  238-9. 
Ixtlilxochitl,  strangely  enough,  does  not  refer  to  the  resurrection.  According  to 
him,  the  mother  of  Ixtlilxochitl,  king  of  Tezcuco,  was  the  first  woman  bap- 
tized, and  this  under  compulsion  from  her  husband.  She  received  the  name 
of  Maria.  After  her  came  Papantzin,  now  wife  of  this  king,  who  was  named 
Beatriz.  Cortes  stood  godfather  to  both.  Sahagun  refers  briefly  to  the  resur- 
rection of  a woman  of  Tenochtitlan,  who  issued,  four  days  after  her  death, 
from  the  garden  vault  where  she  had  been  deposited.  Appearing  before  Mon- 
tezuma, she  announced  that  with  him  would  cease  the  Mexican  empire,  for 
other  people  were  coming  to  rule  and  settle.  This  woman  lived  twenty-one 
years  after  this,  and  bore  another  child.  Hist.  Gen.,  ii.  270-1.  At  this  rate 
she  must  have  been  alive  when  Sahagun  arrived  in  the  country;  yet  he  fails 
to  speak  of  her  as  a princess.  Boturini  applies  the  story  to  a sister  of  King 
Caltzontzin,  of  Michoacan,  who  died  at  the  time  the  Spaniards  were  besieging 
Mexico,  and  rose  within  four  days  to  warn  her  brother  not  to  listen  to  the 
Mexican  overtures  for  an  alliance  against  the  white  invaders.  The  new-comers, 
she  said,  were  destined  by  heaven  to  rule  the  land,  and  a testimony  hereof 
would  appear  on  the  principal  feast-day  in  the  form  of  a youth,  who,  rising 
in  the  eastern  sky,  with  a light  in  one  hand  and  a sword  in  the  other,  would 
glide  over  the  city  and  disappear  in  the  west.  This  sign  appearing,  the  king 
did  as  she  bade  him,  rejected  the  Mexican  advances,  and  received  the  Span- 
iards in  peace.  CattUojo,  27-8.  Clavigero  censures  Boturini’s  work,  in  this 


THE  SPANIARDS  THE  FAIR  GODS. 


107 


But  in  this  instance  the  testimony  is  abundant  and 
explicit  that  many  of  these  prodigies  were  at  the  time 
received,  not  only  by  Montezuma  and  his  people,  but 


connection,  as  full  of  fables,  and  this  after  solemnly  observing  that  the  Papant- 
zin  incident  ‘ fu  pubblico,  e strepitoso,  acaduto  in  presenza  di  due  Re,  e della 
Nobilta  Messicana.  Trovossi  altresi  rappresentato  in  alcune  dipinture  di 
quelle  Nazioni,  e se  ne  mando  alia  Corte  di  Spagna  un  attestato  giuridico.’ 
Gloria,  Mess. , i.  2S9-92.  He  places  the  baptism  of  Papantzin  in  1524.  Veytia, 
Hist.  Ant.  Mej. , iii.  34S-52;  Vetancvrt,  Teatro  Mex.,  pt.  iii.  125-6.  Torquemada 
gives  the  story  of  what  occurred  in  the  spirit  land  in  her  own  words ; so  does 
Clavigero,  though  he  differs  slightly.  See  also  his  English  translation  by 
Cullen.  As  if  in  confirmation  of  her  story,  ominous  signs  became  more  numerous 
than  ever.  The  big  lake  of  Mexico  began  to  boil  and  foam  without  apparent 
cause,  the  water  rising  high  within  the  city  and  creating  great  damage.  The 
date  generally  accepted  for  this  occurrence  is  1509,  but  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ec/es., 
178,  says  1499.  The  lake,  like  the  sky,  was  connected  with  more  than  one 
mysterious  occurrence.  A troop  of  Huatuscan  conjurers  arrived  shortly  after 
this  in  the  imperial  city  to  exhibit  tricks,  in  one  of  which  they  cut  off  their 
hands  and  feet,  disclosing  bleeding  stumps,  and  then  replaced  the  members. 
In  order  to  test  whether  this  was  an  illusion  or  not,  the  emperor  ordered  the 
severed  members  to  be  thrown  into  boiling  water  before  they  were  returned  to 
the  performers.  This  unwarranted  curiosity  stirred  the  magicians  to  the  very 
core,  and  before  retiring  they  predicted  that  the  lake  would  be  tinged  with 
blood,  and  that  their  avengers  would  soon  appear  in  a strange  people,  the  con- 
querors of  the  empire.  Not  long  after.  Montezuma  noticed  streaks  of  blood 
in  the  lake,  mingled  with  a number  of  human  heads  and  limbs.  He  called 
others  to  witness  the  sight,  but  none  save  himself  could  see  it.  Sending  to 
the  injured  conjurers  for  an  explanation,  they  replied  that  the  vision  denoted 
great  and  bloody  battles  to  be  waged  in  the  city  by  the  strange  people. 
Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  ii.  cap.  ix.  About  the  same  time  some  fishermen  caught 
a grey  bird,  like  a crane,  with  a round  comb  or  diadem,  resembling  a mirror. 
On  being  brought  before  Montezuma,  he  was  startled  by  seeing  reflected  in 
this  mirror  the  heavenly  bodies,  although  none  appeared  in  the  sky,  for  it  was 
yet  daylight.  The  next  moment  the  stars  had  vanished,  and  in  their  place 
were  seen  beings,  half  man  and  half  deer,  who  moved  about  in  battle  array. 
Diviners  were  called  to  give  their  explanation,  but  when  they  came  the  bird 
had  disappeared.  Torquemada  appears  to  date  this  as  early  as  1505,  i.  235. 
Camargo,  Hist.  Tlasc. , 139-40.  Another  great  bird  is  referred  to,  with  a human 
head,  which  soared  above  the  lake  uttering  the  prediction  that  speedily  would 
come  the  new  rulers  of  the  empire.  Other  monsters  were  found  in  the  shape 
of  double-bodied  and  double-headed  men,  which  dissolved  in  the  air  shortly 
after  being  brought  to  the  sorcerers’,  or  black  hall,  of  Montezuma.  A horrible 
animal  was  caught  near  Tecualoia.  Torquemada , i.  214.  During  all  the  years 
of  these  signs  could  be  heard,  at  frequent  intervals,  a female  voice  lamenting, 

‘ Oh,  my  children,  all  is  lost  to  us ! My  children,  whither  will  you  be  taken?’ 
Id.,  214,  233.  A similar  voice  was  heard  before  the  fall  of  Jerusalem.  Josephus, 
lib.  vii.  cap.  xii.;  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  180;  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mej.,  iii.  358; 
Saha, gun,  Hist.  Gen.,  i.  5.  In  1510  the  imperial  city  was  startled,  one  clear, 
quiet  night,  by  a fire,  which,  bursting  from  the  heart  of  the  timbers  in  the 
temple  of  Huitzilopochtli,  burned  all  the  fiercer  under  the  efforts  made  to 
quench  it.  A precursor  of  this  had  been  the  fall  of  a stone  column  close  to 
the  temple,  coming  no  one  knew  whence.  ‘ El  chapitel  de  un  Cu  de 
Vitzilopuchtli,  que  se  llamaba  Tlacoteca,  se  encendid.  ’ Sahagun,  Hid.  Horn/., 
i.  3 4.  Shortly  after,  the  temple  of  the  fire  god  Xiuhtecutli,  at  Zocomolco, 
was  stricken  by  lightning  and  burned.  This  occurred  without  the  usual 
accompaniment  of  thunder,  and  with  but  a sprinkle  of  rain ; many  regarded 
it  as  done  by  a sunbeam,  and  consequently  as  particularly  ominous.  ‘ Los 


108 


WHAT  MONTEZUMA  THOUGHT  OF  IT. 


by  the  neighboring  nations,  as  the  distinct  announce- 
ment of  the  coming  of.  the  gods,  who  did  in  good 
truth  appear  at  the  proper  time  in  the  person  of  the 
Spaniards.  And  what  should  be  their  doom,  those 
stupid  and  profane  men  of  Potonchan  and  Tabasco, 
who  had  raised  their  hands  against  these  heavenly 
messengers ! 

O # 

We  are  further  assured  that,  prior  to  the  arrival  of 
any  Spaniard,  some  of  the  subjected  provinces  assumed 
an  air  of  independence,  encouraged  by  the  fear  which 
these  occurrences  produced  on  the  Aztecs,  against 
whom  they  were  regarded  as  especially  directed. 
Cuetlachtlan  sorcerers  having  in  their  divining- pits 
conjured  up  visions  of  Mexicans  acting  as  abject 
carriers  to  armed  bearded  men  astride  giant  deer, 
this  people  became  in  1511  so  insolent  as  to  refuse 
the  customary  tribute,  and  even  to  murder  the  Aztec 
officials  sent  to  collect  it.  And  so  involved  was 
Montezuma  in  divers  troubles  that  he  was  unable  to 
resent  the  outrage. 

The  thought  occurred  to  the  Mexican  monarch  that 
perhaps  the  threatened  evils  might  be  averted  by  pro- 
pitiating the  gods  with  greater  sacrifices.  F or  this  the 
several  campaigns  then  waged  or  concluded  promised 
an  abundance  of  victims;  and  to  make  the  holocaust 
still  more  imposing,  it  was  resolved  to  consecrate  at 
the  same  time  a new  sacrificial  stone.  After  diligent 
search  a suitable  stone  was  found  at  Tenanitlan,  near 
Coyohuacan.  The  sculptors  having  finished  their 
work,  and  the  priests  theirs,  with  loud  hosannas  it 
was  rolled  along  toward  the  imperial  city.  While 
crossing  the  Xolco  canal  the  bridge  broke,  and  the 
stone  sank  beneath  the  water,  dragging  down  the  high- 
priest  and  his  attendants,  “who  went  to  hell  quicker 
than  the  stone,”  comments  the  pious  Torquemada. 

Indios  decian ....  el  Sol  ha  quemado  este  Templo ; porque  ni  hemos  visto 
Relampago,  ni  hemos  oido  Trueno.’  Torquemada,  i.  214,  234.  Believing,  or 
pretending  to  believe,  the  city  attacked  by  enemies,  the  Tlatelulcans  rushed 
to  arms,  for  which  excess  of  zeal  they  were  punished  by  a suspension  of  all 
their  townsmen  who  held  positions  at  court.  Native  Races,  v.  461-67. 


PAINFUL  SUSPENSE. 


109 


The  stone,  however,  was  recovered,  and  consecrated 
on  the  summit  of  the  great  temple,  in  1512,  with  the 
blood  of  over  twelve  thousand  captives.4 

And  now  Montezuma  almost  wishes  the  calamities 
lie  fears  were  already  upon  him,  so  full  of  dread  and 
dire  oppression  is  he.  ’ Priests,  chiefs  of  wards,  and 
other  officials,  says  Tezozomoc,  are  commanded  to 
ascertain  and  impart  all  dreams  and  strange  occur- 
rences relating  to  a coming  people  or  to  the  throne. 
Wise  and  politic  as  he  is,  he  does  not  seem  to  know 
that  this  is  only  placing  himself  and  his  malady  at 
the  mercy  of  the  masses.  Who  could  not  conjure 
up  visions  under  such  a summons?  Some  old  men 
immediately  come  forward  with  a dream,  wherein 
Huitzilopochtli’s  image  is  overthrown  and  his  temple 
burned  to  the  ground,  leaving  no  vestige.  Certain 

4Torquemada  assumes  that  the  12,210  victims  comprised  also  those  offered 
at  the  consecration  of  two  new  temples,  Tlamatzinco  and  Quaulixicalli. 
See  Native  It  aces,  v.  471.  Tezozomoc  relates  that  the  laborers,  after  striving 
in  vain  to  move  the  stone  from  its  original  site,  heard  it  utter,  in  a muffled 
voice,  ‘ Your  efforts  are  in  vain ; I enter  not  into  Mexico.  ’ The  incident  finds 
a parallel  in  the  vain  effort  of  Tarquin  to  remove  certain  statues  of  the  gods, 
to  make  room  for  Jupiter’s  temple,  and  in  the  firm  adherence  of  Apollo’s 
head  to  the  ground,  shortly  before  the  death  of  the  Roman  ruler.  But 
recovering  from  their  alarm,  they  tried  again,  and  now  the  stone  moved 
almost  of  its  own  accord.  Another  halt  is  made,  a second  oracle  delivered, 
and  finally  the  stone  reaches  the  bridge,  where  it  disappears  into  the  water. 
Amid  the  invocation  of  priests,  divers  descend  in  search,  only  to  come  back 
with  the  report  that  no  vestige  of  it  is  to  be  found ; but  there  is  a fathomless  pit 
extending  toward  Chaleo.  While  diviners  are  cudgelling  their  brains  for  clues, 
in  comes  a messenger  to  announce  that  the  stone,  like  the  Penates  of  zEneas, 
had  returned  to  its  original  site,  arrayed  in  all  the  sacrificial  ornaments. 
Observing  in  this  occurrence  the  divine  will,  Montezuma  let  the  stone  remain, 
and  recognizing  at  the  same  time  a menace  to  himself,  perhaps  of  speedy 
death,  he  ordered  his  statue  to  be  at  once  sculptured  by  the  side  of  his  j>re- 
decessors,  on  the  rocky  face  of  Chapultepec  Hill.  Tezozomoc  describes  the 
statue.  Hist.  Mcx.,  ii.  204-7.  Duran,  Ilist.  hid.,  MS.,  ii.  313-27.  Clavigero, 
Storia  Mess. , i.  292-3.  Among  the  troubles  which  after  this  fell  upon  the 
doomed  people  arc  mentioned:  An  earthquake  in  1513.  Codex.  Tel.  Rem.,  in 
Kingxboroug/i's  Mex.  Antiq.,  v.  154.  A locust  plague.  ‘ Vieronse  gran  canti- 
dad  de  mariposas,  y langostas,  que  passauan  de  buelo  lihzia  el  Occidente.  ’ 
Jlerrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  ii.  cap.  ix.  A deluge  in  Tuzapan,  and  a fall  of  snow 
which  overwhelmed  the  army  en  route  for  Amatlan.  While  crossing  the 
mountains,  rocks  and  trees  came  tumbling  down  upon  them,  killing  a large 
number,  while  others  froze  to  death.  Ixtlilxochitl  places  this  in  1514. 
Others  say  1510.  During  the  Soconusco  campaign,  see  Native  Races,  v.  472, 
the  ground  opened  near  Mexico,  and  threw  up  water  and  fish.  The  Indiana 
interpreted  this  to  signify  a victory,  but  the  lord  of  Culhuacan  intimated, 
with  a shake  of  the  head,  that  one  force  expelled  another,  whereat  Monte- 
zuma’s dci'ght  somewhat  abated.  ‘Quando  prendio  Cortes  a entrambos,  se 
accordo  (Montezuma)  muy  bien  de  aquclias  palabras.’  Herrera,  ubi  sup. 


no 


WHAT  MONTEZUMA  THOUGHT  OF  IT. 


hags  next  appear  with  a dream  of  a furious  stream, 
which  has  swept  away  the  palace  and  temple,  forcing 
the  lords  to  flee  the  city. 

This  will  not  do.  Away  with  such  trumpery ! And 
so  the  terrified  monarch  hurls  the  evil  dreamers  into 
prison,  and  leaves  them  there  to  die  of  starvation, 
while  he  orders  on  new  ones  in  the  persons  of  the 
priests  and  men  of  circumspection.  But  softly  now. 
These  wise  ones  deem  it  prudent  not  to  dream  at  all, 
which  course  only  adds  suspicion  to  the  hot  anger  of 
Montezuma.  Next  he  calls  on  all  astrologers,  sorcer- 
ers, and  diviners  in  the  empire  to  dream,  to  cause 
others  to  dream,  and  to  declare  their  dreams;  to  de- 
clare the  secrets  of  the  starry  realms,  and  all  things 
pertinent  on  and  in  this  earth.  Neither  will  these  ply 
their  avocation  during:  such  troublous  times.  Down 
with  them,  then,  to  the  lowest  depths  I In  prison, 
however,  they  do  understand  that  the  planets  and  ter- 
restrial phenomena  combine  to  foreshadow  extraordi- 
nary occurrences,  whether  for  good  or  evil  the  emperor 
will  soon  enough  know.  “Force  them  to  tell;  burn 
them  else,”  are  the  next  instructions.  But  the  mes- 
sengers find  the  prison,  though  guarded,  empty.  The 
unhappy  monarch  sends  to  their  respective  towns  and 
demolishes  their  houses,  but  these  agents  of  offended 
heaven  are  never  seen  ag:ain.6 

5 Meanwhile  it  came  to  pass  that  an  eagle  swooped  down  upon  a peasant  at 
work  in  afield  not  far  from  Mexico,  and  seizing  him  by  the  hair  in  full  view  of 
his  neighbors,  bore  him  out  of  sight.  Landed  high  upon  a mountain,  the  man 
found  himself  led  by  invisible  hands  through  a dark  cave  into  a hall  of  daz- 
zling splendor,  where  Montezuma  lay  as  if  asleep.  Less  favored  than  Gany- 
mede, he  was  permitted  to  see  no  other  form,  but  voices  around  explained  to 
him  that  this  was  a representation  of  the  emperor  intoxicated  with  pride  and 
blinded  by  vanity.  Tezozomoc  writes  that  the  eagle  assumed  the  form  of  a 
lord  and  spoke;  but  a superior  being  can  hardly  be  supposed  to  have  assumed 
the  office  of  carrying  a low  peasant.  A lighted  pipe  with  a rose  was  placed  in 
his  hand,  with  orders  to  bum  a mark  upon  the  monarch’s  leg,  and  then  pro- 
ceed to  court  and  re  ate  to  him  what  had  occurred,  pointing  out  the  blister 
in  testimony.  The  gods  were  annoyed  at  his  conduct  and  rule,  which  had 
evoked  the  ills  soon  to  overthrow  him.  Let  him  amend  and  use  well  the 
short  term  still  allotted  to  him.  The  next  moment  the  peasant  found  himself 
borne  through  the  air  by  the  eagle,  which  enjoined  upon  him  to  obey  the  com- 
mand received.  The  man  did  so,  and  Montezuma,  recalling  a dream  to  the 
same  effect,  looked  and  found  a wound,  which  now  began  to  burn  painfully. 
Throwing  the  man  into  prison  as  an  evil  sorcerer,  he  sought  his  doctors  for  re- 
lief. ‘ Lo  que  vio  el  labrador,  pudo  ser  que  aconteciesse  en  vision  imaginatiua 


DIVINERS  IN  DANGER. 


Ill 


This,  and  more  of  yet  wilder  strain  continued  in  the 
note,  shows  at  least  that  prior  to  the  coming  of  the 

porque. . . .no  es  increyble que Dios  por  medio  de  vn Angel  bueno  ordenasse . . . . 
qae  aquel  auiso  se  diesse.  ’ Herrera , dec.  iii.  lib.  ii.  cap.  ix.  Montezuma  now 
resolved  to  seek  a refuge  where  none  of  the  threatened  evils  might  reach 
him.  The  place  selected  was  Cicalco,  ‘house  of  the  rabbit,’  painted  by  the 
myths  as  an  abode  of  delight,  abounding  in  every  product,  sown  with 
flowers,  and  flowing  with  crystal  waters,  a place  where  death  never  entered. 
As  a preliminary  step  four  human  victims  wrere  flayed  and  their  spirits 
sent  to  Huemac,  the  ruler  of  that  region,  to  prepare  the  way  for  the  living 
messengers.  These  consisted  of  sorcerers,  accompanied  by  dwarfs  and  hunch- 
backs to  curry  the  flayed  skins  as  presents.  Two  hunchbacks  were  sent  with 
the  skins  of  ten  flayed  men,  says  Duran.  Entering  the  cave  leading  to  Cicalco, 
they  were  guided  by  its  guardian  into  the  bowels  of  the  earth,  and  presented 
themselves  before  the  Aztec  Pluto.  With  humble  reverence  they  proffered  the 
skins  with  the  prayer  of  Montezuma  for  admission  into  that  abode  of  de'ight 
and  into  his  service.  Unwilling  to  make  an  exception  to  the  ride  for  admis- 
sion through  death’s  portals,  Huemac  sent  the  messengers  back  with  pres- 
ents, giving  the  evasive  reply  that  their  master  should  confide  to  him  his  sor- 
rows and  await  relief.  On  receiving  this  report  Montezuma  angrily  ordered 
the  men  to  be  cast  into  prison,  and  sent  other  messengers  with  fresh  skins, 
repeating  his  request  for  admission,  yet  conforming  in  so  far  as  to  ask  for  an 
explanation  of  the  many  signs  abroad.  Huemac,  again  avoiding  a direct 
answer,  told  them  that  Cicalco  was  quite  a different  place  from  what  they  sup- 
posed it  to  be.  He  and  his  comrades  stayed  not  of  their  own  accord,  but 
were  kept  there  by  a superior  power,  steeped  in  abject  toil  and  misery.  This  un- 
satisfactory report  entailed  upon  the  messengers  the  same  punishment  as  be- 
fore. Two  Acolhuan  chiefs  were  now  entrusted  with  fresh  skins  and  the  request 
that  Huemac  should  at  least  explain  the  signs  which  threatened  the  emperor, 
if  he  still  refused  him  admission.  Among  these  signs  is  mentioned  a white 
cloud  rising  at  midnight  toward  the  sky.  Propitiated  by  the  higher  rank 
or  qualities  of  these  messengers,  or  by  the  earnest  perseverance  of  their  mas- 
ter, Huemac  explained  that  the  sufferings  and  menaces  were  the  result  of  his 
pride  and  cruelty.  Let  him  amend,  and  as  a preliminary  task  begin  a fast  of 
eighty  days.  This  accomplished,  Huemac  would  meet  him  at  Tlachtonco,  on 
the  summit  of  Chapultepec.  Montezuma  was  so  delighted  with  this  answer 
that  he  rewarded  the  chiefs  most  liberally,  and  made  the  necessary  arrange- 
ments for  the  government  of  the  emnire  during  his  seclusion.  Going  at  the 
appointed  time  to  Tlachtonco,  a brilliant  stone  ordered  him  to  make  certain 
preparations  and  return  in  four  days,  when  he  would  be  conducted  to  Cicalco. 
This  he  did,  after  enjoining  secrecy  upon  all  who  had  assisted  in  the  matter. 
Arrayed  in  a human  skin  adorned  with  precious  stones,  gold,  and  feathers,  he 
seated  himself  upon  a feathered  throne,  surrounded  by  his  richly  dressed 
dwarf  and  hunchback  pages,  and  in  this  guise  awaited  Huemac.  Soon  a light 
in  the  distance,  brilliant  as  the  sun,  announced  the  approach  of  the  mys- 
terious being,  and  hope  leaped  high  in  Montezuma’s  breast.  It  stopped, 
however,  and  the  emperor  was  devoured  by  anxiety.  Suddenly  a human 
voice  recalled  him  from  his  absorption.  It  was  that  of  the  guardian  of 
Tzoncoztli  temple,  who  related  that  Huemac,  interdicted  by  supreme  com- 
mand from  approaching  the  emperor,  had  commissioned  him  to  recall  Lis 
master  to  duty.  His  presence  is  needed  in  Mexico  to  direct  public  affairs 
and  to  infuse  respect  among  the  hostile  nations,  who  would  rise  the  mo- 
ment his  disappearance  became  known.  What  will  his  subjects  think?  He 
must  obey  the  divine  command,  and  remember  that  he  is  emperor  of  the 
world.  Montezuma  yielded  reluctantly  and  reentered  his  palace,  taking  to  his 
side  the  faithful  Tzoncoztli  guardian,  and  charging  all  to  keep  the  secret. 
Tezyzomoc,  llist.  Hex. , ii.  213-27;  and  in  Kingsborough’s  Hex.  Ant.,  v.  409, 
etseq.;  Duran,  Hist,  hid.,  MS.,  ii.  328-45. 


112 


WHAT  MONTEZUMA  THOUGHT  OF  IT. 


Spaniards  the  people  of  the  Mexican  valley,  and  their 
sovereign  in  particular,  were  profoundly  moved  with 
fearful  forebodings  of  calamity  of  some  kind.  And 
whether  these  forebodings  pointed  to  some  strange 
arrival  by  sea  or  other  marvel,  certain  it  is  that  they 
opened  the  door  of  this  rich  realm  to  the  invaders. 

Ever  intent  on  means  to  propitiate  the  gods,  Monte- 
zuma in  1517  hit  upon  the  idea  of  plating  the  temple 
of  Huitzilopochtli  with  gold  set  with  precious  stones 
and  feathers,  and  gave  the  order  accordingly  to  Tzom- 
pantzin,  the  minister  of  finance.  Now  Tzompanztin 
was  an  old  and  faithful  servant  of  the  government, 
blunt  withal,  and  nowise  afraid  to  die.  He  was  of 
the  ancient  chivalry,  not  wholly  in  sympathy  with 
the  present  regime,  and  did  not  hesitate  to  expos- 
tulate with  his  sovereign,  saying  that  the  people 
would  be  ruined  by  the  proposed  tax.  “Beside,”  he 
concluded,  “Huitzilopochtli  will  not  long  be  god,  for 
those  even  now  are  coming  who  will  take  for  them- 
selves all  these  riches  and  lord  it  over  us  forever.” 
That  very  night  Tzompantzin  and  his  son  were  politely 
escorted  across  the  dark  river.6 

The  following  year,  1518,  the  temple  of  Coatlan  was 
dedicated,  with  the  usual  sacrifices,  the  last  recorded 
holocaust  to  consecrate  a heathen  temple.  F or  already 
the  white-winged  vessels  of  Spain  were  at  hand,  having 
on  board  the  messengers  of  a purer  religion,  even  if 
it  did  not  at  once  prove  to  be  the  gospel  of  peace  to 
the  poor  Indian. 

Pinotl,  calpixque  of  Cuetlachtlan,  was  the  first  of 
Montezuma’s  captains,  according  to  the  native  record, 
to  make  observations  for  the  emperor  of  the  dreaded 
visitants.  Prompted  no  less  by  zeal  in  his  master’s 
service  than  by  curiosity,  Pinotl,  with  several  attend- 
ants, armed  with  provisions  and  rich  mantles  for 
presents,  had  mingled  with  the  crowd  which  boarded 
Grijalva’s  vessel,  and  had  prostrated  himself  at  the 
feet  of  the  commander  and  his  officers  as  before  kings 

6 Codex  Chimalpopoca,  iu  Brasseur  dc  Bourbourij,  Hint.  Nat.  35-G. 


INFORMATION  CONCERNING  GRIJALVA. 


113 


or  gods.7  The  beads  and  other  trinkets  given  in  re- 
turn for  their  goods  they  received  as  priceless  marks 
of  favor  from  supernatural  personages.  When  Pinotl 
explained  as  best  he  was  able  the  majesty  and  wealth 
of.  his  sovereign,  Grijalva  promised  to  return  some 
day  and  visit  him  in  his  great  city.  Bearing  with 
them  paintings  on  amatl , or  maguey  paper,  of  the 
vessels  with  all  their  belongings,  and  of  the  soldiers 
and  sailors  with  their  arms,  armor,  dress,  and  atti- 
tude, down  to  their  very  swagger,  and  leaving  orders 
that  the  strangers  should  be  treated  with  every  con- 
sideration, the  chief  men  of  the  province  set  out  by 
fast  relays  to  report  the  awful  tidings  to  the  emperor.8 

Entering  the  imperial  presence  they  prostrated 
their  bodies  to  the  ground,  which  they  kissed,  declar- 
ing themselves  worthy  of  death  for  having  ventured 
unbidden  before  their  lord,  but  their  mission  permitted 
no  delay.  “For  oh!  most  dread  sovereign,”  they  ex- 
claimed, “we  have  seen  gods!  All  of  us  here  present 
have  seen  their  water-houses  on  our  shores.  We 
have  talked  with  them,  and  eaten  with  them,  and 
have  handled  them  with  our  hands;  we  have  given 
them  gifts,  and  have  received  in  return  these  price- 
less treasures.”  Then  they  showed  the  glass  beads,  a 
specimen  too  often  approaching  the  value  of  the  gifts 
received  by  the  strong  from  the  weak.  Montezuma 
sat  mute,  scarcely  heeding  the  messages  sent  him  by 
Grijalva,  concerned  most  of  all  that  vassals  should 
not  witness  his  dismay.  Here  again  was  his  phantasy 
before  him,  like  the  shade  of  dead  Hector  before 

1 ‘Besaron  todos  las  proas  <le  las  naos  en  senal  de  adoracion,  pensaron  que 
era  el  Dios  Quetzalcoatl  que  volvia.’  Saliagun,  Hid.  Cong.,  i.  5. 

8 According  to  Tezozomoc,  an  Indian,  with  ears,  thumbs,  and  big  toes  cut 
off,  arrived  from  Mictlancuauhtla  with  the  report  that  he  had  seen  a round 
mountain  on  the  sea  moving  to  and  fro  without  approaching  the  shore.  The 
informant  wa3  placed  under  guard,  and  a chief  with  an  attendant  sent  to 
Pinotl  to  verify  the  statement,  and  to  chide  him  for  neglect  to  report.  They 
soon  returned  to  say  that  from  a tree  they  had  seen  two  such  mountains  or 
towers,  from  one  of  which  a canoe  had  set  out  on  a fishing  trip.  The  men  on 
board  had  white  faces  and  hands,  long,  thick  beard,  long  hair,  raiments  of 
varied  and  brilliant  colors,  and  round  head-covering.  The  mutilated  Indian 
being  now  called  to  answer  further  questions,  his  prison  cell  wiuj-fouad  vacant. 
Hist.  Me. v..  ii.  ‘232-4:  Duran , Hist,  lud.,  MS.,  ii.  3nJ-7I. 

H;bi\  lies...  Vo...  1.  J 


114 


WHAT  MONTEZUMA  THOUGHT  OF  IT. 


iEneas,  warning  him  against  hopeless  resistance  to 
the  preordained  fall  of  Troy. 

Bidding  the  men  retire  and  keep  secret  what  they 
had  seen,  Montezuma  hastily  summoned  his  privy 
council,9  King  Cacama  of  Tezcuco,  his  brother  Cuitla- 
liuatzin,  lord  of  Itzapalapan,  and  laid  before  them 
the  mystery.  After  sage  consultations,  attended  by 
divinings  and  comparisons  of  signs,  prophecies,  and 
traditions,  not  unlike  the  means  by  which  we  of  to-day 
likewise  ascertain  the  unknowable,  it  was  concluded 
that  this  commander  was  none  other  than  the  fair- 
hued  god  himself,  who  had  returned  to  resume  the 
throne,  as  he  had  said.  Therefore  resistance  would 
be  in  vain ; and  the  only  proper  course  was  to  tender 
worthy  reception  and  conciliate  with  gifts.  The  chiefs 
were  sent  back  with  orders  for  the  governors  of  the 
coast  districts10  to  report  any  arrival  or  strange  occur- 
rence. Following  them  was  an  embassy  of  five  persons 
bearing  rich  presents,  with  instructions  to  bid  the  god 
welcome  in  the  name  of  the  emperor  and  of  his  court ; 
yet  they  were  to  watch  him  closely.  But  the  embassy 
was  too  late.  Grijalva  had  gone.11 


9 Torquemada,  i.  379,  names  ten  members,  while  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mij., 
iii.  378,  says  there  were  twelve. 

19  Particularly  at  Nauhtla,  Toztla,  Mictla,  and  Quauhtla.  Torquemada , 
i.  379;  Sahagun,  Hist.  Conq.,  i.  G,  calls  the  districts  Cuextecatl,  Naulitlantozt- 
lan,  and  Mictlanquactla.  Brasseur  de  Bourhourq,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  49, 
writes  more  correctly  Nauthtlan,  Tochtlan,  andMictlan-Quauhtla. 

"Torquemada,  i.  379-80,  expresses  his  disapproval  of  Gomara  and  Her- 
rera for  following  only  Spanish  versions,  and  ignoring  the  Indian  records  ac- 
quired by  himself  and  others,  including  Sahagun.  The  latter  assumes  that 
Montezuma  has  been  apprisedof  Grijalva’s  departure  before  the  embassy  leaves, 
and  this  body  is  therefore  not  sent  till  Cortes  arrives.  Hist.  Conq. , i.  7.  This 
is  not  unlikely,  for  council  had  to  be  first  held  and  the  future  course  deter- 
mined, and  messengers  were  always  on  the  way  between  the  subject  provinces 
and  the  capital,  ready  to  convey  news.  But  most  writers,  followed  by  the 
Native  Races,  take  the  view  presented  in  the  text.  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  iii. 
cap.  ix.,  who  is  very  brief  on  Grijalva’s  visit,  says,  when  it  was  learned 
that  the  Spaniards  wanted  gold,  the  governors  on  the  coast  were  ordered  to 
barter  with  it,  and  to  find  out  what  further  object  they  had  in  coming. 
Ixtlilxochitl  states  that  merchants  from  the  coast  fair  brought  the  first  news 
of  Grijalva  to  Mexico.  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mfj.,  iii.  377-8,  is  brief  on  the  sub- 
ject. Tezozomoc  describes  the  necklace,  bracelet,  and  other  jewelry  prepared 
as  presents  by  four  of  the  leading  goldsmiths  and  lapidaries.  With  these  the 
chief  who  had  been  to  the  coast  to  observe  the  floating  towers  is  ordered  to 
seek  the  white  men.  Pinotl  must  prepare  food  for  them,  and  if  they  eat, 
they  are  surely  Quetzalcoatl  and  his  suite.  ‘ But  if  they  prefer  human  flesh,’ 


FURTHER  EVIDENCE. 


115 


says  Duran,  in  his  version,  ‘and  wish  to  eat  you,  let  them  do  so;  I promise 
to  look  to  the  future  of  your  children  and  relatives.’  Hist.  Ind.,  MS.,  ii.  300- 
7.  ‘If  you  are  convinced  that  it  is  Quetzalcoatl, ’ continued  Montezuma, 
‘adorn  his  person  with  these  jewels  made  for  the  purpose,  and  say  that  I beg 
him  humbly  to  come  and  take  possession  of  the  throne  which  I hold  for  him.  ’ 
Tezozomoc,  Hist.  Mex. , ii.  236-9.  This  author  confounds  Grijalva  and  CorWs, 
but  allows  the  jewels  and  message  to  reach  the  latter.  According  to  Duran, 
Montezuma  tells  the  chief  to  ask  the  god  for  permission  to  finish  his  rule; 
after  his  death  he  is  welcome  to  the  throne.  ‘Que  me  dege  morir,  y que  de- 
spues de  yo  muerto  venga  muy  de  norabuena,  y tome  su  Reyno  pues  es  suyo 
y lo  dejo  en  guarda  A mis  antepasados, ’ ut  supra.  Acosta,  Hist.  Ind.,  508-14 
refers  briefly  to  this  subject,  and  to  the  various  omens  and  visions,  some  of 
which  he  regards  as  dreams  imparted  by  angels.  Meanwhile  fresh  messengers 
arrive  to  report  that  the  white  captain  had  spread  the  wings  of  his  floating 
mountains  and  faded  away  in  the  east.  They  bring'  later  drawings  and  gifts, 
including  beads,  shirts,  a hat,  some  biscuits  and  wine.  The  monarch  crunches 
the  biscuits  and  admits  them  to  be  good,  but  the  wine,  with  its  penetrating 
sweetness,  lulling  the  senses  and  calling  up  happy  visions,  this  delights  him, 
and  specimens  of  both  are  deposited  upon  the  altar  of  Quetzalcoatl  at  Tula. 
Finally,  on  seeing  the  glass  necklace,  he  declares  the  giver  to  be  indeed  the 
Acatl  Ynacuitl,  the  travelling  god  of  the  reed;  and  deeming  himself  un- 
worthy of  so  brilliant  an  adornment,  he  consecrates  it  to  the  gods.  The  best 
painters  are  called  to  give  a superior  representation  of  the  strange  visitors  from 
t.ie  rude  drawings  brought  by  the  messengers,  and  from  their  description,  while 
the  old  and  wise  men  are  asked  for  recollections  and  ideas  which  may  throw 
light  upon  the  subject.  After  much  search  a tradition  is  raked  up,  wherein 
a race  is  to  come  from  the  east  mounted  on  serpents  or  masted  mountains, 
and  with  them  a white,  bearded  people,  astride  of  big  deers  and  eagles,  who 
will  land  at  Tzonapan,  and  obtain  possession  of  all  the  land.  They  are  also 
d scribed  as  a one-legged  people,  with  the  face  in  the  middle  of  the  body,  of 
white  complexion  and  with  long  beard.  In  confirmation  thereof  is  produced 
an  old  painting,  which  agrees  with  those  depicting  the  late  arrivals.  Con- 
vinced of  the  identity,  Montezuma  orders  the  governors  of  the  coast  provinces 
to  maintain  a close  watch  for  the  return  of  the  strangers,  so  that  he  may  re- 
ceive speedy  notice.  Tezozomoc,  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  241-50;  Duran,  Hist.  Ind., 
MS.,  ii.  359-92. 

This  chapter  presents  but  a faint  picture  of  the  state  of  affairs  within  the 
Mexican  empire  at  the  time  of  the  arrival  of  Cortes.  As  I said  at  the  outset, 
all  this  I have  given  in  my  Native  Races,  and  can  not  of  course  repeat  it  here. 
Further  authorities  on  omens  and  on  the  state  of  the  Aztec  empire,  most  of 
them,  however,  of  no  value,  are  Carbajal  Espinosa,  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  5-12;  Bel- 
trami, Mexvpie,  ii.  137-9  and  142-3;  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mfj.,  iii.  130-2;  Vetan- 
cvrt,  Tead.ro  Mex.,  pt.  iii.  124-0;  Bos,  Leben  der  See-Helden,  4-5;  Ilazart,  Kir- 
chen-Geschichte,  ii.  505-8;  Touron,  Hist.  Gen.  Am.,  iii.  127-34;  Viagero  Univ., 
xxvi.  192-237;  Larenaudicre,  Mex.  et  Guat.,  73-5;  Lafond,  Voy. , i.  105-7; 
Eggleston's  Montezuma,  11-17;  Sammlung  alter  Reisebesch. , xiii.  289-91;  Rus- 
sell's Hist.  Am.,  i.  76-9;  Laharpe,  Abrtge,  ix.  26S-73;  Du  Perrier,  Gen.  Hist. 
Voy.,  332-6;  Burke's  Europ.  Set.,  i.  71;  Smollett’s  Voy.,  i.  214-19;  Cheva- 
lier, Mexique,  7-22;  Mexique  Etudes,  9-10;  Robertson’s  Hist.  Am.,  ii.  17-18; 
Bussierre,  L’Emp.  Mex.,  119-30;  Manzi,  Conq.  di  Mess.  14-19;  Roure,  Conquete 
du  Mex.,  211-20. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


THE  COMBATANTS  SALUTE. 

April-May,  1519. 

The  Embassy  from  the  Shore — The  New  Interpreter — Marina — Heb 
Appearance  and  Quality — Her  Romantic  History — She  Cleaves 
to  the  Spaniards  and  to  Cortes — And  Becomes  One  of  the  most 
Important  Characters  of  the  Conquest — The  Spaniards  Land  and 
Form  an  Encampment — The  Governor  Comes  with  Presents — The 
Spaniards  Astonish  the  Natives — Who  Report  all  to  Monte- 
zuma— Cortes  Sends  the  Monarch  Presents — Council  Called  in 
Mexico — Montezuma  Determines  not  to  Receive  the  Strangers — 
Reciprocates  in  Presents  a Hundredfold  — Cortes  Persists  — 
Montezuma  Declines  more  Firmly — Olmedo  Attempts  Conversion 
— Teuhtlile,  Offended,  Withdraws  his  People  from  the  Camp  of 
the  Spaniards. 


Under  San  Juan  de  Ulua  the  fleet  of  Cortes  rests 
at  anchor,  lying  lazily  there,  its  fiery  purpose  clothed 
in  peaceful  white,  like  a snow-capped  volcano  basking 
in  the  sunlight.  The  ships  had  been  watched  from 
afar  by  expectant  eyes;  and  now  from  the  wondering 
multitude  that  lines  the  Chalchiuhcuecan1  shore  come 
two  large  canoes,  whose  occupants  step  to  the  deck  of 
the  flag-ship  and  reverentially  ask  for  the  Tlatoani. 
Their  language  is  new  to  Aguilar;  none  of  the 
company  can  understand  it.  What  is  to  be  done  ? 
Modestly  speaks  one  of  the  female  slaves,  “ These 
are  Mexicans,  sent  by  Cuitlalpitoc,2  cacique  of  the 

1 See  Native  Races,  iv.  434.  Duran’s  native  records  call  this  the  ‘ port  ’ 
of  Chalchuihqueyacan.  Hist.  Tnd.,  MS.,  ii.  389.  The  spelling  by  different 
authorities  differs  greatly.  Clavigero,  and  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant,  Mcj. , iii.  377, 
give  April  21  as  tli'e  date  of  arrival,  while  Bustamante,  in  Sahagnn,  Hist. 
Conq.  (ed.  Mex.  1845),  135,  makes  it  the  22d.  Year  Ce  Acatl.  Ixtlilxochitl, 
Rel.,  411.  Sahagun,  Hist.  Ccmq.,  i.  7.,  says  13  conejos. 

1 Torquevcada , i.  387.  Bernal  Diaz  writes  Pitalpitoquc,  nanmd  by  the 

(HO) 


MARINA. 


117 


nearest  town,  to  welcome  the  white  chief  and  offer 
their  devotion.  They  would  likewise  know  whence 
he  comes,  and  why.” 

Instantly  all  eyes  are  on  the  speaker,  who  under 
their  continued  gaze  draws  back,  abashed  at  her  own 
temerity,  while  the  warm  blood  mantles  beneath  its 
clear  olive  confine,  and  the  breath  comes  inconstant 
between  parted  lips.  Cortes  regards  her  as  she  stands 
there  unconscious  of  the  important  service  she  has 
rendered  him ; for  possessed  she  the  power  of  Thetis, 
to  assume  any  form  she  pleased,  the  fair  interpreter 
could  not  at  this  juncture  have  appeared  before  the 
chief  in  any  other  aspect  half  so  fascinating.  Who  is 
she?  The  one  baptized  Marina,  at  Tabasco;  and  who, 
being  the  greatest  lady  there,  was  given  to  Puerto- 
carrero,  the  greatest  gentleman  present.  Why  had 
she  been  given  to  Puertocarrero?  Why  had  not  the 
chief  chamberer  himself  taken  her  ? Cortds  had 
weightier  matters  on  his  mind.  He  was  playing  for 
empire,  and  would  not  now  stop  to  divide  the  petty 
winnings  with  his  men.  By  and  by  right  royally  will 
he  reward  the  unsanctified  within  him  for  its  absti- 
nence. As  for  this  girl,  he  seems  now  for  the  first 
time  to  see  her.3  Had  Marina,  the  slave,  been  born 
in  other  lands,  under  different  auspices,  to  what  exalted 
sphere  might  not  her  personal  loveliness  and  beauty 
of  character  have  entitled  her! 

They  say  she  was  fair  for  an  Indian;  very  beautiful 
she  certainly  is,  and  of  that  order  of  loveliness  that 
captivates  the  understanding  no  less  than  the  pas- 
sions. The  old  as  well  as  the  young  are  ravished  with 
her  beauty,  even  as  with  Helen  were  the  elders  of 
Troy.  She  is  about  eighteen,  and  in  form  and  features 
perfect;  her  long  hair  falling  over  smooth,  round 
shoulders,  and  from  large  lustrous  eyes  radiating  a 

Spaniards  Ovandillo.  Hist.  Verdad. , 25.  Herrera,  Pitalprtoc.  Solis,  followed 
by  Robertson,  Pilpatoe.  Bernal  Diaz  and  Gomara  name  Teuhtlile,  the  chief 
governor  of  the  province,  who  lived  farther  in  the  interior,  as  the  sender. 

3 According  to  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex. , 40,  and  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  v.  cap.  iv., 
this  new  interpreter  is  not  discovered  until  four  days  later. 


118 


THE  COMBATANTS  SALUTE. 


tender  melancholy  that  overspreads  the  face  and 
tones  to  harmony  whatever  falls  beneath  its  influence. 
Sweet  and  frank  in  her  disposition,  she  is  never- 
theless resolute  enough  upon  occasion;  yet  in  her 
ordinary  mood  there  is  a rare  grace  and  femininity, 
in  which  she  is  as  liquid  and  pellucid  as  a passage  in 
Herodotus.  There  is  no  shame  in  her  blush,  nothin<r 
bordering  on  conscious  inferiority  in  her  bearing; 
nothing  that  these  or  any  other  beings  may  do  unto 
her  can  lessen  her  self-respect.  She  scarcely  knows 
she  is  a slave,  the  plaything  of  passion;  she  finds  the 
world  made  so,  men  the  stronger  and  wickeder,  and 
she  has  but  to  acquiesce.4 5 

Cortes  is  deeply  interested.  As  if  from  heaven 
some  bright  being  had  been  sent  to  his  assistance, 
so  comes  to  him  Marina  now.  What  is  her  history? 
Strangely  romantic.  She  is  the  daughter  of  a cacique, 
born  at  Painala,  eight  leagues  from  Goazacoalco. 
While  yet  a child  her  father  died;  and  upon  a son, 
the  fruit  of  a second  marriage,  the  mother  centred  all 
her  affections.  To  secure  to  him  the  succession  and 
inheritance  which  rightly  belonged  to  the  daughter, 
Marina  was  given  as  a slave  to  some  travelling  mer- 
chants of  Xicalanco,  while  a slave  girl  who  had  just 
died  was  passed  off  for  Marina  and  buried  with  the 
usual  stately  ceremonies.6  Arrived  at  Tabasco,  Marina 

4 ‘ Entremetida,  6 desembuelta,  ’ slabbers  that  lecherous  old  soldier  Bernal 
Diaz.  To  call  women  loose  comes  well  from  men  who  spend  their  lives  in 
making  them  so.  If,  as  has  been  stated,  the  women  of  her  native  district 
have  borne  a reputation  not  altogether  enviable,  whose  fault  is  it?  Not 
theirs,  truly.  That  this  girl  was  the  mistress  of  men,  under  the  circum- 
stances, detracts  not  one  iota  from  her  good  name  in  the  minds  of  right-think- 
ing persons;  nay,  it  detracts  nothing  from  her  purity  of  mind,  her  honesty, 
or  her  innate  morality.  ‘Reprehensible  medio  de  asegurarla  en  su  fidelidad,’ 
says  Solis,  Hist.  Conq.  Mex.,  i.  119,  otherwise  so  ready  to  cover  up  the  defects 
of  his  hero. 

5 Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  24-5.  According  to  Gomara  she  was  bora 

in  Viluta,  in  the  direction  of  Jalisco,  the  daughter  of  rich  parents,  related 
to  the  cacique.  From  them  she  was  stolen  by  traders  and  sold  in  Xicalanco. 
Hist.  Mex.,  40.  The  town  and  district  may  be  a corruption  of  Huilotlan,  in 
Xalatzinco,  which  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  2S7,  gives  as  her  native  place,  and 
this  may  be  identical  with  the  present  Oluta  or  Holuta,  near  Acayucan,  on  the 
isthmus  of  Tehuantepec.  Painala  is  no  longer  known.  Fossey,  who  travelled 
through  the  region,  states  that  tradition  makes  Xaltipan  or  Altipan  her  birth- 
place, and  in  support  of  this  belief  a mountain  is  pointed  out,  close  to  the 


AN  EMBODIED  ROMANCE. 


119 


was  sold  to  the  cacique,  and  by  him  transferred  to 
the  Spaniards.  With  a mind  elastic  and  quick  to 
learn,  to  her  native  Mexican  tongue  she  added  at 
Tabasco  a knowledge  of  the  Maya,  becoming  after- 
ward proficient  in  Spanish.  And  now  no  longer  slave, 
save  to  the  passion  love,  she  is  to  queen  it  for  a while 
as  consort  of  the  conqueror,  becoming  in  the  conquest 
second  only  in  power  and  importance  to  Cortes 
himself,  whom  with  her  whole  soul  she  loves,  and  to 
whom  alone  she  clings  after  the  departure  presently  of 
Puertocarrero  for  Spain.  Accompanying  the  invaders 
as  interpreter  and  adviser,  she  shares  their  hardships 
and  rejoices  in  their  successes.  For  is  not  the  daring 
commander  lord  of  her  heart  and  person?  Moreover, 
what  claim  upon  her  has  a nation  which  drives  her 
into  solitude  beyond  its  border,  and  for  no  crime? 
Therefore,  if  her  newly  found  friends  sicken,  she 
nurses  them;  if  they  despair,  she  comforts  them. 
Nevertheless  she  cannot  forget  her  people,  but  freely 
exerts  her  influence  in  their  behalf,  saving  many  a 
life  and  many  a town  from  destruction.  Toward  the 
end  both  races  vie  in  showing  her  their  admiration, 
gratitude,  and  respect;  and  although  to  the  Indian 
the  invaders  become  more  and  more  objects  of  execra- 
tion, yet  he  never  mentions  with  aught  but  loving 
reverence  the  name  Malintzin,  or  Malinche,  as  in  his 
tongue  is  called  Marina.6 


town,  bearing  the  name  of  Malinche.  Mexique,  26-7;  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex. 
(Bustamante  ed. ),  i.  41;  Berendt,  in  Salazar,  Mex.  en  1554,  ITS ; Jlcrrera,  dec. 
ii.  lib.  v.  cap.  vi. ; Sahagun,  Hist.  Conq.  i.  15,  mentions  Teticpac,  and  Oviedo 
names  Mexico  as  Marina’s  native  place,  iii.  259,  while  Saavdra  undertakes 
to  reconcile  the  different  statements  by  supposing  that  her  family  came 
originally  from  Jalisco,  west  of  Analiuac,  to  Mexico  city,  and  thence  to 
Ooazacoalco.  Her  high  intelligence  indicates  that  she  was  educated  in  the 
capital.  Die.  Univ.,  ix.  774. 

£ Mexicans  being  unable  to  pronounce  the  ‘r,’  Marina  became  Malina,  to 
which  the  tzin  was  added  in  respect,  equivalent  to  dona  or  lady.  Malinche  was 
a Spanish  corruption,  which  was  at  times  applied  by  the  Indians  to  Cortes,  as 
the  lord  and  companion  of  Marina,  and  Juan  Perez  de  Arteaga  had  also  the 
appellation  added  to  his  name,  from  being  so  often  with  her.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist. 
1 'erdcul.,  52.  Another  conjecture  is  that  her  original  name  was  Malina,  or 
Malinalli.  signifying  ‘twisted  thing,’  the  term  for  one  of  the  Mexican  days, 
applied  in  accordance  with  a native  custom  of  giving  children  the  name  of 
their  baUulay.  Tile  name  indeed  is  not  uncommon,  the  lord  of  Tlachquiaulieo, 


120 


THE  COMBATANTS  SALUTE. 


To  the  embassy  of  Cuitlalpitoc  Cortes  makes  friendly 
answer.  He  will  explain  his  purposes  to  the  cacique  in 
person.  Meanwhile  the  messengers  are  regaled  with 
food;  presents  are  given  them,  and  gold  is  shown  as 

for  instance,  being  called  Malinal  or  Malinaltzin.  Velancvrt,  Teatro  Mex. , ii.  31, 
40.  On  finding  her  own  name  so  similar  to  Marina,  the  Spanish  priest  gave  her 
this  at  the  font.  The  Indians  usually  acquired  a surname  after  they  grew  up, 
and  Tone  pal  is  that  found  for  Marina.  Siyuema  y Oonyora,  Parayso  Occid. , 38 ; 
Salazar  yOlarte,  Conq.  Mex.,  217;  ArrOniz,  Orizaba,  171,  182.  To  Cortes  she 
bore  a son,  who  wras  recognized  by  his  father  and  raised  to  the  rank  of  a knight 
of  Santiago.  While  on  the  way  with  Cortes  to  Honduras,  in  1524,  she  was 
legally  married  to  Captain  J nan  Jaramillo.  This  took  place  at  Ostoticpac,  near 
Orizaba,  and  excited  no  little  comment.  Some  believe  that  the  arrival  of 
CortAs’  wife  was  tlie  cause  of  the  marriage;  but  although  this  may  have  led  to 
his  separation  from  Marina,  it  could  not  have  affected  the  marriage,  since  the 
wife  was  already  dead.  Corttfs  no  doubt  found  her  an  incumbrance,  and  sought 
to  be  rid  of  it  in  a manner  honorable  to  her  at  least.  Gomara  accuses  him  of 
having  made  Jaramillo  drunk  for  the  purpose.  Hist.  Mex.,  251 ; but  this  Ber- 
nal Diaz  corrects.  He  knew  one  of  the  witnesses  at  the  ceremony.  Hist. 
Verdad.,  25.  Jaramillo  had  achieved  a certain  prominence  as  commander 
of  one  of  the  brigantines  which  aided  in  the  siege  of  Mexico,  and  in  other 
affairs,  and  is  said  to  have  been  an  hidalgo.  Ixtlilxochitl  marries  her  to 
Aguilar,  probably  because  this  seemed  a fit  union.  Hist.  Chich.,  287.  Camargo, 
Hist.  Tlax.,  143.  Shortly  after  her  marriage  the  army  halted  at  Goazaco- 
alco,  whither  all  the  chiefs  of  the  neighborhood  were  summoned  to  tender 
submission  and  to  receive  instruction  in  the  faith.  Among  them  was  a 
young  cacique  with  his  mother,  whose  resemblance  to  Marina  at  once  called 
the  attention  of  all  acquainted  with  the  story,  and  led  to  her  recognition 
as  the  heartless  parent.  The  old  dame  feared  for  her  life,  but  Marina 
reassured  her  with  tender  caresses,  excusing  her  conduct  as  controlled  by 
the  deceased  stepfather,  and  cheered  her  with  a number  of  presents.  She 
presented  her  husband,  and  referred  with  fond  pride  to  the  son  she  had  given 
to  Cortes.  Both  mother  and  half-brother  accepted  baptism,  he  receiving  the 
name  of  Lazaro,  and  she  that  of  Marta,  an  appropriate  name  for  one  who 
perhaps  lived  long  enough  to  lament  the  ruin  of  her  people  and  country,  an 
indirect  result  of  her  unnatural  treatment  of  Marina.  Bernal  Diaz,  who  wit- 
nessed all  this,  and  became  further  acquainted  with  the  family,  declares  Go- 
mara wrong,  and  says:  ‘Conoci  A su  madre,  y A su  hermano,’  concluding  ‘todo 
esto  que  digo,  se  lo  oi  inuy  certificadamente,  y se  lo  juro,  amen.  ’ Hist.  Verdad. , 
25;  (Hairiyero,  Storia  Mess.,  iii.  12-14;  Cogolludo,  Hist.  Yucalhan,  38.  Re- 
turning to  Mexico,  she  received  lands  there  and  in  her  native  province,  but 
took  up  her  residence  in  the  capital,  where  her  husband  held  a prominent 
position  through  his  wealth  and  offices,  such  as  regidor  and  as  the  first  alfArez 
of  the  city.  ‘Recibieron  pr  Alferes  de  esta  Ciudad  a Juan  Xaramillo.’ 
‘Primer  Alferes.’  Libro  de  Cabihlo,  MS.,  216.  Reference  is  made  to  lots  and 
other  grants  made  to  him  and  his  wife  Dona  Marina,  on  March  14,  1528,  and 
other  dates.  Id.  Both  held  repartimientos,  one  of  which  lay  in  Xilotepec. 
Marina  appears  to  have  been  still  living  in  Mexico  city  in  1550,  impressing 
her  memory  upon  the  hearts  of  the  grateful  people,  over  whose  welfare  she 
even  now  watches.  Invoked  by  them,  her  spirit  is  frequently  encountered  in 
its  twilight  flights  on  errands  of  mercy  and  consolation,  issuing  from  tne 
ancient  groves  of  Chapultepec,  where  centres  the  recollection  of  Aztec  glories. 
Ballads  still  perpetuate  her  virtues,  and  many  a nature’s  monument  bears 
proudly  the  beloved  name  of  Malintzin.  Tradition  also  transforms  her  into  a 
naiad  who  daily  rises  from  the  pool  of  Chapultepec,  singing  divinely.  Rodriquez, 
Andhuac,  401.  She  appears  to  have  had  several  children  by  Cortes.  Peralta 
mentions  five  besides  Martin,  of  whom  two  died  while  young.  The  three 


APPEARANCE  OF  THE  SHORE. 


121 


something  Spaniards  delight  in.  Then  they  return 
to  the  shore,  which  appears  not  very  inviting,  with 
its  broad  reach  of  sand  and  sandy  hillocks  whirled  up 
by  the  northers.  Likewise  vegetation  hereabout  is 
stunted,  larger  trees  appearing  only  in  the  distance. 
The  place  had  been  recommended  by  Grijalva,  how- 
ever, as  possessing  good  anchorage,  and  the  people  as 
being  rich  and  hospitable.7 


remaining  were  daughters,  of  whom  two  became  nuns,  and  the  third,  Leonor, 
the  wife  of  Martin  de  Tolosa.  A 'at.  Hist.,  75.  This  is  not  wholly  correct, 
however,  for  iu  the  Libro  de  Gobierno  del  Virey  Mendoza  is  a document, 
dated  April,  1550,  wherein  the  viceroy  grants  a petition  from  her  in  favor  of 
her  grandson,  Don  Alonso  de  Estrada,  son  of  Luis  de  Saavedra,  deceased,  and 
encomendcro  of  Tilantongo  town.  Ala  nan’s  notes,  in  Prescott's  Mex.  (Mex. 
1S44),  ii.  238-9.  In  Cortts,  Itesidencia,  i.  123,  ii.  70,  101,  witnesses  refer  also 
to  a daughter  of  the  interpreter  Marina,  with  whom  Cortes  is  accused  of 
having  tampered,  as  he  did  with  the  mother.  If  so,  this  can  hardly  be 
Saavedra’s  wife,  but  a Tabascan  child;  yet  Marina’s  master  would  not  have 
presented  a woman  incumbered  with  a child  when  he  sought  to  do  honor  to 
the  Spaniards.  Saaved. a allows  Marina  to  proceed  to  Spain  with  her  husband, 
who  procured  for  her  a high  position  at  court.  Here  she  died,  leaving  several 
children,  from  whom  descended  some  of  the  first  families  in  Spain.  Die. 
Univ.,  ix.  778.  But  this  authority  is  too  full  of  blunders  to  be  relied  upon. 
Ideal  portraits  are  given  in  Carbajal  Espinosa,  Hist.  Mex. , ii.  G5,  and  Zamacois, 
Hist.  Mcj. , ii.  350. 

1 I have  said,  as  the  native  record  interpreted  by  Tezozomoc  and  Duran  re- 
lates, that  the  lleet  is  sighted  and  reported  long  before  it  reaches  San  Juan  de 
Ulna — from  Tabasco,  says  Vetancvrt,  Teatro  Mex. , ii.  114.  Montezuma,  who 
had  already  begun  to  hope  that  the  strangers  would  never  return,  becomes  sad 
wi  „h  apprehension ; yet  lie  orders  special  relays  to  be  stationed  on  the  route  to 
the  coast,  in  order  to  bring  speedy  news,  commands  his  lieutenant  to  furnish 
the  strangers  with  all  they  need,  and  sends  Tlillancalqui,  the  messenger  who 
met  Grijalva,  to  ascertain  their  object.  He  is  instructed  to  declare  that  Mon- 
tezuma holds  the  throne  as  mere  deputy  at  the  disposal  of  the  white  god,  for 
ho  supposes  that  it  is  Quetzalcoatl,  as  before.  If  the  god  intends  to  proceed 
to  Mexico  the  roads  will  be  cleaned,  and  the  towns  and  stations  prepared  for 
his  accommodation.  Tlillancalqui  delivers  his  message,  together  with  a neck- 
lace of  gold  set  with  precious  stones,  and  in  his  eagerness  to  please  the  strange 
beings  he  offers  fowl  and  tortilla  to  horses  as  well  as  men.  Cortes  signifies  his 
wish  to  go  to  Mexico,  and  asks  that  chiefs  be  sent  to  guide  him.  Tlillancalqui 
hurries  back  with  the  message,  leaving  orders  to  supply  the  Spaniards  with 
all  they  desire.  Duran,  Hist,  hid.,  MS.,  ii.  389-90;  Tezozomoc,  Hist.  Mex.,  ii. 
230-3.  According  to  the  version  by  Sahagun  and  Torquemada,  Montezuma 
sends  the  same  messengers  whom  he  despatched  the  year  before  to  seek 
Grijalva,  but  who  arrived  too  late.  Their  names  are  Yohualychan,  the  leader, 
Tepuztecatl,  Tizahua,  Huehuetecatl,  and  Hueycamecatleca.  With  them  are 
sent  the  presents  already  prepared  for  Grijalva,  and  the  sacerdotal  vestments 
of  Quetzalcoatl.  On  reaching  the  flag-ship  they  inquire  for  their  king  and 
god  Quetzalcoatl.  At  first  surprised,  Cortes  the  next  moment  catches  the 
clue.  Seating  himself  on  an  improvised  throne,  surrounded  by  a large  suite, 
he  orders  the  messengers  to  appear.  Being  told  that  he  is  the  personage 
whom  they  seek,  they  prostrate  themselves,  kissing  the  deck.  The  leader 
thereupon  addresses  him:  ‘Welcome,  god  and  master;  long  have  we,  your 
servants  and  vassals,  waited  for  you.  Montezuma,  your  vassal  and  lieutenant, 


122 


THE  COMBATANTS  SALUTE. 


Early  on  Good  Friday  Cortes  landed,  planted  guns 
upon  the  hillock,  and  began  the  construction  of  a 
fortified  camp,  consisting  of  houses,  huts,  and  sheds, 
high  in  the  centre  of  which  was  placed  a large  cross. 
Informed  of  this,  the  cacique  sent  men  to  carry  timber, 
plaster  the  walls,  and  put  up  awnings.  Food  was  also 
provided,  and  featlier-work  and  gold  were  presented 
Cortes,  with  the  information  that  the  governor  would 
visit  him  presently.  Meanwhile  the  natives  flocked 
in  to  trade,  so  that  on  Saturday  the  place  presented 
the  appearance  of  a fair,  rather  than  the  encampment 
of  an  invading  army. 

On  Easter  Sunday,  while  preparations  were  made 
for  mass,  Cuitlalpitoc  arrived  with  his  chief,  Teulitlile, 
governor  of  the  province,  whose  residence  was  at 
Cuetlachtlan,  eight  leagues  away.8  Attending  them 
was  a large  retinue  of  nobles,  and  slaves9  bearing 
presents.  Cortes,. with  an  escort,  advanced  to  receive 

sends  us  to  salute  you,  and  begs  the  acceptance  of  this  small  present  and 
these  precious  ornaments,  once  used  by  you  as  our  king  and  god.’  They  now 
array  him  in  the  vestments  of  Quetzalcoittl,  adding  also  many  ornaments 
pertaining  to  the  gods  Tezcatlipoca  and  Tlalocatecuhtli,  as  if  to  proclaim  him 
the  greatest  of  the  gods.  The  most  attractive  pieces  are  a bejewelled  and  plume 
head-dress,  and  a necklace  of  precious  stones.  ‘ Is  this  all  the  gift  of  welcome 
that  you  bring?’  asks  Cortes.  ‘Lord  and  king,  it  is  all  that  was  given  11s 
for  your  Majesty,’  was  the  reply.  They  are  given  food  and  accommodation 
for  the  night.  In  order  to  impress  upon  them  the  full  extent  of  Spanish 
power,  they  are  tied  hands  and  feet  while  the  horses  are  exhibited,  the  arms 
displayed,  and  the  guns  fired.  They  are  then  told  that  the  white  men  have 
heard  the  fame  of  Mexican  warriors,  as  able  to  overcome  ten  or  even  twenty 
times  superior  numbers,  and  desire  a proof  thereof  by  fighting  them  in  ecpial 
force.  Swords  and  shields  are  given  them,  but  they  decline,  pleading  their 
character  as  mere  envoys.  They  are  thereupon  insulted  as  cowards,  and  told 
that  the  white  men  will  descend  upon  their  country,  kill  all  who  resist,  take 
possession  of  the  government,  and  secure  better  presents  than  those  sent 
them.  The  messengers  now  hurry  back  to  Mexico  without  informing  any  one 
on  the  way  of  what  has  occurred.  Torquemala,  i.  3S1-4;  Saliagun,  Hist. 
Coriq.,  i.  7-11 ; Sigiienza  y Gdiujora,  El  Fenix,  MS.,  273-8. 

8Teudilli,  or  Quitaluor,  from  Cotosta,  is  Gomara’s  corrupt  form.  /list. 
Mex. , 39.  Herrera  calls  Teuthlille  the  chief  governor,  and  Pitalpitoe  a chief, 
dec.  ii.  lib.  v.  cap.  iv.  Teutile,  captain-general,  and  Pilpatoe,  governor.  Solis, 
IHst.  Mex.,  i.  119.  Teotlili  arrives  on  Monday.  Ixtlilxoohitl,  Hut.  Ghich., 
286.  ‘Tendile,  y Pitalpitoque  eran  Gouemadores  de  vnas  Prouincias  que  se 
dizen,  Cotastlan,  Tustepeque,  Guazpaltepeque,  Tlatalteteclo,  y de  otros  pue- 
blos que  nueuamete  tenia  sojuzgados.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  26.  He 
means,  however,  that  Tendile  is  the  chief  governor.  Pinotl  had  evidently  left. 
Cuetlachtlan  province  appears  to  have  extended  from  Rio  Papaloapan,  or 
Alvarado,  to  Rio  de  la  Antigua. 

lJ  Ixtlilxochitl  and  Gomara  place  the  number  attending  at  over  4,000. 


CONFERENCE  WITH  THE  GOVERNOR. 


123 


them,  and  after  interchange  of  courtesies  led  the  way 
to  the  altar,  draped  in  native  cotton  fabrics,  where 
Father  Olmedo  celebrated  mass,10  aided  by  Father 
Juan  Diaz,  Aguilar,  and  a trained  choir.  The  service 
over,  Cortes  invited  the  chiefs  to  dinner,  and  there 
informed  them  that  he  was  a captain  of  the  greatest 
monarch  the  sun  smiled  on,  Charles  V.  of  Spain,  who, 
hearing  of  Montezuma’s  fame,  had  sent  him  presents 
and  a message,  which  must  be  delivered  in  person 
immediately.11  How  easy  the  way  to  him  who  knows 
it  I Had  Cortes  but  spoken  the  simple  word,  “I  am 
Quetzalcoatl,  come  to  resume  my  rule,”  he  might 
possibly  at  one  time  have  ridden  midst  hosannas  to 
the  capital,  and  seated  himself  without  resistance  on 
Montezuma’s  throne. 

But  the  minion  of  an  earthly  monarch  is  quite  a 
different  being  from  the  fair  god  in  the  eyes  of  the 
Aztec  officers,  who  answer  somewhat  haughtily,  “ Be 
it  known  to  you  that  our  master  is  the  inferior  of 
none;  and  for  the  present  let  these  gifts  suffice.”  Say- 
ing which  the  signal  is  given ; the  slaves  advance  and 
deliver  their  burdens,  consisting  in  part  of  food,  cotton 
fabrics  more  than  ten  bales,  brilliant  feather-work, 
and  a cacaxtli,  or  basket,  fdled  with  wrought  gold  set 
with  rare  stones  and  pearls.  Cortes  expressed  thanks, 
and  gave  for  Montezuma  in  return  a carved  and  in- 
laid arm-chair,  some  engraved  marcasite  laid  in  musk- 
scented  cotton,  a bright  red  cap,  a gold  medal  stamped 
with  the  figures  of  St  George  and  the  dragon,  twisted 
strings  of  beads,  and  other  articles;  and  would  the 
emperor  deign  to  wear  the  cap  and  occupy  the  chair 
when  it  became  his  pleasure  to  receive  him?  To 
the  chiefs  were  also  given  some  trifles.  Teulitlile 
promised  to  deliver  to  Montezuma  the  gifts  and  the 

10  Here  Solis  takes  Bernal  Diaz  to  task  for  asserting  that  mass  had  been 
already  said  on  Friday.  Hist.  Mex.,  i.  121.  But  the  scholar  is  too  severe  upon 
the  soldier,  whose  head  is  true  enough,  however  may  be  his  tongue. 

11  ‘All  Gomara’s  fictions,’  sneers  Las  Casas,  Hist,  hid.,  iv.  484,  who  ignores 
Marina's  ability  to  interpret,  and  thinks  the  interview  was  limited  to  the  sim- 
plest expressions  conveyed  by  signs. 


124 


THE  COMBATANTS  SALUTE. 


message.  Then  pointing  to  the  gilt  helmet  of  a sol- 
dier, which  resembled  in  form  the  head-dress  of  the 
idol  Quetzalcoatl,  he  expressed  a desire  to  show  it 
to  Montezuma.  “Take  it,”  said  Cortes,  “and  bring 
it  back  filled  with  gold-dust,  that  we  may  show  our 
emperor  what  kind  of  metal  you  have.”12 

Observing  the  native  painters  transcribing  to  amatl- 
paper  the  several  novelties,  and  wishing  to  impress 
them  further,  Cortes  mounted  a horse,  and  ordered 
the  troops  to  fall  into  line  and  the  cannons  to  be 
charged.  The  infantry  first  passed  in  review  to  the 
sound  of  music  with  arms  and  banners  displayed. 
Then  came  the  cavalry  with  the  best  riders,  led  by 
Alvarado,  dashing  past  in  varied  and  swift  evolutions. 
The  graceful  movements  of  the  great  animals,  their 
rearing  and  prancing,  and  above  all  their  speed;  the 
flashing  swords,  the  glittering  armor,  all  seemed  to 
these  simple  people  like  a scene  from  the  supernatural. 
Their  admiration  was  changed  to  terror,  however, 
when  the  guns  belched  flames  and  smoke,  and  sent 
midst  many  tliunderings  the  stone  balls  scudding 
along  the  beach  or  crashing  among  the  trees.  All, 
even  their  own  fears,  were  faithfully  depicted  by  the 
painters.  On  leaving,  Teuhtlile  gave  orders  to  supply 
the  Spaniards  with  ever}7’  necessary,  for  which  purpose 
two  thousand  of  his  people  were  detailed  to  attend 
them,  particularly  to  bring  wood,  water,  and  food. 
For  their  accommodation  another  cluster  of  huts  was 
erected,  so  that  within  these  few  days  two  towns  arose 
on  the  sands  of  Chalchiulicuecan.  Cuitlalpitoc,  who 
remained  for  a time  to  superintend  the  service,  received 
from  his  guests  the  name  of  Ovandillo.13 


12  Carla  del  Ayunt.,  ubi  sup.,  19.  Gomara,  Hist.  Max. , 39-41,  while  be 
does  not  refer  to  a helmet,  states  that  Cortes  asked  for  gold,  as  a remedy  for 
heart  disease,  from  which  he  and  his  men  were  suffering. 

13  ‘Dexo  alii  dos  hombres  principales,  como  capitanes,  con  hasta  dos  mil 
personas  entre  mugeres  y hombres  de  scruicio,  y f uese  a Cotosta.  ’ Gomo  ra, 
Hist.  Mex.,41.  He  left  over  1000  to  wait  upon  the  Spaniards,  and  over  1900 
to  carry  supplies.  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Lid. , iv.  4S2;  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chi/'h. , 
287;  Bemal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  26,  supposes  that  Teuhtlile  went  in  poison 
to  Mexico,  but  not  so  Gomara  and  Ixtlilxochitl. 


ROYAL  COUNCIL. 


125 


Montezuma  was  quickly  in  possession  of  all  these 
facts;  and  when  he  saw  the  gifts,  and  read  the  picture 
writings,  and  learned  how  a woman,  beautiful  as  the 
sun,  talked  to  his  people  in  their  own  language;  more 
particularly  when  he  compared  the  helmet  with  that 
worn  by  Huitzilopochtli,  and  was  told  that  the 
terrible  strangers  insisted  on  an  interview,  apprehen- 
sion filled  his  soul.14  Cuitlahuatzin,  his  brother,  and 
Cacama  of  Tezcuco,  were  summoned  to  aid  in  telling 
him  what  to  do.  The  council  was  divided.  There 
was  the  popular  belief  regarding  Quetzalcoatl  with 
its  attendant  prognostics;  on  the  other  hand  these 
strangers  did  not  behave  like  gods.  They  had  human 
appetites,  overthrew  the  idols,  claimed  allegiance  to 
another  power,  and  had  proved  themselves  vulnerable 
at  Potonchan.  Yet  could  beings  wholly  terrestrial 
so  live  without  women,  mount  gigantic  deer,  and 
tame  the  lightning?  Cacama  thought  they  should 
have  a hearing.  The  national  honor  demanded  it; 
beside,  refusal  implied  fear.  Cuitlahuatzin  saw  in 
the  visitation  only  evil  to  the  commonwealth,  and 
urged  expulsion.  The  gods  should  decide;  and  very 
foolish  gods  they  would  have  been  to  vote  admission 
to  their  destroyers.  And  now  behold  the  fatal  folly 
of  Montezuma!  Instead  of  vigorous  action  toward 

11  ‘ Y desque  vi6  el  casco,  y el  que  tenia  su  Huichilobos,  tuuo  por  cierto,  que 
eramos'del  linage  de  los  que  les  auian  dicho  sus  antepassados,  que  vendrian 
d senorear  aquesta  tierra.  ’ Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad. , 2G.  This  statement 
is  followed  by  a cut  at  Gomara  for  giving  unreliable  information.  Camartjo, 
Hist.  Tlasc.,  141.  The  native  version  of  Sahagun  and  Torquemada  describes 
how  the  messengers  are  sprinkled  with  fresh  human  blood,  as  customary  with 
important  bearers  of  news,  before  presenting  themselves  before  Montezuma. 
They  arouse  his  admiration  by  speaking  of  the  wonders  beheld,  of  the  pene- 
trating swords,  the  sulphurous  smell  of  the  thunder  smoke,  and  of  the  in- 
toxicating food;  but  when  they  relate  how  outrageously  they  have  been 
treated  and  how  the  strangers  threatened  to  conquer  the  country,  then  the 
emperor  wept,  and  with  him  all  the  city.  Sahagun,  Hist.  Cong.,  i.  12-13; 
Torquemada,  i.  385-6;  Acosta,  Hist.  Ind.,  515-18.  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg 
incorporates  all  this  native  version  in  his  narrative,  and  allows  Teuhtlile  to 
reach  Mexico  with  his  report  a few  days  after  these  messengers,  thus  con- 
firming their  account.  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  75-6.  Duran  writes  that  ou  hear- 
ing of  Cortes’  eagerness  to  obtain  guides  for  Mexico,  Montezuma  began  to 
grieve  deeply  over  the  prospect  of  having  to  resign  and  die.  The  envoy  con- 
soled him  by  representing  the  benignity  of  the  white  gods,  but  lie  neverthe- 
less set  about  to  arrange  for  the  safety  of  his  children.  Hist.  Ind.,  MS.,  ii. 
336-7;  Tezozomoc,  Hist.  Alex. , ii.  253. 


126 


THE  COMBATANTS  SALUTE. 


the  end  determined  on,  he  adopted  a middle  course. 
He  would  decline  the  interview,  yet  not  rudely  drive 
the  strangers  hence,  lest,  peradventure,  they  might 
be  gods  and  successfully  oppose  him.  He  would  send 
them  liberal  gifts,  and  beseech  them  to  depart,  thus 
exposing  at  once  his  weakness  and  his  wealth.15 

A diplomate  of  the  first  nobility  was  accordingly 
despatched  to  the  sea-shore.  With  him  went  Teuh- 
tlile,  returning  after  only  a week’s  absence.16  Numer- 
ous natives  were  in  attendance,  among  them  over 
a hundred  slaves.  Bowing  low  before  Cortes,  who 
had  on  this  occasion  put  on  greater  pomp  than  usual, 
the  envoy  touched  the  earth  with  his  hand,  carrying 
it  to  his  lips,  and  then  he  swung  the  copal  censer.17 
Together  with  Teuhtlile  he  thereupon  seated  himself 
beside  Cortes;  and  it  was  remarked  how  much  alike 
they  looked,  the  Spanish  commander  and  the  Aztec 
envoy,  who,  perhaps,  had  been  selected  for  this 
reason,  with  the  aid  of  the  portraits  made  by  the 
native  painters,  and  as  a mark  of  honor  to  the  white 
captain.  The  soldiers  not  inappropriately  called  him 
the  Mexican  Cortes.18 

The  slaves  were  then  directed  to  lay  down  the 
presents;  among  which  were  thirty  bales  of  cotton 
fabrics,  from  gauzy  curtains  to  heavy  robes,  white, 


15  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chick.,  287-8 ; Camargo,  Hist.  Tlasc.,  141-2;  Herrera, 
dec.  ii.  lib.  v.  cap.  ix.  Torquemada  refers  to  the  similar  mistake  of  King 
Hezekiah  of  Judea,  in  exhibiting  to  the  Assyrian  envoys  his  wealth,  and  thus 
attracting  invaders,  i.  391,  404. 

16  This  seems  an  incredibly  short  time  in  a country  without  horses,  for 
Mexico  lies  over  200  miles  by  road  from  this  part  of  the  coast;  but  with 
numerous  relays  of  runners  and  litter-bearers  the  distance  would  not  take 
long  to  cover.  1 Estas  mensajerias  fuero  en  vn  dia,  y vna  noche  del  real  de 
Cortes  a Mexico,  que  ay  setenta  leguas  y mas.’  Gomarii,  Hist.  Mcx.,  41. 

17  Torquemada.,  i.  3S9,  assumes  this  to  have  been  in  token  of  divine  adora- 
tion, but  the  ceremony  was  a quite  common  mark  of  respect  for  distinguished 

persons.  See  Native  Races,  ii.  2S4.  ‘Nos  llamaron  Teules 6 dioses.’ 

‘ Hence  when  I say  Teules,  or  Gods,  it  may  be  understood  to  mean  us,’  says 
Bemal  Diaz  with  conscientious  pride.  Hist.  Verdad.,  32.  But  the  ten  or 
teo  prefix  to  names  must  be  accepted  in  the  same  light  as  the  incense  burn- 
ing, and  in  this  case  equivalent  to  ‘hero.’  See  also  Clavi/ero,  Storia  Mess., 
iii.  19.  ‘ Demonios  ’ is  Oviedo’s  translation  of  teules,  iii.  500. 

18  Some  writers  doubt  the  ability  of  native  painters  to  have  given  a suffi- 
ciently accurate  portrait;  but  with  the  aid  of  explanatory  signs  there  was 
little  difficulty. 


MONTEZUMA’S  PRESENTS. 


127 


colored,  plain,  and  figured,19  interwoven  with  feathers 
or  embroidered  with  gold  and  silver  thread;  feathers 
and  plumes  of  all  colors,  embroidered  sandals,  and 
marcasite  mirrors.  All  these,  however,  were  trifles 
beside  the  gold,  the  beautiful  glittering  gold  which 
was  now  disclosed,  and  likewise  the  silver.  Firsl 
there  was  a disk  of  the  yellow  metal,  representing 
the  sun  with  its  rays,  as  large  as  a carriage  wheel, 
ten  spans  in  diameter,  ornamented  in  demi-relief  and 
valued  at  thirty-eight  hundred  pesos  de  oro.20  A 
companion  disk  of  solid  silver,  of  the  same  size,  and 
equally  ornamented,  represented  the  moon.21  Then 
there  were  thirty  golden  ducks,  well  fashioned;  a 
number  of  other  pieces  in  form  of  dogs,  lions,  monkeys, 
and  other  animals;  ten  collars,  a necklace  with  over 
one  hundred  pendent  stones  called  emeralds  and  rubies 
by  the  Spaniards;  twelve  arrows,  a bow  with  cord 
stretched,  two  staves  each  five  palms  in  length;  fans, 
bracelets,  and  other  pieces,  all  of  fine  gold,  beside  a 
number  of  silver.  What  could  have  delighted  the 
Spaniards  more?  One  thing  only,  and  that  was  not 
wanting — the  gilt  helmet  returned  full  of  virgin  gold, 
fine  dust  and  coarse,  with  a plentiful  mixture  of 
nuggets  of  various  sizes  and  shapes,  all  fresh  from 
the  placers.  The  value  of  this  was  three  thousand 

19  Some  of  them  were  checkered,  which  to  Peter  Martyr  is  a sufficient  proof 
that  the  Mexicans  played  chess,  dec.  v.  cap.  x. 

24  Carta  del  A yunt.  de  V.  Cruz,  in  Cortes,  Cartas,  29.  ‘ Pessaba  la  de  oro 

quatro  mill  y ocho(?ientos  pessos . . . tenia  nueve  palmos  y medio  de  anchura  & 
treynta  de  yircunferen^ia,  ’ says  Oviedo,  who  inspected  the  presents  at  Seville, 
evidently  with  mathematical  precision,  iii.  259.  ‘Pesaua  cien  marcos,  hecha 
como  Sol,  y con  muchos  follajes,  y animales  de  relieue.’  Gomara,  Hist.  M ex. , 
42.  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  iv.  cap.  ix. , describes  the  central  figure  as  a king  en- 
throned, surrounded  with  foliated  ornaments.  In  the  above  Carta  del  Ayunt. 
a peso  de  oro  and  a Castellano  are  shown  to  be  equivalent,  and  a marco  con- 
tains fifty  castellanos.  Writers  differ  widely  in  their  calculations  to  reduce 
these  coins  to  modem  values,  Prescott  estimating  the  castellanos  at  §11.67  in 
United  States  money,  and  Ramirez,  in  a critical  note  thereupon,  at  §2.93. 
Prescott's  Hex.,  i.  321;  also  edition  Mex.  1845,  app.  ii.  79-92.  See  note  on 
coins  in  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  this  series,  i.  192-3.  Clemencin,  in  Mem.  Real  Acad, 
de  Hist.,  vi.  illust.  20,  525-45,  enters  fully  into  the  subject. 

21  Weighing  48  marcos.  Carla  del  Ayunt.,  loc.  cit.  ‘De  cincuenta  y tantos 
marcos,  temia  de  gordor  como  un  toston  de  4 4 reales,’  says  Las  Casas, 
who  examined  the  gifts  in  Spain.  His'.  Ind. , iv.  485-6.  ‘ Otra  mayor  rueda 

de  plata. ’ Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  26.  Robertson,  Hist.  Am.,  ii.  16,  449, 
misunderstanding  Diaz,  places  the  value  of  this  disk  at  20,000  pesos  or  £5000. 


128 


THE  COMBATANTS  SALUTE. 


pesos,  and  appreciation  was  attracted  not  so  much  by 
the  amount  as  by  the  significance  of  the  gift,  as  Ber- 
nal Diaz  remarks,  for  it  afforded  a sure  indication  of 
the  existence  of  rich  mines  in  the  country.  “It  was 
this  gift  which  cost  Montezuma  his  head,”22  says 
Torquemada. ' 

The  words  which  followed  fell  on  closed  ears. 
These  so  greatly  admired  gifts  are  but  a slight  token 
of  the  high  regard  of  the  emperor,  who  would  be 
pleased  to  form  a friendship  with  his  king;  but  he 
could  not  think  of  troubling  Cortes  to  come  to  him 
through  a hostile  country;  besides,  he  was  ailing. 
Everything  the  visitors  might  wish  to  aid  their  de- 
parture would  be  instantly  supplied.  This  and  more. 
Poor,  foolish  monarch!  As  well  might  he  ask  the 
ravenous  wolf  to  depart  after  giving  it  to  lick  a little 
blood  from  his  scratched  hand.  For  the  gifts,  a thou- 
sand thanks;  but  after  so  long  a voyage,  undertaken 
solely  for  the  purpose,  the  Spanish  captain  dared  not 
face  his  master  without  having  seen  the  great  Monte- 
zuma. As  for  the  road,  its  difficulties  or  dangers  were 
nothing.  Would  the  chiefs  present  their  monarch 
these  further  articles,  and  bring  speedy  answer?23 

Meanwhile  discussion  was  in  order  amonsf  the 
Spaniards,  and  speculation  as  to  what  should  be 
done.  Some  advised  immediate  advance  on  Monte- 

22  Monarq.  Ind.,  i.  390.  ‘Valdria  el  oro  y la  plata  que  alii  habia  20  6 
25,000  Castellanos,  pero  la  hermosura  dellas  y la  hechura,  mucho  mas.’  Las 
Casas,  ubi  sup.  ‘Podia  valer  este  presente  veynte  mil  ducados,  o pocos/  mas. 
El  qual  present  tenian  para  dar  a Grijalua.  ’ Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  42.  ‘ Qlo  re- 
parta  co  los  Teules  que  cosigo  trae,’  says  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad. , 27, 
intimating  that  another  present  was  coming  for  the  white  emperor;  but  it 
was  applied  to  the  expedition  treasury  like  nearly  everything  obtained  by 
trade  or  seizure.  Herrera , dec.  ii.  lib.  v.  cap.  v;  Vetancvrt,  Teatro  Mex.,  pt. 
iii.  115.  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  estimates  the  gold  disk  alone  at  357,380 
francs.  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  85.  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  iv.  cap.  ix.,  gives  a de- 
tailed description  of  several  of  the  presents. 

23  This  time  the  presents  for  the  chiefs  were  some  embroidered  shirts,  silk 
sashes  and  other  things,  while  to  the  emperor  he  sent  a Florentine  goblet,  gilt 
and  enamelled  with  figures,  three  Holland  shirts,  and  some  bead  articles,  not  a 
very  costly  return  for  what  he  had  received.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  27, 
and  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  v.  cap.  vi.,  enumerate  the  presents  given  to  them. 

‘ Teudilli . . . . le  rogo  mucho,  q pues  estaua  mal  a.posentado  en  el  capo  y arenalcs, 
se  fuesse  con  el  a vnos  lugares  seys  o siete  leguas  de  alii.  ’ But  Cortes  de- 
clined to  leave  the  camp.  Go.uara,  Hist.  Mex.,  43. 


THE  SPAXIAEDS  SPECULATE. 


129 


zuma’s  capital;  some,  fearful  of  the  nation’s  strength, 
as  manifested  by  its  arts  and  refinements,  favored 
return  to  Cuba  for  reinforcements.  Cortes  let  them 
talk,  but  said  little.  Traffic  at  first  was  freely  per- 
mitted among  the  men,24  and  as  the  result  was  meagre 
Cortes  did  not  think  it  worth  while  to  require  of  them 
a division.  To  this  irregularity  certain  of  the  Velaz- 
quez leaders  objected,  demanding  at  least  that  the 
loyal  fifth  should  be  deducted;  the  commander  there- 
fore ordered  gold  to  be  received  only  by  Gonzalo 
Mejia,  as  treasurer.25 

Ten  days  elapsed  before  Teuhtlile  returned,  without 
the  envoy,26  but  followed  by  a file  of  slaves  bearing, 
among  other  things,  as  a present  to  the  Spanish  king, 
ten  loads  of  rich  feathers  and  robes,  some  gold  figures 
valued  at  three  thousand  pesos,  and  four  chalchiuite 
stones,  each  declared  to  be  worth  a load  of  gold,  but 
of  no  value  to  Europeans. 

Teuhtlile  then  stated  that  further  messages  to 
the  emperor  were  useless,  since  the  desired  inter- 
view could  not  be  granted.  He  hoped  the  Spaniards 
would  content  themselves  with  the  promised  supplies 
and  depart  in  peace. 

Turning  to  his  companions,  Cortes  said:  “Truly 
this  must  be  a great  lord,  and  rich ; and,  God  willing, 
some  day  we  will  visit  him.”  Just  then  the  bell 
struck  for  Ave  Marfa,  and  instantly,  with  uncovered 
heads,  the  soldiers  were  kneeling  round  the  cross. 
The  priests,  ever  ready  to  preach  their  faith  where 
an  opportunity  presented,  were  soon  at  work.  His 
words,  however,  made  a bad  impression  on  the  gov- 
ernor, as  had  also  the  evasive  answer  of  Cortes  to  his 

24  ‘Y  aquel  oro  que  rescatauamos  dauamos  a los  hombres  que  traiamos  de 
la  mar,  que  iban  & pescar,  & trueco  de  su  pescado.  ’ Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad. , 
27.  If  so  it  was  probably  after  the  Indians  deserted. 

25  Gomara  refers  to  an  order  to  stop  all  barter  for  gold,  with  a view  to  let 
it  appear  that  the  Spaniards  cared  not  for  the  metal,  and  thus  to  induce  the 
Indians  to  make  no  secret  of  the  manner  in  which  it  was  obtained.  Hist.  Mex. , 
39.  As  if  the  natives  had  not  already  learned  what  we  wanted,  sneers 
Bernal  Diaz. 

26  ‘Que  se  dezia  Quintalbor,  no  bolvid  mas,  porque  auia  adolecido  en  el 
camino.’  Bernal  Diaz.  list.  Verdad.,  27. 

Hist.  Mex.,  Von.  I.  9 


130 


THE  COMBATANTS  SALUTE. 


message.  He  bade  a cold  farewell,  and  the  next 
morning  the  Spaniards  awoke  to  find  the  native  en- 
campment deserted,  and  even  the  supplies  carried 
away.  Precautions  were  now  taken  against  probable 
attack,  by  sending  on  board  the  provisions  and  all 
cumbrous  articles,  leaving  embarkation  easy  at  any 
moment.27 

2!  According  to  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  45,  Cortds  told  the  governor  that  he 
would  not  leave  without  seeing  Montezuma.  Solis  elaborates  this  as  usual 
into  a long  speech,  to  which  Teuhtlile  replies  with  threats,  and  turning  his 
back  stalks  out  of  the  camp.  Conq.  Mex.,  i.  153-5;  Herrera , dec.  i.  lib.  v. 
cap.  vL 


CHAPTER  IX. 


THE  MIGHTY  PROJECT  IS  CONCEIVED. 

May,  1519. 

Serious  Dilemma  of  Cortes — Authority  without  Law — Montejo  Sent 
Northward — Recommends  another  Anchorage — Dissensions  at 
Vera  Cruz — Prompt  and  Shrewd  Action  of  Cortes — A Munici- 
pality Organized — Cortes  Resigns — And  is  Chosen  Leader  by  the 
Municipality — Velazquez’  Captains  Intimate  Rebellion — Cortes 
promptly  Arrests  Several  of  Them — Then  he  Conciliates  them 
all — Important  Embassy  from  Cempoala — The  Veil  Lifted — The 
March  to  Cempoala — What  was  Done  there — Quiahuiztlan — The 
Coming  of  the  Tribute  Gatherers — How  They  were  Treated — 
Grand  Alliance. 

At  this  point  in  his  career  Hernan  Cortds  found 
himself  less  master  of  the  situation  than  suited  him. 
The  color  of  his  command  was  not  sufficiently  pro- 
nounced. He  had  no  authority  to  settle;  he  had  no 
authority  to  conquer;  he  might  only  discover  and 
trade.  He  did  not  care  for  Velazquez;  anything  that 
pertained  to  Velazquez  he  was  prepared  to  take.  But 
Velazquez  had  no  legal  power  to  authorize  him  further. 
Cortes  cared  little  for  the  authorities  at  Espahola;  the 
king  was  his  chief  dependence ; the  king  to  whose  favor 
his  right  arm  and  mother  wit  should  pave  the  way. 
Some  signal  service,  in  the  eyes  of  the  monarch, 
might  atone  for  slight  irregularities;  if  he  failed,  the 
severest  punishments  were  already  come.  But  where 
was  the  service?  Had  Montezuma  granted  him  an 
interview,  he  might  make  report  of  that,  and  find 
listeners.  As  it  was,  he  could  land  and  slay  a few 
thousand  natives,  but  his  men  would  waste  away  and 
no  benefits  accrue.  Nevertheless,  if  he  could  plant 

(131) 


132 


THE  MIGHTY  PROJECT  IS  CONCEIVED. 


himself  somewhat  more  firmly  on  this  soil  than  his 
commission  seemed  to  justify,  chance  might  offer  oppor- 
tunity, and  the  signal  service  find  achievement.  Such 
were  the  thoughts  that  just  now  filled  his  sagacious 
brain,  but  the  way  was  by  no  means  clear  before  him. 

While  the  events  narrated  in  the  preceding  chapter 
were  in  progress,  Montejo,  with  two  vessels,  had  been 
sent  northward  to  seek  a harbor  less  unwholesome 
than  the  present,  where  many  of  those  wounded  at 
Tabasco  had  died.1  As  second  in  command  went 
Rodrigo  Alvarez  Chico,  and  as  pilots,  Alaminos,  and 
Alvarez  el  Manquillo.  On  reaching  the  extreme 
point  attained  by  Grijalva,  the  strong  current  pre- 
vented further  advance,  as  in  the  former  attempt.2 
They  were  obliged  by  a gale  to  throw  overboard 
part  of  their  cargo.  Water  failed,  and  in  the  attempt 
to  land  an  artilleryman  perished.  Prayer  was  now 
their  only  recourse,  and  this  not  only  changed  the 
wind,  but  brought  rain.  After  a fortnight  of  mis- 
adventures3 they  returned  to  San  Juan  de  Ulua,  and 
hastened  bareheaded  to  the  cross  to  offer  thanks. 
More  wholesome  airs  were  not  difficult  to  find,  but 
good  harbors  were  not  abundant  thereabout.*  The 
only  favorable  spot  found  by  Montejo  lay  some  ten 
leagues  north  of  the  camp,  close  to  the  native  fortress 
of  Quialiuiztlan.4  A high  rock  affording  shelter  from 


1 Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  27.  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  v.  cap.  vi.,  and 
others  refer  to  a similar  number  as  being  on  the  sick-list.  Yellow  fever,  or 
vomito  negro,  now  the  scourge  of  this  and  adjoining  regions,  appears  to  have 
developed  with  the  growth  of  European  settlements,  and  Clavigero  states  that 
it  was  not  known  there  before  1725.  Storia  Mess. , i.  117. 

2 ‘ Hasta  el  parage  del  rio  grande  de  Panuco.’  Herrera,  loc.  cit.  ‘Llegaron 
al  parage  del  rio  grande,  que  es  cerca  de  Panuco,  adonde  otra  vez  llegamo 
quado  lo  del  Capita  Juan  de  Grijalua.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  27. 

3 ‘Doze  dias  que  gastaron  en  este  peligroso  viage.’  Herrera,  ubi  sup.  ‘Bol- 
uiose  al  cabo  de  tres  semauas . . . . le  salian  los  de  la  costa,  y se  sacauh  sangre,  y 
se  la  ofrecia  en  pajuelos  por  amistad  a deidad.’  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  45. 

4 Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chick.,  2S9.  Quiauitl,  rain  or  shower.  Molina,  Yocahu- 
lario.  Hence  rainy  place.  Herrera  calls  it  Chianhuitzlan,  and  this  has  been 
adopted  by  Clavigero  and  most  other  writers.  Prescott,  Mex.,  i.  348,  in  a 
note  holds  up  Clavigero  as  a standard  for  the  spelling  of  Mexican  names,  but 
he  forgets  that  the  Italian  form,  as  in  the  above  case,  would  be  misleading  to 
English  people. 


SUBTLETIES. 


133 


north  winds  gave  the  place  some  resemblance  to 
the  Spanish  harbor  of  Bernal,  which  name  was  ac- 
cordingly applied  to  it.  Extending  inland  were  green 
fields  fringed  with  fine  timber,  and  supplied  with 
creeks  of  good  water.5 6 

The  fifty  men  comprising  the  expedition  of  Montejo 
had  been  picked  from  the  adherents  of  Velazquez,  in 
order  that  by  weakening  this  faction  Cortes  might 
be  allowed  to  develop  his  plans.  For  the  army  was 
slowly  but  surely  drifting  into  division,  as  we  have  so 
often  found  in  adventures  of  this  kind,  and  the  Velaz- 
quez party  comprised  all  who  desired  immediately  to 
return.  In  this  clique  were  many  wealthy  and  in- 
fluential men  who  cared  no  more  for  Velazquez  than 
for  Cortes,  but  wTho  had  possessions  in  Cuba,  and 
were  becoming  impatient  to  return  to  them.  Nor  was 
there  much  difficulty  in  giving  form  to  discontent. 
There  were  grave  suspicions  afloat  as  to  the  loyalty 
of  the  commander;  but  these,  which  assuredly  were 
more  conspicuous  in  Cuba  than  here,  were  of  little 
moment  when  they  harmonized  with  the  wishes  of 
the  men.  What  stupidity  in  forming  camp  amidst 
such  malaria,  and  in  so  early  making  enemies  of  the 
people.  It  was  evident,  so  they  argued,  that  the 
commander  intended  to  sacrifice  the  company  to  his 
ambition. 

The  action  of  Cortes  here  as  elsewhere  marks  the 
great  man,  the  man  of  genius,  the  born  master  of 
men,  and  rightfully  places  him  beside  the  Cassars  and 
the  Napoleons  of  the  world.  The  commander  wished 
to  remain.  All  his  fortune,  all  the  fortunes  of  his 
friends  were  staked  on  this  adventure,  and  he  would 
rather  die  than  return  unsuccessful.  Little  hope  there 
would  be  of  his  obtaining  command  again;  he  would 


5 ‘Le  llamaro  Vernal,  por  ser,  como  es,  vn  Cerro  alto.’  Vetancvrt,  Teatro 

Mex. , pt.  iii.  115.  This  may  have  been  the  origin  of  the  name  for  the  Spanish 
port,  after  which  Bernal  Diaz  says  it  was  called.  Hist.  Verdad.,  27.  He 
applies  the  name  to  a neighboring  fort,  spelling  it  in  different  ways,  of  which 
Solis,  and  consequently  Robertson,  have  selected  the  most  unlikely.  Gomara 
applies  Aquiahuiztlan  to  the  harbor.  Hist.  Hex.,  49. 


134 


THE  MIGHTY  PROJECT  IS  CONCEIVED. 


not  return,  neither  would  he  just  at  present  die.  In 
desperate  cases  spirited  counsels  and  spirited  actions 
are  usually  safest. 

Calling  to  him  his  most  trusty  followers,  Puerto- 
carrero,  Alvarado  and  his  brothers,  Avila,  Olid,  Esca- 
lante, and  Francisco  Lugo,  he  laid  the  situation  fairly 
before  them.  Shortly  after  these  captains  were  out 
among  the  men,  holding  forth  to  them  privately  on 
the  wealth  of  the  country,  the  ease  and  glory  of  con- 
quest, and  the  prospect  of  repartimientos.  Where  was 
the  benefit  of  returning  to  Cuba?  Surely  they  might 
as  well  hold  the  country  for  themselves  as  to  aban- 
don it  and  let  others  step  into  their  places.  It  would 
be  much  easier  to  increase  the  present  force  by  add- 
ing to  it  than  to  raise  a new  army  better  appointed 
or  larger  than  this.  N or  did  they  forget  the  argu- 
ment of  religion,  which,  however  hollow  in  practice, 
was  weighty  enough  in  theory.  “Elect  therefore  to 
remain,”  they  said  in  conclusion;  “and  choose  the 
able  and  generous  Cortes  for  your  general  and  justicia 
mayor  till  the  emperor  decides  in  the  matter.”6 

The  opposition  was  by  no  means  ignorant  of 
these  manoeuvres,  and  Ordaz  was  commissioned  to 
remonstrate  with  Cortes.  He  dwelt  on  the  danger 
of  present  colonization,  denounced  any  attempt  to 
ignore  Velazquez,  and  insisted  on  instant  return. 
Suppressing  the  anger  naturally  arising  from  these 
insinuations,  true  as  they  were,  Cortds  disavowed 
any  intention  of  exceeding  the  instructions  of  his 
commission.  For  himself  he  preferred  to  remain,  as, 
among  other  reasons,  the  only  means  of  reimbursing 
himself  for  his  heavy  expenditures.  If,  however,  it 

6 Bernal  Diaz  relates  with  great  satisfaction  how  earnestly  the  speaker 
pleaded  for  his  vote,  addressing  him  repeatedly  as  ‘your  worship.’  One  reason 
for  their  earnestness,  he  implies,  was  the  superiority  in  number  of  the  Velaz- 
quez party.  ‘ Losdeudos,  y amigos  del  Diego  Velazquez,  que  eran  muchos  mas 
que  nosotros.  ’ Bernal  Diaz , Hist.  Verdatl.,  2S-9.  He  forms  this  estimate 
most  likely  on  the  proportion  of  leaders  who  from  jealousy  of  Cortes,  and  for 
other  reasons,  were  addicted  to  Velazquez;  but  their  men  were  probably 
more  in  favor  of  the  general  than  of  the  captains,  to  judge  from  the  result. 
The  sailors  for  obvious  reasons  may  have  added  to  the  Velazquez  number,  if 
not  to  their  strength. 


CORTES  WINS. 


135 


was  the  will  of  the  army  to  return,  he  would  yield. 
A few  hours  later  appeared  an  order  to  embark  the 
following  day  for  Cuba.  This,  as  was  intended, 
brought  public  feeling  to  a crisis.  All  saw  their 
golden  hopes  suddenly  dashed  to  the  ground,  their 
visions  of  honors  and  repartimientos  dispelled;  even 
the  men  so  lately  clamorous  to  return  were  not 
prepared  to  find  their  request  so  readily  granted. 
Would  it  not  be  well  to  think  further  of  the  matter, 
and  perhaps  devise  a plan  to  cover  the  emergency? 
After  noisy  discussion  the  soldiers  appeared  in  force 
before  the  captain-general  and  demanded  the  revoca- 
tion of  the  order.  They  had  left  Cuba  with  the  de- 
clared understanding  that  a colony  was  to  be  planted, 
and  now  they  were  informed  that  Velazquez  had 
given  no  authority  to  settle.  And  if  he  had  not, 
were  not  the  interests  of  God  and  the  king  par- 
amount to  the  order  of  any  governor?  And  did  not 
this  same  Velazquez  defame  Grijalva  for  not  disobey- 
ing instructions  in  this  very  regard?  With  no  small 
satisfaction  Cortes  saw  that  he  was  safe ; then  urgin'? 
calm  deliberation  he  graciously  promised  delay,7 
which  was  employed  first  of  all  in  impressing  on  their 
minds  how  indispensable  he  was  to  their  success. 

Finally  before  the  assembled  army  the  captain- 
general  appeared  and  said:  That  he  had  invested  his 
whole  fortune  in  the  fleet,  and  controlled  it;  yet  he 
was  willing  to  subordinate  his  individual  interest  to 
that  of  the  whole.  He  had  given  the  order  to  return 
because  he  understood  such  to  be  the  will  of  the 
majority.  As  this  was  not  the  case,  he  would  gladly 
remain;  for  God  who  had  ever  been  with  them  was 
now  disclosing  such  a field  of  wealth  and  glory  as  had 
never  before  been  offered  to  Spaniard.  Yet,  if  any 
wished  to  return,  let  them  freely  speak,  and  a vessel 
would  be  at  their  disposal.  What  magic  power  ruled, 
that,  when  the  disaffected  majority  were  thus  given 

7 ‘ Se  hazia  rrmcho  de  rogar:  y como  dize  el  refran:  Tu  me  lo  ruegas,  6 yo. 
me  lo  quiero.’  Bernal  Diaz , hist.  Verdad.,  29. 


136 


THE  MIGHTY  PROJECT  IS  CONCEIVED. 


their  way,  every  mouth  was  dumb,  and  the  commander 
remained  more  potent  than  ever? 

A colony  being  thus  decided  on,  the  founding 
ceremony  was  performed  by  the  quasi  laying  out  of 
a town,  the  planting  a pillory  in  the  plaza,  and  a 
gallows  at  some  distance  outside,8  though  strictly 
speaking,  the  town  was  not  properly  located  or  laid 
out  till  afterward.  Referring  to  the  treasures  here 
obtained,  and  to  the  day  of  landing,  the  new  town 
was  called  Villa  Rica  de  la  Vera  Cruz.9  Cortds,  as 
commander,  appointed  the  municipal  officers,10  naming 
for  alcaldes  Puer-tocarrero  and  Montejo,  a judicious 
selection,  both  for  his  own  interests  and  as  likely 
to  meet  general  approval.  And  here  again  is  dis- 
played the  subtle  policy  of  Cortes,  who  to  this  im- 
portant position  nominates  but  one  from  among  his 
own  faction,  Montejo  being  for  Velazquez.  Thus  of 
an  opponent  he  made  an  adherent,  conciliating  at 
the  same  time  the  entire  Velazquez  party.11  The 
regidores  were  Alonso  de  Avila,  Pedro  and  Alonso 
de  Alvarado,  and  Gonzalo  de  Sandoval;  procurador 
general,  Francisco  Alvarez  Chico;  alguacil  mayor,  J uan 
de  Escalante;  escribano,  Diego  de  Godoy.  Beside 
these  were  appointed,  in  the  interests  of  the  military 
department,  as  capitan  de  entradas,  Pedro  de  Alva- 
rado; maestre  de  campo,  Cristobal  de  Olid;  alferez, 
Corral;  alguaciles  de  real,  Ochoa  and  Romero;  teso- 
rero,  Gonzalo  Mejia;  contador,  Alonso  de  Avila.12 

8 ‘ Se  puso  vna  picota  en  la  pla^a,  y fuera  de  la  Uilla  vna  horca.  ’ Benin  l Diaz, 
Hist.  Verdcul.,  29;  Vetancvrt,  Teatro  Mex.,  pt.  iii.  116.  This  signifies  that 
justice  was  installed,  its  officers  being  next  appointed. 

9 See  note  23,  chap.  ii. , this  volume. 

10  ‘Nombrdnos por  alcaldes  y regidores,’  say  distinctly  the  appointed 

officers  themselves,  in  their  letter  to  the  emperor.  Carta  del  Ayunt.,  in  Cortes, 
Cartas,  20.  Bernal  Diaz  also  indicates  that  Cortes  made  the  appointments, 
although  he  at  first  says,  ‘ hizimos  Alcalde,  y Regidores.  ’ Yet  it  is  probable  that 
the  authorities  were  confirmed  formally  as  they  were  tacitly  by  the  members 
of  the  expedition ; for  Cortes,  as  he  acknowledges,  had  no  real  authority  to 
form  a settlement. 

1 1 Testimonio  de  Montejo,  in  Col.  Doc.  In6d. , i.  489.  ‘ A este  Montejo  porque 
no  estaua  muy  bien  con  Cortes,  por  metelle  en  los  primeros,  y principal,  le 
mando  nombrar  por  Alcalde.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  29. 

l%  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  v.  cap.  vii;  Torquemada,  i.  587.  Bernal  Diaz  skips 
the  regidores.  He  thinks  Villareal  was  not  reappointed  alf6rez  because  of 


ABDICATION. 


137 


Nearly  all  these  men  were  devoted  to  Cortes,  and 
were  therefore  a powerful  point  cFappui  for  his  project. 

Thus  far  all  was  well.  The  men  of  Velazquez  and 
the  men  of  Cortes,  Spaniards  all,  for  the  same  God 
and  the  same  king,  had  of  their  own  volition  deter- 
mined here  t^  plant  a Spanish  settlement,  and  had  so 
planted  it.  By  virtue  of  his  office,  and  in  the  ab- 
sence of  any  higher  authority,  the  captain -general 
had  chosen  temporary  officers  for  the  new  common- 
wealth. This  was  all.  These  men  had  elected  to 
transform  the  army  into  a civil  society,  for  temporary 
or  permanent  purposes  as  the  case  might  be;  and  they 
had  done  so.  But  about  their  leader?  What  position 
did  he  occupy?  A general  without  an  army,  de  facto 
at  the  head  of  affairs,  but  by  no  legal  right.  Let 
him  cut  his  own  knot. 

Hat  in  hand,  before  the  new  municipality,  Cortes 
appeared  and  surrendered  his  commission.  Authority, 
chief  and  absolute,  was  now  vested  alone  in  the  ayun- 
tamiento.  Then  with  the  modesty  of  Cincinnatus  he 
retired. 

It  was  then  in  order,  on  the  part  of  the  munici- 
pality, to  choose  a chief  ruler  and  representative  of 
royal  authority.  This  could  be  done  by  the  council 
alone,  though  in  this  instance,  for  obvious  reasons,  it 
would  be  better  to  secure  the  appointment  by  popular 
vote.  Cortes  felt  safe  enough  either  way.  A glowing 
eulogy  delivered  by  a fluent  speaker  was  followed  by 
such  noisy  demonstrations  that  the  opposition  found 
no  opportunity  to  express  their  opinion.13  The  follow- 

a difficulty  with  Cortds  about  a Cuban  female.  Hist  Verdad. , 29 ; Vetancvrt, 
Tfatro  .1/ex.,  pt.  iii.  116.  Promotion  and  other  causes  gave  speedy  rise  to 
changes  among  the  officials;  Avila,  for  instance,  becoming  alcalde  mayor  of 
New  Spam,  and  Pedro  de  Alvarado  alcalde  of  the  town. 

13  ‘ Los  q para  esto  estaua  auisados,  sin  dar  lugar  a que  nadie  tomasse  la 
mano.  A vozes  respodiero  Cortes,  Cortes.’  Herrera , dec.  ii.  lib.  v.  cap.  vii. 
Bernal  Diaz  merely  intimates  that  a ‘packed’  meeting  was  held,  by  stating 
that  the  men  of  Velazquez  were  furious  on  finding  Cortes  and  the  munici- 
pality elected,  declaring,  ‘q'  no  era  bien  hecho  sin  ser  sabidores  dello  todos  los 
Capitanes,  y soldados.  ’ Hist.  Verdad. , 29.  This  indicates  also  that  many  of 
the  opponents  must  have  been  sent  away  from  camp  for  the  occasion,  perhaps 
on  board  the  vessels.  Montejo  had  besides  a number  with  him. 


138 


THE  MIGHTY  PROJECT  IS  CONCEIVED. 


ing  day  a committee  was  sent  to  apprise  Cortes  of 
his  election,14  in  the  name  of  their  Catholic  Higrh- 
nesses,  to  the  offices  of  captain-general,  and  of  justicia 
mayor  of  the  town.  On  appearing  before  the  council 
to  take  the  oath,  the  alcalde  addressed  Cortes,  giv- 
ing as  reason  for  the  appointment  his  loyalty,  his 
worth,  and  his  talents.  The  commission  which  was 
then  given  granted  him  one  fifth  of  all  treasure  ac- 
quired by  trade  or  conquest,  after  deducting  the 
royal  fifth.  This  was  in  consideration  chiefly  for 
his  services  as  leader.15  Exitus  acta  probat.  Las 

14  ‘ El  qual  como  si  nada  supiera  del  caso,  preguntb  que  era  lo  que  mandaua.  ’ 
Having  signified  his  acceptance,  ‘Quisiero  besarle  las  manos  por  ello,  como 
cosa  al  bien  de  todos.  ’ Herrera , ubi  sup. 

10  Gomara  says  frankly,  ‘ Cortes  acepto  el  cargo  de  capitan  general  y 
justicia  mayor,  a pocos  ruegos,  porq  no  desseaua  otra  cosa  mas  por  entonces.’ 
Hist.  Mex. , 48.  ‘Y  no  tuvo  vergiienza  Gomara,’  is  Las  Casas’  comment  on 
the  admission.  Hist.  Ind.,  iv.  496.  Bernal  Diaz  states  that  Cortes  had  made 
it  a condition,  when  the  army  pleaded  to  remain  in  the  country,  that  he 
should  receive  these  offices:  ‘Y  lo  peor  de  todo  que  le  otorgamos  que  le 
dariamos  el  quin  to  del  oro.’  Hist.  Verdad.,  29.  The  letter  of  the  ayunta- 
miento  to  the  emperor  sets  forth  that  they  had  represented  to  Cortds  the 
injustice  of  trading  gold  for  the  sole  benefit  of  Velazquez  and  himself,  and 
the  necessity  of  securing  the  country  and  its  wealth  for  the  king  by  founding 
a colony,  which  would  also  benefit  them  all  in  the  distribution  of  grants. 
They  had  accordingly  urged  him  to  stop  barter  as  hitherto  carried  on,  and 
to  found  a town.  It  is  then  related  how  he  yielded  his  own  interest  in  favor 
of  king  and  community,  and  appointed  them  alcaldes  and  regidores.  His 
authority  having  in  consequence  become  null,  they  appointed  him  in  the 
king’s  name  justicia,  alcalde  mayor,  and  captain,  as  the  ablest  and  most  loyal 
man,  and  in  consideration  of  his  expenses  and  services  so  far.  Carta  10 
JuL,  1519 , in  Cor  Us,  Cartas,  19-21.  Both  Puertocarrero  and  Montejo  con- 
firm, in  their  testimony  before  the  authorities  in  Spain,  that  Cortes  yielded 
to  the  general  desire  in  doing  what  he  did.  Col.  Doe.  InM.,  i.  489,  493-4. 
According  to  Gomara,  Cortds  makes  a trip  into  the  neighboring  country,  and, 
finding  how  rich  it  is,  he  proposes  to  settle,  and  to  send  the  vessels  to  Cuba 
for  more  men  wherewith  to  undertake  the  conquest.  This  was  approved : 
Cortes  accordingly  appointed  the  municipality,  and  resigning  the  authority 
conferred  by  the  .Jeronimite  Fathers  and  by  Velazquez,  as  now  useless,  these 
officers  in  turn  elected  him  as  their  captain-general  and  justicia  mayor.  The 
council  proposed  that,  since  the  only  provisions  remaining  belonged  to  Cortds, 
he  should  take  from  the  vessels  what  he  needed  for  himself  and  servants,  and 
distribute  the  rest  among  the  men  at  a just  price,  their  joint  credit  being 
pledged  for  payment.  The  fleets  and  outfit  were  to  be  accepted  by  the  com- 
pany in  the  same  way,  the  vessels  to  be  used  to  carry  provisions  from  the 
islands.  Scorning  the  idea  of  trading  his  possessions,  Cortds  surrendered  the 
fleet  and  effects  for  free  distribution  among  his  companions.  Although 
liberal  at  all  times  with  them,  this  act  was  prompted  by  a desire  to  gain 
good-will.  Hist.  Mex.,  46-8;  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  v.  cap.  vii. ; Torquemadi, 
i.  395,  587.  Las  Casas  terms  the  whole  transaction,  as  related  by  Gomara  and 
the  ayuntamiento,  a plot  to  defraud  Velazquez  of  his  property  and  honors. 
Comparing  the  conduct  of  Cortds  with  that  of  Velazquez  against  Colon,  he 
finds  the  hitter  trifling  and  pardonable,  while  the  former  was  a barefaced 


A MUNICIPALITY  ESTABLISHED. 


139 


Casas  insists  that,  since  Cortds  had  no  authority  to 
form  a settlement,  his  appointment  of  an  ayuntamiento 
was  illegal,  and  consequently  their  election  of  him. 
No  one  supposed  for  a moment,  least  of  all  Cortes, 
that  these  proceedings  were  regular.  They  were 
„ but  make-believe  legal.  But  in  following  Gomara’s 
version  Las  Casas  failed  to  understand  that  the 
appointment  was  conferred  by  the  popular  majority 
in  the  name  of  the  king,  which  though  not  strictly 
legal  threw  over  all  the  color  of  law.  Beside,  with 
consummate  skill  Cortes  made  it  appear  that  the 
expedition  obliged  him  to  act  as  he  did;  and  if  these 
manoeuvres  did  not  legalize  the  transaction,  they  were 
the  means  of  weaving  a strong  bond  between  the 
men  and  their  leader,  such  as  King  Charles  and  all 
his  ordinance-makers  never  could  have  created.  Cor- 
tes was  no  longer  the  chief  of  Velazquez’  expedition, 
but  the  leader  of  the  Vera  Cruz  militia,  as  the  army 
might  now  be  termed,  and  removable  only  by  the 
power  that  placed  him  there,  or  by  the  emperor.16 

Although  opposition  was  now  in  vain,  the  ad- 
herents of  Velazquez  loudly  denounced  the  whole 
affair,  called  it  a conspiracy  and  a cheat,  and  refused 
to  acknowledge  Cortes  as  their  leader.  So  abusive 
did  they  become  that  open  rupture  was  imminent. 
The  leaders  of  this  faction  were  Velazquez  de  Leon, 
Ordaz,  Escobar,  Pedro  Escudero,  Morla,  and  the 


robbery,  resulting  to  Velazquez  in  loss  of  fortune,  honors,  and  life.  The  cap- 
tains were  accomplices.  Hist.  Ind.,  iv.  453,  494-6.  Peter  Martyr  gives  the 
facts  in  brief  without  venturing  an  opinion,  dec.  v.  cap.  i. ; Zum&rrixja,  in 
Ramirez,  Doc.,  MS.,  271-2.  Cortes  still  held  out  the  offer  to  furnish  a vessel 
for  those  who  preferred  to  return  to  Cuba.  As  for  Velazquez’  goods,  they 
remained  safely  in  charge  of  the  authorized  agent,  who  also  recovered  the 
advances  made  to  members.  See  note  5,  cap.  v. 

16  As  for  the  ayuntamiento,  the  passive  recognition  accorded  to  it,  con- 
firmed as  it  was  by  the  popularly  elected  general,  may  be  regarded  as  sufficient. 
Spanish  municipal  bodies  possessed  an  extensive  power  conferred  upon  them 
during  successive  reigns,  chiefly  with  a view  to  afford  the  sovereign  a support 
against  the  assuming  arrogance  of  the  nobles.  Their  deliberations  were 
respected ; they  could  appoint  members,  regulate  their  expenses,  and  even 
raise  troops  under  their  own  standard.  As  an  instance  of  the  consideration 
enjoyed  by  these  troops,  it  is  related  that  Isabella  the  Catholic,  when  re- 
viewing the  army  besieging  Moclin.  <rave  a special  salute  of  respect  to  the 
banner  of  Sevi.le.  Ataman,  D'usert.,  i.  612;  Zam  icois,  Hist.  Alcj.,  ii.  401-2. 


140 


THE  MIGHTY  PROJECT  IS  CONCEIVED. 


priest  Juan  Diaz.  Seeing  the  necessity  of  prompt 
action,  Cortds  seized  the  first  two,  with  a few  others, 
and  sent  them  on  shipboard  in  irons,  while  Alva- 
rado went  a-foraging  with  a hundred  men,  chiefly 
adherents  of  the  disaffected  leaders.17  They  found  a 
fertile  country,  and  several  small  towns.  The  in- 
habitants fled  at  their  approach,  leaving  signs  of  re- 
cent human  sacrifices  in  the  temple.  In  one  building, 
with  pyramidal  foundation  several  feet  in  height, 
were  found  a number  of  fine  rooms,  some  filled  with 
grain,  beans,  honey,  and  other  provisions;  others 
with  cotton  fabrics  and  feathers,  adorned  in  instances 
with  gold  and  silver.  In  obedience  to  strict  orders 
nothing  was  touched  save  food.  The  report  brought 
back  of  the  beauty  of  the  country,  together  with  the 
ample  supplies  obtained,  tended  toward  harmony ; and 
while  the  soldiers  were  thus  easily  reconciled  to  the 
new  order  of  things,  Cortes  with  his  usual  tact  won 
over  nearly  all  his  adversaries.  Some  he  bribed, 
some  he  flattered;  others  were  allured  with  hopes 
of  preferment.  Most  remarkable  was  it  that  with 
such  fire  in  his  veins,  he  could  so  control  it;  for  how- 
ever treacherous  Cortes  knew  them  to  be,  seldom  a 
sign  escaped  him  that  he  suspected  them.  Even  the 
imprisoned  officers  yielded  to  his  persuasive  power, 
aided  as  it  was  by  irons,  and  soon  were  ranked  among 
his  devoted  sustainers.18 

And  now  came  to  pass  an  event  such  as  the  gods 
not  unfrequently  fling  their  favorites,  which  was  ma- 
terially to  brighten  the  prospects  of  the  Spaniards. 
While  preparing  their  removal  to  a new  harbor, 
and  shortly  after  the  Mexican  withdrawal  from  inter- 


11  According  to  Gomara,  Cortes  enters  the  country  with  400  men  and  all  the 
horses,  before  the  election  had  been  mooted.  He  describes  the  towns  visited. 
Hist.  Mex. , 46-8.  Bernal  Diaz  pronounces  the  number  of  men  and  the  time 
of  entry  false.  He  also  states  that  Montejo  was  bought  over  for  2000  pesos 
and  more.  Hist.  Ver  > ad .,  30. 

18  According  to  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Ver  dad.,  30,  gold  played  an  important 
role  in  effecting  this  change  of  allegiance,  termed  by  Velazquez,  in  his  Me- 
morials to  Spain,  a witchery.  Solis  sees  nothing  but  the  dignified  yet  clever 
traits  of  his  hero  in  all  this. 


CEMPOALAN  EMBASSY. 


141 


course,  Bernal  Diaz  brought  in  from  his  outpost  five 
Indians,  different  in  dress  and  features  from  any 
hitherto  seen.  Among  other  peculiarities  were  large 
gold  rings,  set  with  stones,  in  their  perforated  ears, 
nose,  and  lower  lip.  Two  of  them,  who  spoke  Mexi- 
can, explained  the  purport  of  their  visit.  The  deeds 
of  the  Spaniards  having  reached  the  ears  of  their 
master,  the  lord  of  Cempoala,  in  the  Totonac  country, 
they  had  been  sent  to  see  these  valiant  beings^  and  in- 
vite them  to  their  city  a few  leagues  distant.19  Ques- 
tionings revealed  that  the  Totonacs  were  a subjected 
nation,  languishing  like  others  under  the  oppressive 
yoke  of  the  Aztecs,  and  o^ly  too  ready  to  welcome 
deliverance. 

It  must  be  remembered  that  Cortes  and  his  com- 
panions were  wholly  in  the  dark  as  to  the  power 
and  positions  of  the  interior  nations.  Now  for  the 
first  time  a little  light  was  shed  on  the  subject.  It 
appeared  that  the  mighty  monarch,  with  whom  took 
place  the  late  interchange  of  courtesies,  had  enemies 
who,  if  not  as  powerful  as  himself,  were  still  strong, 
and  in  spirit,  at  least,  unsubdued.  Might  not  this 
adverse  influence  be  utilized  and  joined  to  other  ad- 
verse influences  for  the  humbling  of  the  great  interior 
power?  Possibly  Montezuma  might  grant  Cortes 
audience  under  circumstances  yet  to  be.  Thus  the 
plan  of  the  conquest  was  conceived.  The  messengers 
were  dismissed  with  presents  and  the  assurance  of  a 
speedy  visit.20  . 

According  to  Ixtlilxochitl,  the  first  revelation  of 
Aztec  weakness  was  made  by  his  ancestor  and  name- 
sake, the  king  of  northern  Acolhuacan.21  Fearing  the 
power  and  treachery  of  Montezuma  and  his  allies,  and 


19  The  soldiers  called  them  Lopelucios,  because  their  first  inquiry  was 
Lopelucio,  ‘chief,’  whom  they  wished  to  see.  They  had  not  ventured  to  ap- 
proach while  the  Mexicans  were  at  the  camp.  Bernal  Diaz , Hist.  Venlad. , 28. 

20  According  to  Gomara,  followed  by  Herrera,  the  Totonacs  were  about 
twenty  in  number,  and  came  while  Teuhtlile  was  absent  on  his  second  mission 
to  Mexico,  without  bringing  a direct  invitation  to  the  Spaniards.  Hist. 
Mex..  43-4. 

21  See  Native  Races , v.  475-7. 


142 


THE  MIGHTY  PROJECT  IS  CONCEIVED. 


hating  the  Aztecs  with  a perfect  hatred,  this  prince 
had  hailed  with  joy  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards,  and 
had  gloated  over  the  terror  with  which  their  presence 
would  inspire  the  emperor.  The  prospect  of  gaining 
an  ally  who  might  aid  his  own  ambitious  plaifte  for 
supremacy,  and  for  Mexican  humiliation,  impelled  him 
to  send  an  embassy  to  Cortds  with  rich  presents,  and 
with  instructions  to  explain  to  the  strangers  the 
prevailing  disaffection,  the  ease  with  which  the  Aztecs 
might  be  overthrown,  and  the  rare  spoils  that  would 
accrue  to  the  conquerors.  The  interview  with  Cortes 
is  placed  at  about  the  same  time  as  the  Totonac  visit, 
and  Ixtlilxochitl  is  said  to  have  received  the  most 
friendly  assurances  from  Cortes.22  Be  that  as  it  may, 
here  was  an  incident  which  should  crush  all  cavillings. 

As  well  to  examine  the  country  as  to  inure  the 
troops  to  whatever  experience  should  be  theirs  on  this 
strange  shore,  Cortes  with  about  four  hundred  men  and 
two  light  guns  proceeded  by  land  to  Cempoala,  while 
the  fleet  with  the  heavy  camp  material  and  the  re- 
mainder of  the  expedition  coasted  farther  northward 
to  Quiahuiztlan. 

Burning  overhead  was  the  sun:  burning  underfoot 
were  the  sands;  while  on  the  one  side  was  the  tan- 
talizing sea,  and  on  the  other  the  tantalizing  wood, 
both  inviting  by  their  cool  refreshing  airs.  Behind 


22  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Cliich.,  288.  This  author  is  not  very  careful,  however, 
and  his  desire  to  court  the  Spaniards  lias  no  doubt  led  him  to  antedate  the 
event.  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  accepts  his  story  in  full.  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv. 
87-8.  A similar  revelation  is  claimed  to  have  been  made  by  two  Aztec  chiefs, 
Vamapantzin  and  Atonaltzin,  who  came  to  the  camp  in  the  retinue  of  the  first 
messengers  from  Mexico.  Descendants  of  the  early  Aztec  kings,  and  discon- 
tented with  the  present  ruler,  they  promised  Cortes  to  deliver  certain  native 
paintings  foretelling  the  coming  of  white  men,  to  reveal  the  whereabouts  of 
the  imperial  treasures,  and  to  plot  an  uprising  among  native  states  in  aid  of 
Spaniards.  For  these  services  they  received  extensive  grants  after  the  con- 
quest, including  that  of  Ajapusco  town.  The  document  recording  this  is  a 
fragment  which  Zerecero  parades  in  the  opening  part  of  his  Mem.  Rev.  Mix., 
8-14,  as  a discovery  by  him  in  the  Archivo  General.  It  pretends  to  be  a title 
to  Ajapusco  lands,  and  contains  on  the  first  pages  a letter  signed  by  Cortes  at 
San  Juan  de  Ulua,  ‘20  March,’  1519,  as  ‘Captain-general  and  governor  of 
these  New  Spains.’  Both  the  date  and  titles  stamp  the  letter  at  least  as  more 
than  suspicious. 


EXPEDITION  TO  CEMPOALA. 


143 


the  dark-fringed  forests  rose  old  Orizaba,23  laughing 
at  their  distress  beneath  its  cap  of  snow,  and  wonder- 
ing why  mortals  so  superior  should  choose  the  deadly 
tierra  caliente  country  for  their  promenade,  when 
gentle,  genial  Anahuac  lay  so  near.  But  presently 
tiie  senses  quickened  to  the  aroma  of  vegetation ; soft 
swards  and  cultivated  fields  spread  before  them  their 
living  green,  and  the  moist,  murmuring  wood  anon 
threw  over  them  its  grateful  shade.  If  beside  grave 
thoughts  on  the  stupendous  matters  then  under 
consideration,  might  find  place  such  trifles  of  God’s 
creation  as  birds  of  brilliant  plumage  and  of  sweet 
song,  they  were  there  in  myriads  to  charm  the  eye 
and  ear;  game  to  fill  the  stomach,  though  not  so 
satisfying  as  gold,  always  commanded  attention,  and 
was  also  plentiful.21  Through  all,  dispensing  life  and 
beauty  on  every  side,  flowed  the  Rio  de  la  Antigua, 
where  a few  years  later  rose  old  Vera  Cruz.25 

Crossing  this  stream  with  the  aid  of  rafts  and 
shaky  canoes,  the  army  quartered  on  the  opposite 
bank,  in  one  of  the  towns  there,  which  was  desti- 
tute alike  of  food  and  people,  but  which  displayed  the 

23  The  natives  called  it  Citlaltepetl,  starry  mountain,  with  reference  probably 
to  the  sparks  issuing  from  it.  For  height,  etc. , see  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol. , i.  273. 
Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  gives  it  the  unlikely  name  of  Aliuilizapan.  IHst.  Nat. 
Civ.,  iv. 99.  The  ending  ‘pan’  implies  a district  or  town,  not  a mountain.  The 
description  in  Carla  del  Ayunt.,  in  CorUs,  Carlas,  22-3,  expresses  doubt 
whether  the  whiteness  of  the  summit  is  due  to  snow  or  to  clouds. 

2 ‘Alvarado  chased  a deer,  and  succeeded  in  wounding  it,  but  the  next 
moment  the  dense  underbrush  saved  it  from  pursuit.  The  Carla  del  Ayunt., 
loc.  cit. , gives  a list  of  birds  and  quadrupeds ; and  a descriptive  account, 
founded  greatly  on  fancy,  however,  is  to  be  found  in  the  curious  Erasmi 
Erancisci  Guineischer  und  A mericaruscher  Blumen-Puscli,  Nurnberg,  1CC9, 
wherein  the  compiler  presents  under  the  title  of  a nosegay  the  ‘perfume  of 
the  wonders  of  strange  animals,  of  peculiar  customs,  and  of  the  doings  of  the 
kings  of  Peru  and  Mexico.’  The  first  of  its  two  parts  is  devoted  to  the  animal 
kingdom,  with  particular  attention  to  the  marvellous,  wherein  credulity  finds 
free  play,  as  may  be  seen  also  in  the  flying  dragon  of  one  of  the  crude  en- 
gravings. In  the  second  part,  the  aborigines,  their  history,  condition,  and 
customs,  are  treated  of,  chiefly  under  Peru  and  Mexico,  chapter  v.  relating 
specially  to  the  latter  country.  The  narrative  is  quite  superficial  and  fragmen- 
tary ; the  ‘ nosegay  ’ being  not  only  common  but  faded,  even  the  style  and  type 
appearing  antiquated  for  the  date.  Appended  is  Hcmmersam,  Guineische  und 
W rst-IndtanischeEembeschreibung,  with  addition  by  Dietherr,  relating  to  Africa 
and  Brazil. 

23  ‘A  tres  leguas  andadas  llego  al  rio  que  parte  termino  con  tierras  de  Mon- 
tecyuma.’  Gomara,  Hist.  Hex.,  49;  Torquemada,  i.  395. 


144 


THE  MIGHTY  PROJECT  IS  CONCEIVED. 


usual  ghastly  indications  of  recent  human  sacrifice. 
The  next  morning  they  followed  the  river  westward, 
and  soon  after  met  a party  of  twelve  Totonacs,  who 
had  been  sent  by  the  Cempoalan  ruler  with  presents 
of  food.  By  them  the  Spaniards  were  guided  north- 
ward to  a hamlet  where  a bountiful  supper  was  pro- 
vided.26 While  marching  the  next  day,  with  scouts 
deployed  as  usual  to  guard  against  ambuscades,  they 
emerged  from  a dense  tropical  forest  into  the  midst 
of  gardens  and  orchards,  and  by  a sudden  turn  in  the 
road  the  bright  buildings  of  Cempoala  stood  forth  to 
view. 

Just  then  twenty  nobles  appeared  and  offered  wel- 
come. They  were  followed  by  slaves,  and  instantly 
the  travel -worn  army  was  revelling  in  fruits  and 
flowers.  What  more  beautiful  reception  could  have 
been  given?  yet  the  Spaniards  would  have  preferred 
a shower  of  gold.  To  Cortes  were  given  bouquets; 
a garland,  chiefly  of  roses,  was  flung  around  his  neck, 
and  a wreath  placed  upon  his  helmet.  Species  of 
pineapples  and  cherries,  juicy  zapotes,  and  aromatic 
anones  were  distributed  to  the  men  without  stint. 
Almost  the  entire  populace  of  the  city,  some  twenty- 
five  thousand,27  staring  their  wonderment  with  open 
eyes  and  mouth,  thronged  either  side  of  the  way 
along  which  marched  the  army  in  battle  array,  headed 
by  the  cavalry.  Never  before  had  the  Spaniards  seen 
so  beautiful  an  American  city.  Cortfis  called  it  Seville, 


26  Gomara,  who  ignores  the  previous  night’s  camp,  states  that  the  detour  up 
the  river  was  made  to  avoid  marshes.  They  saw  only  isolated  huts,  and  fields, 
and  also  about  twenty  natives,  who  were  chased  and  caught.  By  them  they 
were  guided  to  the  hamlet.  Hist.  Mex.,  49.  They  met  one  hundred  men 
bringing  them  food.  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chick.,  289.  Prescott  allows  the 
Spaniards  to  cross  only  a tributary  of  la  Antigua,  and  yet  gain  Cempoala. 
Mex.,  i.  339-40. 

27  Las  Casas  says  20,000  to  30,000.  Hist,  lnd.,  iv.  492.  Torquemada  varies 
in  different  places  from  25,000  to  150,000.  The  inhabitants  were  moved  by 
Conde  de  Monterey  to  a village  in  Jalapa  district,  and  in  Torquemada ’s  time 
less  than  half  a dozen  remained,  i.  397.  ‘Dista  de  Vera-Cruz  quatro  leguas, 
y las  ruinas  dan  & en tender  la  grandeza  de  la  Ciudad ; pero  es  distinto  de  otro 
Zempoal. . . .que  dista  de  este  doze  leguas.’  Lorenmna,  iu  Cortes,  Hist.  N. 
Esfjaiia,  39.  ‘Assentada  en  to  llano  entre  dos  rio3.’  A league  and  a half  from 
the  sea.  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  v.  cap.  viii. 


THE  CITY  AND  ITS  PEOPLE. 


145 


a name  which  Spaniards  frequently  applied  to  any  place 
that  pleased  them,  as  we  have  seen,  while  the  soldiers, 
charmed  with  its  floral  wealth  and  beauty,  termed 
it  Villaviciosa,  and  declared  it  a terrestrial  paradise. 
One  of  the  cavalry  scouts,  on  first  beholding  the 
freshly  stuccoed  walls  gleaming  in  the  sun,  came  gal- 
loping back  with  the  intelligence  that  the  houses 
were  silver-plated.  It  was  indeed  an  important  place, 
holding  a large  daily  market.  A central  plaza  was 
inclosed  by  imposing  temples  and  palaces,  resting 
on  pyramidal  foundations,  lined  with  apartments  and 
surmounted  by  towers,  and  around  clustered  neat 
dwellings  with  whitened  adobe  walls  embowered  in 
foliage.  Statelier  edifices  of  masonry,  some  having 
several  court -yards,  rose  here  and  there,  while  in 
every  direction  spread  an  extensive  suburb  of  mud 
huts  with  the  never  failing  palm-leaf  roof.  Yet  even 
the  humblest  abodes  were  smothered  in  flowers.28 
The  people  also,  as  we  might  expect  by  their  sur- 
roundings, were  of  a superior  order,  well  formed,  of 
intelligent  aspect,  clothed  in  neat  white  and  colored 
cotton  robes  and  mantles,  the  nobles  being  adorned 
with  golden  necklaces,  bracelets,  and  nose  and  lip 
rings,  set  with  pearls  and  precious  stones. 

When  the  troops  reached  the  plaza,  Chicomacatl,29 
lord  of  the  province,  stepped  from  the  palace  to 
receive  his  guests.  He  was  supported  by  two  nobles, 
and  though  enormously  stout,30  his  features  denoted 
high  intelligence,  and  his  manner  refinement.  He  was 
more  of  a gentleman  than  many  of  the  Spaniards, 
whose  merriment  over  his  corpulence  Cortes  was 
obliged  to  repress.  After  saluting  and  wafting  incense 
before  the  commander  of  the  strange  company,  Chico- 
macatl embraced  Cortes  and  led  him  to  his  quarters 

28  ‘ Cempoal,  que  yo  intitule  Sevilla.  ’ Cortis,  Cartas,  52.  See  Native  Races, 
ii.  553-90 ; iv.  425-63,  on  Nahua  architecture. 

29  Ixtl'dxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  294.  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  by  a miscon- 
struction of  his  authorities,  calls  him  Tlacochcalcatl.  Codex  Ch'tmalpopoca,  in 
Brasseur  de,  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  93.  See  Sahagun,  Hist.  Cong.,  16. 

30  ‘ Una  gordura  monstruosa. . . .Fue  necesario  que  Cortes  detuviesse  la  risa 
de  los  soldados.’  Rolls,  Hist.  Me. v.,  i.  175. 

Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  I.  10 


146 


THE  MIGHTY  PROJECT  IS  CONCEIVED. 


in  the  spacious  halls  adjoining  the  temple,  after  which 
he  retired  for  a time.  There  the  men  rested  and  re- 
freshed themselves,  guards  being  carefully  posted,  for 
Cortds  would  not  trust  his  fate  to  strangers,  and 
strict  orders  were  given  that  no  one  should  leave  the 
building.31 

It  was  not  long  before  Chicomacatl  returned  in  a 
litter  with  a richly  attired  suite,  bringing  presents  of 
fine  robes,  and  jewels  worth  about  two  thousand 
ducats.  During  the  conversation  that  ensued,  Cortes 
as  usual  extolled  the  greatness  and  power  of  his  king, 
and  spoke  warmly  of  his  mission  to  replace  their 
bloody  religion  with  a knowledge  of  the  true  God. 
Were  there  wrongs  to  redress,  that  is  to  say,  when 
opportunity  offered  for  the  perpetration  of  a greater 
wrong  by  himself,  no  knight  of  La  Mancha  or  Amadis 
of  Gaul  could  be  more  valiant  than  he.  In  return 
the  chief  of  Cempoala  unbosomed  himself,  for  the 
manner  of  Cortes  was  winning,  and  his  speech  in- 
spired confidence  whenever  he  chose  to  make  it  so. 
Then  his  fame,  already  wide-spread  over  the  land,  and 
the  dim  uncertainty  as  to  his  nature,  whether  more 
celestial  or  terrestrial,  added  weight  to  his  words.  So 
Chicomacatl  poured  forth  from  an  overflowing  heart 
a torrent  of  complaints  against  the  tyranny  of  Monte- 
zuma. He  drew  for  the  Spaniards  a historic  outline 
of  the  Aztecs — how  a people  the  youngest  in  the  land 
had,  at  first  by  cunning  and  treachery,  and  finally  by 
forced  allies  and  preponderance  of  arms,  built  their 
power  upon  the  ruin  of  older  states.  The  Totonacs, 
whose  records  as  an  independent  nation  in  this  region 
extended  over  seven  centuries,  had  succumbed  only 
some  twenty -five  years  before  this.32  And  now  Mon- 
tezuma’s collectors  overran  the  provinces,  gathering 
heavy  tributes,  seizing  the  beautiful  maidens,  and 

31  ‘ Se  hizo  el  alojamento  en  el  patio  del  Templo  mayor.’  Herrera,  dec.  ii. 
lib.  v.  cap.  viii. 

32  For  the  reigns  of  their  kings,  see  Torquemada,  i.  278-80.  Robertson, 
Hist.  Am.,  ii.  31,  wrongly  assumes  the  Totonacs  to  be  a fierce  people,  different 
from  Cempoalans. 


TOTONAC  PLEDGES. 


147 


conveying  the  men  into  slavery  or  to  the  sacrificial 
stone.  Neither  life,  liberty,  nor  property  could  be 
enjoyed  with  any  degree  of  safety. 

Whereat  Cortes  of  course  was  indignant.  It  was 
his  special  business  to  do  all  the  tyrannizing  in  that 
region  himself;  his  sword  would  give  ample  pro- 
tection to  his  new  allies,  and  bring  abundant  honor 
to  his  king  and  himself.  Let  but  the  people  prove 
loyal  to  him,  he  concluded,  and  he  surely  would  de- 
liver them  from  the  hated  yoke;  yet  he  did  not 
mention  the  more  fatal  bondage  into  which  he  would 
place  them.  Cliicomacatl  eagerly  assured  Cortes  of 
support  from  the  Totonacs,  numbering  fifty  thousand 
warriors,  with  numerous  towns  and  fortresses.33  Fur- 
thermore, there  were  many  other  states  ready  to  join 
an  insurrection  which  should  prove  strong  enough  to 
brave  the  terrible  Montezuma. 

Their  visit  over,31  the  Spaniards  continued  their 
march  northward  to  join  the  fleet.  Four  hundred 
tlamamas,  or  carriers,  attended,  in  courtesy  to  hon- 
ored guests,  to  relieve  the  soldiers  of  their  burdens. 
The  following  day  they  reached  Quiahuiztlan,  a for- 
tified town  about  a league  from  the  sea.  This  town 
was  picturesquely  placed  on  a rocky  promontory 
bordering  one  of  the  many  wild  ravines  thereabout, 
and  of  difficult  access,  commanding  the  plain  and 
harbor  at  its  base.35  The  army  advanced  cautiously, 


33  ‘Toda  aquella  provincia  de  Cempoal  y toda  la  sierra  comarcana  d la 
dicha  villa,  que  serdn  hasta  cinquenta  mil  hombres  de  guerra  y cincuenta 
villas  y fortalezas.’  Cortis,  Cartas,  53.  ‘Cien  mil  hobres  entre  toda  la  liga.’ 
Gomara,  Hist.  Mex. , 57.  ‘ En  aquellas  tierras  de  la  lengua  de  Totonaque,  que 

eran  mas  de  trienta  pueblos.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdcul.,  31.  The  province 
appears  to  have  extended  from  Rio  de  la  Antigua  to  Huaxtecapan,  in  the 
north  of  Vera  Cruz,  and  from  the  sea  to  Zacatlan,  in  Puebla.  Patino  assumes 
Mixquhuacan  to  have  been  the  capital,  but  this  must  be  a mistake. 

31  Gomara  relates  that  the  army  remained  at  Cempoala  fifteen  days,  during 
which  frequent  visits  were  made  by  the  lord,  Cortes  paying  the  first  return 
visit  on  the  third  day,  attended  by  fifty  soldiers.  He  describes  briefly  the 
palace,  and  how  Cortes,  seated  by  the  side  of  the  lord,  on  icpalli  stools,  now 
won  his  confidence  and  adhesion.  Hist.  Mex.,  51-3;  Tapia,  Re/.,  in  Jcazbal- 
cvta.  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  561;  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  v.  cap.  x.  Bernal  Diaz  declares 
Gomara  wrong,  and  insists  that  they  proceeded  on  their  way  the  following 
day.  Hist.  Verdad.,  31;  Clavitjero,  Storia  Mess.,  iii.  26-7. 

3',For  illustrated  description  of  barranca  ruins,  see  Native  Races,  iv.439etseq. 


14S 


THE  MIGHTY  PROJECT  IS  CONCEIVED. 


in  battle  array,30  but  tlie  place  was  deserted.  On 
reaching  the  plaza,  however,  some  fifteen  chiefs  came 
forward  with  swinging  censers,  and  apologized,  saying 
that  the  people  had  fled,  not  knowing  what  the  strange 
arrival  portended,  but  reassured  by  the  Cempoalans, 
they  were  already  returning  to  serve  them.  The 
soldiers  then  took  possession  of  a large  building,  where 
food  was  brought  them.  Presently  the  chief  ap- 
peared; and  close  at  his  heels  in  hot  haste  came  the 
lord  of  Cempoala,  who  announced  that  the  Aztec  col- 
lectors had  entered  his  city.37  While  conferring  with 
Cortds  and  the  chiefs  assembled,  Chicomacatl  was 
informed  that  the  collectors,  five38  in  number,  had 
followed  him  to  Quiahuiztlan,  and  were  even  then  at 
the  door.  All  the  chiefs  present  turned  pale,  and 
hastened  out  to  humble  themselves  before  the  officers, 
who  responded  with  disdainful  condescension.  The 
officers  were  clad  in  embroidered  robes,  with  a pro- 
fusion of  jewelry,  and  wore  the  hair  gathered  upon  the 
crown.  In  the  right  hand  they  carried  their  insignia 
of  office,  a hooked  carved  stick,  and  in  the  left  a bunch 
of  roses,  the  ever  welcome  offering  of  the  obsequious 
Totonac  nobles  who  swelled  their  train.  A suite  of 
servitors  followed,  some  with  fans  and  dusters,  for 
the  comfort  of  their  masters.  Passing  the  Spanish 
quarter  without  deigning  to  salute  the  strangers, 
the  emissaries  of  the  mighty  Montezuma  entered  an- 
other large  building,  and  after  refreshing  themselves 
summoned  the  tributary  chiefs,  reprimanded  them 
for  having  received  the  Spaniards  without  permission 
from  Montezuma,  and  demanded  twenty  young  persons 
for  an  atoning  sacrifice.  Well  might  the  demoniacal 

O O 

36  Avila,  who  had  command,  was  so  strict  as  to  lance  Hernando  Alonso  de 
Villanueva  for  not  keeping  in  line.  Lamed  in  the  arm,  he  received  the 
nickname  of  el  Manquillo.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  31.  The  riders  were 
obliged  to  retain  their  seats,  lest  the  Indians  should  suppose  that  the  horses 
could  be  deterred  by  any  obstacles.  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex. , 53. 

8;  Vetancvrt,  Teatro  Mex.,  pt.  iii.  117.  Others  suppose  that  he  came  merely 
to  persuade  the  cacique  to  join  Cortes.  Clavigero,  Storia  Mess. , iii.  27. 

38  Eour  men.  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich. , 289.  ‘ Twenty  men,  ’ says  Gomara, 

Hist.  Mex. , 54,  who  does  not  refer  to  the  arrival  of  Cempoala’s  lord. 


MONTEZUMA’S  TAX-GATHERERS. 


149 


order  cause  to  tremble  every  youth  throughout  the 
land;  for  whose  turn  should  be  next  none  could 
tell.  Even  the  faces  of  the  chiefs  were  blanched  as 
they  told  Cortes,  informing  him  also  that  it  was 
already  determined  in  Aztec  circles  to  make  slaves 
of  the  Spaniards,  and  after  being  used  awhile  for 
purposes  of  procreation,  they  were  to  be  sacrificed.39 
Cortes  laughed,  and  ordered  the  Totonacs  to  seize 
the  insolent  officials.  What!  lay  violent  hands  on 
Montezuma’s  messengers?  The  very  thought  to  them 
was  appalling.  Nevertheless  they  did  it,  for  there 
was  something  in  the  tone  of  Cortes  that  made  them 
obey,  though  they  could  not  distinguish  the  meaning 
of  his  words.  They  laid  hold  on  those  tax-men  of 
Montezuma,  put  collars  on  their  necks,  and  tied  their 
hands  and  feet  to  poles.'40  Their  timidity  thus  broken, 
they  became  audacious,  and  demanded  the  sacrifice 
of  the  prisoners.41  “By  no  means,”  Cortes  said,  and 
he  himself  assumed  their  custody. 

Howsoever  the  cards  fall  to  him,  a skilful  gamester 
plays  each  severally,  nothing  cavilling,  at  its  worth. 
So  Cortes  now  played  these  messengers,  the  method 
assuming  form  in  his  mind  immediately  he  saw  them. 
With  him  this  whole  Mexican  business  was  one  great 
game,  a life  game,  though  it  should  last  but  a day; 
and  as  the  agencies  and  influences  of  it  fell  into  his 
fingers,  with  the  subtlety  of  the  serpent  he  dealt 
them  out,  placing  one  here  and  another  there,  playing 
with  equal  readiness  enemy  against  enemy,  and  mul- 
tiplying friends  by  friends. 

These  so  lately  pride-puffed  tribute-men,  now  low 
laid  in  the  depths  of  despondency— how  shall  they  be 
played?  Well,  let  them  be  like  him  who  fell  amongst 
thieves,  while  the  Spanish  commander  acts  the  good 

39  ‘ Montezuma  tenia  pensamiento, . . . . de  nos  auer  todos  d las  manos,  para 
que  hiziessemos  generacion,  y tambien  para  tener  que  sacrificar.’  Bernal  Diaz, 
Hist.  Verdad.,  2S. 

10  ‘ Carcerati  nelle  loro  gabble,’  is  the  way  Clavigero  puts  it.  Storia  Mess., 
iii.  28.  One  was  even  whipped  for  resisting. 

11  ‘ Porque  no  se  les  fuesse  alguno  dellos  a dar  mandado  d Mexico,’  is  Ber- 
nal Diaz’  reason  for  it.  Hist.  Verdad.,  32. 


150 


THE  MIGHTY  PROJECT  IS  CONCEIVED. 


Samaritan.  In  pursuance  of  which  plan,  when  all 
had  retired  for  the  night,  he  went  stealthily  to  them, 
asked  who  they  were,  and  why  they  were  in  that  sad 
plight,  pretending  ignorance.  And  when  they  told 
him,  this  rare  redresser  was  angry,  hot  with  indig- 
nation that  the  noble  representatives  of  so  noble  a 
monarch  should  be  so  treated.  Whereupon  he  in- 
stantly released  two  of  them,  comforting  the  others 
with  tire  assurance  that  their  deliverance  should 
quickly  follow;  for  the  emperor  Montezuma  he  es- 
teemed above  all  emperors,  and  he  desired  to  serve 
him,  as  commanded  by  his  king.  Then  he  sent  the 
twain  down  the  coast  in  a boat,  beyond  the  Totonac 
boundary. 

Next  morning,  when  told  that  two  of  the  Aztec 
captives  had  broken  their  bonds  and  escaped,  the 
Totonacs  were  more  urgent  than  ever  for  the  im- 
molation of  the  others.  But  Cortes  again  said  no, 
and  arranged  that  they  should  be  sent  in  chains  on 
board  one  of  his  vessels,  determined  afterward  to 
release  them,  for  they  were  worth  far  more  to  his 
purpose  alive  than  dead. 

It  is  refreshing  at  this  juncture  to  hear  pious 
people  censure  Cortes  for  his  duplicity,  and  to  hear 
other  pious  people  defend  him  on  the  ground  of  ne- 
cessity, or  otherwise.  Such  men  might  with  equal 
reason  wrangle  over  the  method  by  which  it  was 
right  and  honorable  for  the  tiger  to  spring  and  seize 
the  hind.  The  one  great  wrong  is  lost  sight  of  in  the 
discussion  of  numerous  lesser  wrongs.  The  murderer 
of  an  empire  should  not  be  too  severely  criticised  for 
crushing  a gnat  while  on  the  way  about  the  business.42 

At  the  suggestion  of  Cortes,  messengers  were  sent 
to  all  the  towns  of  the  province,  with  orders  to  stop 


42‘Condotta  artifiziosa,  e doppia,’  etc.,  says  Clavigero,  Storia  3fess.,  iii. 
28,  while  Solis  lauds  it  as  ‘ Grande  artifice  de  medir  lo  que  disponia,  con  lo  que 
rezelaba:  y prudente  Capitan.  ’ Hist.  31  ex. , i.  186. 


BLOODLESS  BATTLES. 


151 


the  payment  of  tribute  and  to  seize  the  collectors, 
but  to  spare  their  lives.  Information  was  likewise  to 
be  given  to  the  neighboring  nations,  that  all  might 
prepare  to  resist  the  force  which  Montezuma  would 
probably  send  against  them.  The  Totonacs  became 
wild  with  joy,  and  declared  that  the  little  band  who 
dare  so  brave  Montezuma  must  be  more  than  men.43 
To  Quiahuitzlan  flocked  chiefs  and  nobles  from  all 
parts,  eager  to  behold  these  beings,  and  to  ascertain 
their  own  future  course  of  action.  There  were  those 
among  them  still  timid,  who  urged  an  embassy  to 
the  king  of  kings,  to  beseech  pardon  before  his  army 
should  be  upon  them,  slaying,  enslaving,  and  laying 
waste;  but  Cortes  had  already  influence,  was  already 
strong  enough  to  allay  their  fears,  and  bring  them 
all  into  allegiance  to  the  Spanish  sovereign,  exacting 
their  oath  before  the  notary  Godoy  to  support  him 
with  all  their  forces.  Thus,  by  virtue  of  this  man’s 
mind,  many  battles  were  fought  and  won  without  the 
striking  of  a blow.  Already  every  Spaniard  there 
was  a sovereign,  and  the  meanest  soldier  among  them 
a ruler  of  men. 

43  ‘ Desde  alii  adelante  nos  llamaron  Teules,’  says  Bernal  Diaz,  with  great 
satisfaction.  1ILH  Verrlad.,  32.  1 A los  Espafioles  llamaron  teteuh,  que  quiere 

decir  dioses,  y los  Espanoles  corrompiendo  el  vocablo  decian  teules,  el  cual 
nombre  les  dur<S  mas  de  tres  auos,’  till  we  stopped  it,  declaring  that  there 
was  but  one  God.  Motolinia,  Hist,  lad..,  i.  142-3.  See  note  16. 


CHAPTER  X. 


MULTIPLICATION  OF  PLOTS. 

JUNE-JULY,  1519. 

Cortes,  Diplomate  and  General — The  Municipality  of  Villa  Rica 
Located — Excitement  throughout  AnAhuac — Montezuma  Demor- 
alized— Arrival  of  the  Released  Collectors  at  the  Mexican 
Capital — The  Order  for  Troops  Countermanded — Montezuma 
Sends  an  Embassy  to  Cortes — Chicomacatl  Asks  Aid  against  a 
Mexican  Garrison— A Piece  of  Pleasantry — The  Velazquez  Men 
Refuse  to  Accompany  the  Expedition — Opportunity  Offered  them 
to  Return  to  Cuba,  which  they  Decline  through  Shame — The 
Totonacs  Rebuked— The  Cempoala  Brides — Destruction  of  the 
Idols — Arrival  at  Villa  Rica  of  Salcedo — Efforts  of  Velazquez 
with  the  Emperor — Cortes  Sends  Messengers  to  Spain — Velaz- 
quez Orders  them  Pursued — The  Letters  of  Cortes — Audience 
of  the  Emperor  at  Tordesillas. 


Palamedes  invented  the  game  of  chess  while  watch- 
ing before  the  gates  of  Troy;  a tame  business,  truly, 
beside  the  achievements  of  the  heaven-born  Achilles, 
the  hero  of  the  war.  Yet  chess  remains,  while  Achilles 
and  his  heaven  have  melted  with  the  mists.  Who 
shall  say,  then,  which  was  the  greater,  Cortds  the 
soldier,  or  Cortes  the  diplomate?  But  these  were 
barbarians,  one  says,  with  whom  the  shrewd  Span- 
iards had  to  deal;  they  had  neither  horses,  nor  iron, 
nor  gunpowder,  to  aid  them  in  their  wars.  Further- 
more, they  regarded  the  strangers  fully  as  demi-gods, 
probably  as  some  of  their  own  wandering  deities  re- 
turned. True;  but  he  makes  a great  mistake  who 
rates  the  Mexicans  so  far  beneath  Europeans  in  natu- 
ral ability  and  cunning.  Montezuma  lacked  some  of 
the  murderous  enginery  that  Cortes  had,  and  his 

( 152 ) 


LOCATING  VILLA  RICA. 


153 


inner  life  was  of  different  dye;  that  was  about  all.  If 
any  would  place  Cortes,  his  genius,  and  his  exploits, 
below  those  of  the  world’s  greatest  generals,  because 
he  warred  on  enemies  weaker  than  their  enemies,  we 
have  only  to  consider  the  means  at  his  command,  how 
much  less  was  his  force  than  theirs.  What  could  the 
Scipios  or  the  Caesars  have  done  with  half  a thousand 
men;  or  Washington,  or  Wellington,  with  five  hundred 
against  five  hundred  thousand?  Napoleon’s  tactics  were 
always  to  have  at  hand  more  forces  than  the  enemy. 
In  this  the  Corsican  displayed  his  astuteness.  But  a 
keener  astuteness  was  required  by  Cortes  to  conquer 
thousands  with  hundreds  and  with  tens.  Perhaps 
Moltke,  who,  with  a stronger  force,  could  wage  suc- 
cessful war  on  France,  perhaps  he,  and  a handful  of 
his  veterans,  could  land  on  the  deadly  shores  of  the 
Mexican  Gulf,  and  with  Montezuma  there,  and  all  the 
interior  as  dark  to  them  as  Erebus,  by  strategy  and 
force  of  arms  possess  themselves  of  the  country.  I 
doubt  it  exceedingly.  I doubt  if  one  in  ten  of  the 
greatest  generals  who  ever  lived  would  have  achieved 
what  the  base  bastard  Pizarro  did  in  Peru.  The  very 
qualities  which  made  them  great  would  have  deterred 
them  from  anything  which,  viewed  in  the  light  of  ex- 
perience and  reason,  was  so  wildly  chimerical.  Then 
give  these  birds  of  prey  their  petting,  I say;  they 
deserve  it.  And  be  fame  or  infamy  immortal  ever 
theirs!  Lastly,  if  any  still  suspect  the  genius  of 
Cortes  unable  to  cope  with  others  than  Indians,  let 
them  observe  how  he  handles  his  brother  Spaniards. 

It  wTas  about  time  the  municipality  should  find 
anchorage;  too  much  travelling  by  a town  of  such 
immaculate  conception,  of  so  much  more  than  ordinary 
signification,  were  not  seemly.  Velazquez  would  de- 
ride it;  the  emperor  Charles  would  wonder  at  it: 
therefore  half  a league  below  Quiahuiztlan,  in  the 
dimpled  plain  which  stretches  from  its  base  to  the 
harbor  of  Bernal  at  present  protecting  the  ships. 


154 


MULTIPLICATION  OF  PLOTS. 


where  bright  waters  commingling  with  soft  round 
hills  and  rugged  promontories  were  lifted  into  ethereal 
heights  by  the  misted  sunshine,  the  whole  scene  falling 
on  the  senses  like  a vision,  and  not  like  tame  reality, 
there  they  chose  a site  for  the  Villa  Kica,1  and  drew 
a plan  of  the  town,  distributed  lots,  laid  the  founda- 
tions for  forts  and  batteries,  granary,  church,  town- 
hall,  and  other  buildings,  which  were  constructed 
chiefly  of  adobe,  the  whole  being  inclosed  by  a strong 
stockade.  To  encourage  alike  men  and  officers  to 
push  the  work,  Cortes  himself  set  the  example  in 
preparing  for  the  structures,  and  in  carrying  earth 
and  stones.  The  natives  also  lent  their  aid,  and  in  a 
few  weeks  the  town  stood  ready,  furnishing  a good 
shipping  depot,  a fortress  for  the  control  of  the  in- 
terior, a starting-point  for  operations,  an  asylum  for 
the  sick  and  wounded,  and  a refuge  for  the  army  in 
case  of  need. 

Great  was  the  excitement  in  Andhuac  and  the 
regions  round  about  over  the  revolt  of  the  Totonacs 
and  the  attitude  assumed  by  the  Spaniards ; and 

1 Villa  Rica  is  the  name  appearing  in  the  first  royal  charter  of  1523,  but 
with  later  foundations  Vera  Cruz  became  the  title.  Panes,  Extension  Vera- 
cruz, MS.,  1 et  seq.  The  municipal  council,  however,  distinctly  calls  it  la 
Rica  Villa  de  la  Veracruz  and  ought  to  be  the  proper  authority  for  the  form 
of  name  first  applied.  Carta  del  Ayunt.,  in  Cortes,  Cartas,  1 et  seq.  ‘Yluego 
ordenamos  de  hazer,  y fundar,  6 poblar  vna  Villa,  que  se  nombro  la  Villa  Rica 
de  la  Vera-Cruz;  porque  llegamos  Jueves  de  la  Cena,  y desembarcamos  cn 
Uiernes  Santo  de  la  Cruz,  6 rica  por  aquel  Cauallero  que. . . .dixo  que  mirasse 
las  tierras  ricas.  ’ Bernal  Diaz,  Jlist.  Verdad. , 29.  ‘ Llamola  Villa  Rica  a la 
nueua  poblacio,  y de  la  Veracruz,  por  auer  desembarcado  el  Viernes  Sato,  y 
Rica,  por  la  riqueza  que  se  auia  descubierto.  ’ Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  v.  cap. 
vii.  Although  nominally  founded  adjacent  to  San  Juan  de  Ulua,  there  was  no 
intention  to  build  the  town  on  that  unhealthy  and  dreary  spot.  The  first 
actual  foundation  took  place  at  the  harbor  of  Bernal.  Nearly  five  years  later 
the  town  rose  anew  on  the  present  Rio  de  la  Antigua,  where  it  became  known 
alone  as  Vera  Cruz.  In  1599  the  actual  or  new  Vera  Cruz  found  itself  finally 
planted  on  the  very  site  of  the  first  nominal  foundation.  The  chief  reason  for 
this  change  was  probably  the  need  for  the  better  protection  against  filibusters 
afforded  by  the  island  of  San  Juan  de  Ulna,  whose  batteries  commanded  the 
harbor.  See  Alhornoz,  Carta  al  Emperador,  Dec.,  1525,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col. 
Doc.,  i.  495.  The  chai’ter  for  la  Nueva  Ciudad  de  la  Vera-Cruz  was  granted 
July  19,  1615.  Calle,  Mem.y  Not.,  68;  Claviyero,  Storia Mess.,  in.  30;  Rivera, 
Hist.  Jalapa,  i.  27;  Humboldt , Essai  Pol.,  i.  276-7.  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp,  de 
Jesus,  i.  149-50,  has  some  excellent  remarks  hereon.  Few  authors,  however, 
are  free  from  blunders  with  regard  to  the  different  sites,  even  Lorenzana  com- 
mitting more  than  one.  Cort6s,  Hist.  N.  Espana,  381. 


MONTEZUMA  PERPLEXED. 


155 


while  hope  swelled  the  breast  of  subjected  peoples, 
the  Aztec  nobles,  seems?  revolution  in  the  si<?ns  of 
the  times,  began  to  look  to  the  safety  of  their  fami- 
lies and  estates.2  To  Montezuma  the  seizure  of  his 
collectors  was  an  outrage  on  the  sacrcdness  of  his 
majesty,  and  a slur  on  his  power,  which  the  council 
declared  must  be  punished  in  the  most  prompt  and 
effective  manner,  lest  other  provinces  should  follow 
the  example.  And  yet  the  monarch  had  no  stomach 
for  the  business.  Ofttimes  since  these  accursed 
strangers  touched  his  shores  would  he  willingly  have 
resigned  that  which  he  above  all  feared  to  lose,  his 
sceptre  and  his  life;  then  again,  as  appetite  returned 
and  existence  was  loaded  with  affluent  pleasure,  he 
sighed  to  taste  the  sweets  of  power  a little  longer. 
He  was  becoming  sadly  pusillanimous,  an  object  of 
contempt  before  his  gods,  his  nobles,  and  himself.  It 
seemed  to  him  as  if  the  heavens  had  fallen  on  him 
and  held  him  inexorably  to  earth.  There  was  no 
escape.  There  were  none  to  pity.  He  was  alone. 
His  very  gods  were  recreant,  cowering  before  the 
approach  of  other  gods.  Repressing  his  misgivings 
as  best  he  might,  he  issued  orders  for  an  immediate 
descent  of  the  army  on  the  offenders.  Let  the  mettle 
of  these  beings  be  proven,  and  let  them  live  or  die 
with  their  Totonac  allies.  To  this  end  let  levies  be 
made  of  men  and  money  on  a long-suffering  people, 
whose  murmurs  shall  be  drowned  in  the  groans  of 
fresh  victims  on  the  sacrificial  altar  of  the  war  god.3 

See  now  how  powerfully  had  wagged  that  little 
forked  tongue  of  Cortes ! See  how  those  gentle 
whisperings  that  night  at  Quiahuiztlan,  those  soft 

2 ‘Los  Hombres  mas  Poderosos  entendian  en  buscar  Lugares  en  los  Montes, 
y partes  mas  remotas,  para  conservar  sus  Mugeres,  Hijos,  y Hacienda.’  Tor- 
quernada , i.  403. 

3 Inconsolable  at  the  prospect  of  the  strangers  acquiring  a footing  in  the 
country,  Montezuma,  after  vainly  searching  for  admission  into  the  Hades  of 
(Jicalco,  retired  to  the  abode  occupied  by  him  ere  he  became  emperor.  Saha- 
gun,  Hint.  Cong.,  i.  15-16.  One  reason  for  this  is  said  to  have  been  the  result 
of  the  embassy  to  the  oracle  at  Acliiuhtla,  in  Miztecapan,  which  brought  back 
the  announcement  that  the  Aztec  empire  must  yield  to  strangers.  Burgoa, 
Geog.  Descrip.  Oajaca,  pt.  ii.  129. 


156 


MULTIPLICATION  OF  PLOTS. 


dissemblings  breathed  into  the  ears  of  two  poor  cap- 
tives— see  how  they  shot  forth  like  winged  swords  tc 
stop  an  army  on  the  point  of  marching  to  its  slaugh- 
ters! Here,  as  in  scores  of  other  instances,  Cortes’ 
shrewdness  saved  him  from  disaster. 

For  in  the  midst  of  the  warlike  preparations  arrived 
the  two  released  collectors,  and  their  presentation  of 
the  magnanimity  of  the  white  chief,  of  his  friendly 
conduct  and  warm  assurances,  materially  changed 
the. aspect  of  affairs.  There  was  no  alliance;  there 
was  no  rebellion;  the  Totonacs  dared  not  rebel  with- 
out foreign  support;  with  them  Montezuma  would 
settle  presently.  And  with  no  little  alacrity  did  he 
countermand  the  order  for  troops,  and  send  an  em- 
bassy to  Cortes.  Thus  through  the  vacillating  policy 
which  now  possessed  the  Mexican  monarch  was  lost 
the  opportunity  to  strike  the  enemy  perhaps  a fatal 
blow;  and  thus  by  that  far  off  impalpable  breath 
was  fought  and  won  another  battle,  this  time  van- 
quishing the  king  of  kings  himself,  with  his  hundred 
thousand  men. 

The  embassy  sent  comprised  two  of  Montezuma’s 
nephews,4 *  accompanied  by  four  old  and  honorable 
caciques.  They  were  to  express  the  monarch’s  thanks 
to  the  Spaniards,  and  to  remonstrate  against  the  re- 
volt encouraged  by  their  presence.  He  had  become 
assured  that  they  were  of  the  race  predicted  by  his 
forefathers,  and  consequently  of  his  own  lineage;  out 
of  regard  for  them,  as  guests  of  the  revolted  people, 
he  would  withhold  present  chastisement.  A gift  of 
robes  and  feather-work,  and  gold  worth  two  thousand 
Castellanos,  accompanied  the  message.6 

We  cannot  blame  Cortes  if  his  heart  danced  to  its 
own  music  as  he  assured  the  envoys  that  he  and  all 
his  people  continued  devoted  to  their  master;  in  proof 
of  which  he  straightway  produced  the  other  three 


4 ‘ Figiuoli  porse del  sno f ratello  Cuitlahuatzin. ’ Clavigero,  Storia  Mess. , iii.  30. 

6<Ciertas  piepas  de  oro  y plata  Lien  labradas,  y vn  casquete  de  oro  menu- 

do. . . Peso  todo  esto  dos  mil,  y nouenta  Castellanos.  ’ Gomara,  Ihst.  Mex. , 58. 


TIZAPANTZINCO  EXPEDITION. 


157 


collectors,  safe,  sound,  and  arrayed  in  their,  new  attire.6 
Nevertheless,  he  could  but  express  displeasure  at  the 
abrupt  departure  of  the  Mexicans  from  the  former 
camp.  This  act  had  forced  him  to  seek  hospitality 
at  the  hand  of  the  Totonacs,  and  for  their  kind 
reception  of  him  they  deserved  to  be  forgiven.  Fur- 
ther than  this,  they  had  rendered  the  Spaniards 
great  benefits,  and  should  not  be  expected  to  serve 
two  masters,  or  to  pay  double  tribute;  for  the  rest, 
Cortes  himself  would  soon  come  to  Mexico  and 
arrange  everything.  The  envoys  replied  that  their 
sovereign  was  too  engrossed  in  serious  affairs  to  be 
able  as  yet  to  appoint  an  interview.  “Adieu,”  they 
concluded,  “and  beware  of  the  Totonacs,  for  they  are 
a treacherous  race.”  Not  to  create  needless  alarm, 
nor  leave  on  the  minds  of  the  envoys  at  their  depart- 
ure unpleasant  impressions  concerning  his  projects, 
Cortes  entertained  them  hospitably,  astonished  them 
with  cavalry  and  other  exhibitions,  and  gratified  them 
with  presents.  The  effect  of  this  visit  was  to  raise 
still  higher  the  Spaniards  in  the  estimation  not  only 
of  the  Aztecs,  but  of  the  Totonacs,  who  with  amaze- 
ment saw  come  from  the  dread  Montezuma,  instead 
of  a scourging  army,  this  high  embassy  of  peace.  “It 
must  be  so,”  they  said  among  themselves,  “that  the 
Mexican  monarch  stands  in  awe  of  the  strangers.” 

Not  long  after,  Cliicomacatl  came  to  Cortes  ask- 
mg  aid  against  a Mexican  garrison,  said  to  be  com- 
mitting ravages  at  Tizapantzinco,7  some  eight  leagues 
from  Cempoala.  Cortes  was  in  a merry  mood  at  the 
moment;  he  could  see  the  important  progress  he 
was  making  toward  the  consummation  of  his  desires, 
though  the  men  of  Velazquez  could  not — at  least 
they  would  admit  of  nothing  honorable  or  beneficial 
to  Cortes,  and  they  continued  to  make  much  trouble. 

6 Before  the  embassy  came,  says  Herrera,  ‘Di6  orden  con  voluntad  del 
seiiorde  Chianhuitzlan,  que  lostres  Mexicanos  pressos  fuessen  sueltos,’  dec.  ii. 
lib.  v.  cap.  xi. 

7 Ixtlilchotltl,  Hist.  Chich.,  290.  Other  authorities  differ  in  the  spelling. 


158 


MULTIPLICATION  OF  PLOTS. 


Here  was  an  opportunity  to  test  the  credulity  of 
these  heathen,  how  far  they  might  be  brought  to 
believe  in  the  supernatural  power  of  the  Spaniards. 
Among  the  musketeers  was  an  old  Biscayan  from  the 
Italian  wars,  Heredia  by  name,  the  ugliest  man  in 
the  army,  uglier  than  Thersites,  who  could  not  find 
his  fellow  among  all  the  Greeks  that  came  to  Troy. 
Lame  in  one  foot,  blind  in  one  eye,  bow-legged,  with 
a slashed  face,  bushy-bearded  as  a lion,  this  musketeer 
had  also  the  heart  of  a lion,  and  would  march  straight 
into  the  mouth  of  Popocatepetl,  without  a question, 
at  the  order  of  his  general.  Calling  the  man  to  him, 
Cortes  said : “The  Greeks  worshipped  beauty,  as  thou 
knowest,  good  Heredia,  but  these  Americans  seem  to 
deify  deformity,  which  in  thee  reaches  its  uttermost. 
Thou  art  hideous  enough  at  once  to  awe  and  enravisli 
the  Aztecs,  whose  Pantheon  cannot  produce  thine 
equal.  Go  to  them,  Heredia;  bend  fiercely  on  them 
thine  only  eye,  walk  bravely  before  them,  flash  thy 
sword,  and  thunder  a little  with  thy  gun,  and  thou 
shalt  at  once  command  a hundred  sacrifices.”  Then 
to  'the  Totonac  chief : “ This  brother  of  mine  is  all 
sufficient  to  aid  thee  in  thy  purpose.  Go,  and  behold 
the  Culhuas  will  vanish  at  thy  presence.”  And  they 
went;  an  obedience  significant  of  the  estimation  in 
which  Cortes  was  then  held,  both  by  his  own  men  and 
by  the  natives. 

They  had  not  proceeded  far  when  Cortes  sent 
and  recalled  them,  sayung  that  he  desired  to  examine 
the  country,  and  would  accompany  them.  Tlamamas 
would  be  required  to  carry  the  guns  and  baggage,  and 
they  would  set  out  the  next  day.  At  the  last  moment 
seven  of  the  Velazquez  faction  refused  to  go,  on  the 
ground  of  ill  health.  Then  others  of  their  number 
spoke,  condemning  the  rashness  of  the  present  pro- 
ceeding, and  desiring  to  return  to  Cuba.  Cortes  told 
them  they  could  go,  and  after  chiding  them  for  neglect 
of  duty  he  ordered  prepared  a vessel,  which  should 
be  placed  at  their  service.  As  they  were  about  to 


DISAFFECTION  QUIETED. 


159 


embark,  a deputation  appeared  to  protest  against 
permitting  any  to  depart,  as  a proceeding  prejudicial 
to  the  service  of  God,  and  of  the  king.  “Men  who 
at  such  a moment,  and  under  such  circumstances, 
desert  their  flag:  deserve  death.”  These  were  the 
words  of  Cortes  put  into  the  mouth  of  the  speaker. 
Of  course  the  order  concerning  the  vessel  was  re- 
called, and  the  men  of  Velazquez  were  losers  by  the 
affair.8 

The  expedition,  composed  of  four  hundred  sol- 
diers, with  fourteen  horses,  and  the  necessary  carriers, 
then  set  off  for  Cempoala,  where  they  were  joined  by 
four  companies  of  two  thousand  warriors.  Two  days’ 
march  brought  them  close  to  Tizapantzinco,  and  the 
following  morning  they  entered  the  plain  at  the  foot 
of  the  fortress,  which  was  strongly  situated  on  a high 
rock  bordered  by  a stream.  Here  stood  the  people 
prepared  to  receive  them;  but  scarcely  had  the  cav- 
alry come  in  sight  when  they  turned  to  seek  refuge 
within  the  fort.  The  horsemen  cut  off  their  retreat 
in  that  direction,  however,  and  leaving  them,  began 
the  ascent.  Eight  chiefs  and  priests  thereupon  came 
forth  wailing,  and  informed  the  Spaniards  that  the 
Mexican  garrison  had  left  at  the  first  uprising  of  the 
Totonacs,  and  that  the  Cempoalans  were  taking  ad- 
vantage of  this  and  of  the  Spanish  alliance  to  enforce 
the  settlement  of  a long-standing  boundary  dispute. 
They  begged  that  the  army  would  not  advance. 
Cortes  at  once  gave  orders  to  restrain  the  Cempoalans, 
who  were  already  plundering.  Their  captains  were 
severely  reprimanded  for  want  of  candor  as  to  the 
real  object  of  the  expedition,  and  were  ordered  to 
restore  the  effects  and  captives  taken.  This  strictness 
was  by  no  means  confined  to  them,  for  a soldier  named 
Mora,  caught  by  the  general  in  the  act  of  stealing 

8 One  of  them  who  had  bartered  a fine  light  - colored  horse  for  some 
property  in  Cuba  was  unable  to  annul  the  trade,  and  thus  lost  his  animal. 
Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verclad.,  34.  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  64,  refers  merely  to 
murmurs  in  favor  of  Velazquez,  which  Cort4s  quiets  by  placing  a few  in 
chains  for  a time. 


1G0 


MULTIPLICATION  OF  PLOTS. 


two  fowls,  was  ordered  hanged.  Alvarado,  however, 
cut  him  down  in  time  to  save  his  life,  probably  at  the 
secret  intimation  of  Cortds,  who,  while  securing  the 
benefit  of  example,  would  not  unnecessarily  sacrifice  a 
soldier.9 

Charmed  by  this  display  of  justice  on  the  part  of 
the  Spaniards,  and  impressed  as  well  by  their  ever 
increasing  prestige,  the  chiefs  of  the  district  came  in 
and  tendered  allegiance.  A lasting  friendship  was 
established  between  them  and  the  Cempoalans  ;10  after 
which  the  army  returned  to  Ccmpoala  by  a new  route,11 
and  was  received  with  demonstrations  of  joy  by  the 
populace.  With  a view  of  binding  more  closely  such 
powerful  allies,  Chicomacatl  proposed  intermarriages. 
And  as  a beginning  he  presented  eight  young  women,12 
richly  dressed,  with  necklaces  and  ear-rings  of  gold, 
and  each  attended  by  servants.  “Take  them,”  said 

9 ‘ Murib  este  soldado  en  vna  guerra  en  la  Prouincia  de  Guatimala  sobre 
vn  Peiiol.’  Bernal  Diaz , Hint.  Verdad.,  35.  He  places  the  incident  on  the 
return  inarch. 

10  According  to  Gomara  the  Aztec  garrison  does  ravage  the  country  when 
the  Totonac  revolt  occurs,  and  their  forces  meet  the  Spaniards  on  the  field, 
only  to  flee  at  the  sight  of  the  horsemen.  Cort6s  and  four  others  dismount, 
and  mingling  with  the  fleeing,  reach  the  fort  gates,  which  they  hold  till  their 
troops  come  up.  Surrendering  the  place  to  the  allies,  Cortes  tells  them  to 
respect  the  people  and  to  let  the  garrison  depart  without  arms  or  banner. 
This  victory  gained  great  influence  for  the  Spaniards,  and  remembering  the 
feat  of  Cortes,  the  Indians  declared  that  one  Spaniard  was  enough  to  aid  them 
in  achieving  victory.  Hist.  Mex. , 59.  Ixtlilxochitl,  who  follows  Gomara, 
fights  the  Aztec  garrison  as  far  as  the  city,  and  then  captures  it.  Hist.  Chick., 
290.  Solis  assumes  that  a few  Spaniards  cut  off  the  retreat  of  the  townsmen, 
and  rushing  forward  with  some  Cempoalans,  are  already  inside  when  the 
leaders  come  to  plead  for  mercy.  Hist.  Mex.,  i.  197-8.  The  foremost  credit 
is  however  due  to  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  34—5,  who,  being  present, 
declares  Gomara’s  account  wholly  wrong,  that  no  garrison  existed  here,  and 
that  no  resistance  was  made.  The  latter  sentence  is  modified  by  Tapia,  also 
a member  of  the  expedition,  who  states  that  the  town  did  resist  and  was 
punished.  Relacion,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  566.  Hence  it  may  be 
assumed  that  Diaz,  as  a foot  soldier,  was  not  present  to  see  the  probably 
bloodless  rout  of  the  Indians  by  the  cavalry.  The  townsmen  are  not  likely  to 
have  allowed  the  Cempoalans  to  approach  without  offering  resistance,  or,  in 
case  they  knew  of  the  Spanish  advance,  without  sending  a deputation  before 
the  pillage  began. 

! 1 Passing  through  two  towns,  the  soldiers  suffering  greatly  from  heat 
and  fatigue.  Near  Cempoala  the  lord  awaited  them  in  some  temporary  huts 
with  bountiful  cheer,  though  apprehensive  of  Cortes’  anger  at  his  deception. 
The  following  day  they  entered  the  city.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  35; 
Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  v.  cap.  xiii. 

12  ‘ Veinte  Doncellas  (aunque  Gomara  dice,  que  fueron  ocho),’  says  Torque- 
mada,  i.  399,  without  giving  his  reasons. 


CONCUBINES  AND  CONVERSION. 


1G1 


he  to  Cortes.  “ They  are  all  daughters  of  caciques. 
Seven  are  for  your  captains,  and  this,  my  niece,  is  for 
yourself,  for  she  is  the  ruler  of  towns.” 

Matters  were  becoming  interesting.  Cortes  and 
some  of  his  captains  had  wives  in  Cuba,  and  nearly 
all  of  them  had  mistresses  here.  The  damsels  of 
Cempoala  were  not  famed  for  their  beauty;  the  one 
offered  Cortes  was  particularly  ill-favored.  With  re- 
gard to  captives  and  slaves,  of  course  no  marriage 
vow  was  necessary,  but  with  princesses  the  case  was 
different.  But  even  here  there  was  little  difficulty. 
The  aboriginal  form  of  marriage,  while  it  satisfied  the 
natives,  rested  lightly  on  the  Spaniards.  Indeed, 
with  them  it  was  no  marriage  at  all;  and  so  it  has 
been  throughout  the  New  World;  in  their  marital 
relations  with  foreigners  the  natives  have  felt  them- 
selves bound,  while  the  Europeans  have  not.  To  the 
ceremony  in  this  instance  no  objection  was  offered. 

At  this  happy  consummation,  though  the  rite  is 
not  yet  performed,  serious  meditation  takes  posses- 
sion of  the  mind  of  Cortes,  who  bethinks  himself  that 
he  is  doing  little  of  late  for  his  God,  who  is  doing 
so  much  for  him.  Success  everywhere  attends  his 
strategies.  And  these  female  slaves  and  princesses! 
While  trying  to  quiet  his  conscience  for  accepting 
this  princess,  he  was  exceedingly  careful  in  regard  to 
taking  unto  himself  real  wives,  as  we  have  seen  in 
Cuba.  But  here  marriage  after  the  New  World 
fashion  would  surely  advance  his  purposes.  And  so 
they  are  compelled  to  submit  to  the  stronger,  who  by 
the  right  of  might  proceeds  to  rob  them  of  their  gold 
and  to  desolate  their  homes;  and  now  assumes  the 
higher  prerogative  of  requiring  them  to  relinquish 
the  faith  of  their  fathers  and  embrace  the  religion  of 
their  enemies.  It  would  please  God  to  have  these 
Cempoala  people  worship  him ; Cortes  can  make  them 
do  so.  True,  they  love  their  gods  as  much  as  Cortds 
loves  his.  Their  gods  likewise  help  them  to  good 
things,  among  others  to  the  Spaniards  themselves, 

Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  I.  IX 


162 


MULTIPLICATION  OF  PLOTS. 


who  in  return  now  determine  their  overthrow.  And 
shall  they  consent!  Alas,  they  are  weak,  and  their 
gods  are  weak  1 

Heathenism,  with  its  idolatry,  and  bloody  sacri- 
fices, and  cannibalism,  is  horrible,  I grant  you.  “For 
daily  they  sacrificed  three  or  five  Indians,”  says  Bernal 
Diaz,  “offering  the  heart  to  idols,  smearing  the  blood 
upon  the  walls,  and  cutting  off  the  limbs  to  be  eaten. 
I even  believe  they  sold  the  flesh  in  the  market.”13 
But  equally  horrible,  and  far  more  unfair,  are  the 
doings  of  the  superior  race,  which  with  the  advance 
of  the  centuries,  and  the  increase  of  knowledge  and 
refinement,  are  often  guilty  of  deeds  as  bloodthirsty 
and  cruel  as  these.  With  the  most  powerful  of  micro- 
scopic aids  to  vision,  I can  see  no  difference  between 
the  innate  goodness  and  badness  of  men  now  and  two 
or  five  thousand  years  ago;  the  difference  lies  merely 
in  a change  of  morality  fashions,  and  in  the  apparent 
refining  and  draping  of  what  conventionally  we  choose 
to  call  wickedness.  What  is  the  serving  of  dainty 
dishes  to  the  gods  in  the  form  of  human  sacrifices, 
of  carving  before  them  a few  thousand  fattened  cap- 
tives, to  the  extirpation  of  a continent  of  helpless 
human  beings;  and  that  by  such  extremes  of  treachery 
and  cruelty  as  the  cannibals  never  dreamed  of,  entrap- 
ping by  fair  words  only  to  cut,  and  mangle,  and  kill 
by  steel,  saltpetre,  and  blood-hounds;  stealing  at  the 
same  time  their  lands  and  goods,  and  adding  still  more 
to  their  infamy  by  doing  all  this  in  the  name  of  Christ ; 
when  in  reality  they  violate  every  principle  of  religion 
and  disregard  every  injunction  of  the  church;  just  as 
men  to-day  lie  and  cheat  and  praise  and  pray,  and  out 
of  their  swindlings  hope  to  buy  favor  of  the  Almighty ! 

And  now  these  poor  people  must  give  up  their 
poor  gods,  for  their  masters  so  decree.  The  chiefs  and 

13  ‘ Tambien  auian  de  ser  limpios  de  sodomias,  porque  tenian  muchachos 
vestidos  en  habito  de  mugeres,  que  andauan  £L  ganar  en  aquel  maldito  oficio.’ 
This  they  promised.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  35.  Solis  assumes  that 
Cortes  was  aroused  to  this  crusade  by  the  heavy  sacrifices  at  a great  festival. 
Hist.  Mex.,  i.  204-5. 


MISSIONARY  MOVEMENTS. 


1G3 


native  priests  protest.  The  Spaniards  are  benefactors 
and  friends,  but  the  gods  are  superior  to  men.  To 
them  they  owe  health,  prosperity,  existence;  and  sac- 
rifices are  but  the  necessary  slight  returns  for  so  great 
blessings.  The  sacrificed  are  by  no  means  injured, 
say  the  Aztecs,  but  are  sent  to  heaven  and  enfolded 
at  once  in  the  bosom  of  their  god.  Verily  there  are 
curious  articles  of  faith  among  the  heathen  wor- 
sliipers  as  well  as  among  our  own,  but  if  we  look  for 
all  the  good  in  ours  we  shall  be  mistaken.  In  vain 
the  men  of  Cempoala  beg  to  retain  the  religion  of 
their  forefathers  and  the  sacred  emblems  of  their 
faith.  Carried  away  by  the  fierce  zeal  which  more 
than  once  in  these  annals  overcomes  his  prudence 
and  brings  him  to  the  brink  of  ruin,  Cortes  cries: 
“Christians  and  soldiers,  shall  these  things  be — 
these  idolatries  and  sacrifices,  and  other  impious 
doings?  No!  First  down  with  the  images,  then  to 
arguments,  and  the  granting  of  entreaties.  Our 
lives  on  wrork  rewarded  with  eternal  glory ! ” Shouts 
of  earnest  approval  was  the  response,  and  on  they 
marched  toward  the  temple.  Priests  and  people 
rushed  to  the  defence  of  their  deities.  With  a 
scornful  gesture  the  ruler  was  waived  aside,  as  he 
interposed  with  the  warning  that  to  lay  hands  on  the 
idols  was  to  bring  destruction  alike  on  all.  “ You  are 
not  my  friends,”  exclaimed  Cortes,  “ if  you  do  not  as 
I wish!  Choose  ye;  and  I will  leave  you  your  gods 
to  save  you  from  the  threatened  vengeance  of  Mon- 
tezuma.” This  was  by  far  too  practical  an  application 
of  their  piety.  The  fact  is,  their  gods  had  not  done 
exactly  right  by  them  in  the  matter  of  the  Aztec 
imposition.  These  white  strangers,  after  all,  seemed 
to  be  better  gods  than  their  idols.  “Well,  work  your 
will,”  at  length  said  Chicomacatl,  “but  do  not  ask  our 
aid  in  such  detestable  doings.”  So  the  thing  was  ac- 
complished, as  before  this  had  been  determined.  In 
a moment  fifty  soldiers  were  on  the  temple  summit, 
and  down  came  the  worshipful  wooden  things,  shat- 


104 


MULTIPLICATION  OF  PLOTS. 


tered  and  clattering  along  the  steps,  while  with 
bleeding  hearts  their  makers  stood  by,  their  faces 
covered  to  exclude  the  sacrilegious  sight.  Ah,  how 
they  wailed,  how  they  lamented,  calling  on  the  mis- 
shapen blocks  to  pity  their  inability  to  stop  the  deed!11 

Not  such  dastards  were  these  people,  however,  that 
not  one  among  them  would  strike  a blow  for  their 
faith.  For  presently  the  court-yard  was  filled  with 
armed  men,  headed  by  infuriated  priests  in  long 
hooded  robes  of  dark  material,  with  slashed  ears  and 
faces  clotted  with  blood,  determined,  if  not  to  pre- 
vent, at  least  to  avenge  the  outrage.  What  was 
sworn  allegiance,  or  even  life,  beside  the  momentous 
question  of  religion  ? Seeing  the  danger,  Cortes  with 
characteristic  promptness  seized  the  lord,  together 
with  several  leading  men,  and  declared  if  a single 
Spaniard  was  so  much  as  scratched  they  should  im- 
mediately die.  Chicomacatl  accordingly  spoke  to  the 
people  and  made  them  retire.  Nor  was  wholly  lost 
on  them  the  mute  argument  of  the  shattered  idols 
lying  powerless  at  their  feet.  Hence  when  the  im- 
ages were  burned,  the  natives  looked  on  with  com- 
parative  calmness.  “ Surely  these  beings  are  superior 
to  our  gods,  whom  they  have  thus  vanquished,”  they 
said  one  to  another.  Sweetly  and  serenely  Cortes  now 
smiled  on  them,  called  them  brethren,  and  preached 
the  European  doctrines.  The  pagan  temple  was 
cleansed,  the  blood-smeared  walls  were  whitewashed, 
and  in  their  place  was  erected  a Christian  altar,  dec- 
orated with  flowers  and  surmounted  with  a cross. 
Here,  before  the  assembled  natives,  Olmedo  preached 
the  Christian  faith,  and  celebrated  mass.  The  con- 
trast between  the  simple  beauty  of  this  impressive 
ceremony  and  their  own  bloody  worship  made  a deep 
impression  on  the  minds  of  the  natives,  and  at  the 
conclusion  those  who  desired  were  baptized.  Among 

14  Gomara  makes  the  natives  tear  down  the  idols  and  the  sepulchres  of 
caciques  worshipped  as  gods.  ‘ Acabo  con  los  de  la  ciudad  que  derribassen  los 
idolos  y sepulcros  de  los  caciques,  q tambien  reuereciauan  como  a dioses.’ 
Hist.  Alex.,  67. 


ARRIVAL  OF  SALCEDO. 


1G5 


them  were  the  eight  brides,  the  ill-favored  ruler  of 
towns  who  had  been  given  to  Cortes  being  called 
Catalina,  probably  in  honor  of  his  wife  in  Cuba,  whose 
place  she  was  to  occupy  for  a time.  Lucky  Puerto- 
carrero’s  second  pretty  prize,  the  daughter  of  Cacique 
Cuesco,  was  named  Francisca.15 

Accompanied  by  the  brides  and  a large  escort  the 
army  now  returned  to  Villa  Rica.  There  they  found 
just  arrived  from  Cuba  a vessel  commanded  by  Fran- 
cisco de  Salcedo,  nicknamed  ‘the  dandy,’  who  with 
Luis  Marin,  an  able  officer,  and  ten  soldiers,  all  well 
provided  with  arms,  and  with  two  horses,  had  come 
in  quest  of  fortune  under  Cortes.16  Salcedo  reported 
that  Velazquez  had  received  the  appointment  of  ade- 
lantado  over  all  lands  discovered  by  him  or  at  his 
cost,  with  one  fifteenth  of  all  royal  revenues  thence 
arising.17 

,o_ 

Benito  Martin,  the  chaplain,  who  had  been  sent  to 
obtain  the  commission,  was  rewarded  with  the  benefice 
of  the  new  discovery  at  Ulua,  which  really  comprised 
all  Mexico,  while  the  lately  appointed  bishop  of  Cuba, 
the  Dominican  Julian  Garces,  confessor  to  the  bishop 
of  Burgos,  the  patron  of  Velazquez,  was  promoted  to 

15  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdcud.,  36;  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  v.  cap.  ix.  xiv. 
Gomara  places  the  presentation  of  the  women  at  the  first  visit  of  the  Span- 
iards to  the  city,  and  herein  he  is  followed  by  Herrera,  Torquemada,  and 
Ixtlilxochitl.  Hint.  Chich.,  2S9. 

16  These  proved  the  more  valuable  since  Cortes’  horse  had  died  shortly 
before.  He  obtained,  by  gift  or  purchase,  the  fine  Arriero,  a dark  chestnut 
belonging  to  Ortiz,  the  musician,  and  to  Garcia,  the  miner.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist. 
Verdad. , 33.  Gomara  assumes  that  Salcedo  brought  a caravel,  with  sixty  Span- 
iards and  nine  horses,  the  vessel  having  been  detained  in  Cuba  for  repairs. 
Hist.  Hex. , 59;  yet  he  includes  Salcedo  as  present  at  the  final  review  there. 
Id.,  11.  He  is  evidently  confused. 

17  For  himself  and  one  heir.  Further,  after  conquering  and  settling  four 
islands,  he  might  select  one  from  which  to  receive  perpetually  for  himself  and 
heirs  one  twentieth  part  of  all  the  revenue  accruing  therefrom  for  the  king. 
No  duty  would  be  charged  during  his  life  on  any  clothing,  arms,  and  pro- 
visions imported  by  him  into  those  lands.  As  an  aid  toward  the  expenses  of 
the  conquest,  a royal  estate  at  Habana  was  granted  him,  and  a salary  in 
those  lands  of  300,000  maravedis.  The  other  clauses  of  the  commission  re- 
lated to  mines,  clergy,  taxes,  and  settlers.  It  was  dated  at  Saragossa,  Novem- 
ber 13,  1518,  ‘five  days  previous  to  the  usurpation  of  the  fleet  by  Cortes,’ 
observes  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Bid.,  v.  3-5.  Dated  at  Barcelona,  says  Herrera, 
dec.  ii.  lib.  iii.  cap.  xi.  Several  are  led  to  suppose  that  Velazquez  did  not  re- 
ceive the  notice  of  his  appointment  for  over  a year  after  its  date,  which  is 
unlikely.  Hex. , ii.  222-3. 


166 


MULTIPLICATION  OF  PLOTS. 


the  insignificant  see  of  Cozumel.  These  preferments, 
based  on  an  insufficient  knowledge  of  the  country, 
were  corrected  at  a later  time,  when  Garces  was 
made  bishop  of  Tlascala,  while  Martin  received  other 
compensation.18  Before  the  issue  of  these  grants 
it  appears  that  Yucatan  at  least  had  a narrow  escape 
from  slipping  entirely  out  of  Spanish  hands.  At  the 
first  news  of  Cordoba’s  discoveries  the  admiral  of 
Flanders  was  induced  to  ask  for  the  land  in  grant,  in 
order  to  settle  it  with  Flemings,  and  also  to  petition 
for  the  governorship  of  Cuba  as  a means  to  promote 
the  colon jl  This  was  supported  by  Xevres,  the  chief 
adviser  in  such  matters,  who  knew  little  of  the  Indies 
and  the  vast  tracts  referred  to,  and  so  the  promise 
was  given.  Las  Casas  was  in  Spain  at  the  time,  and 
being  consulted  by  the  admiral  as  to  the  means  for 
colonizing,  became  indignant  at  the  rash  concession  of 
Cuba,  which  he  considered  as  belonging  to  Columbus. 
He  remonstrated,  and  warned  those  interested  to  do 
the  same.  The  result  was  the  withdrawal  of  the 
grant,  greatly  to  the  disappointment  of  the  admiral, 
for  whose  account  several  vessels  had  already  reached 
San  Lucar,  laden  with  Flemish  settlers.19 

Cortes  was  fully  aware  that  Velazquez,  possessed 
of  a commission,  would  not  long  delay  in  asserting  his 
claim  with  all  the  power  at  his  command  upon  the 
islands,  and  with  all  his  influence  at  court;  this  spurred 
on  the  captain-general  to  lose  no  time  in  bringing  for- 
ward his  own  pretensions,  and  in  seeking  to  obtain 
ro}Tal  approval  of  his  acts.  Therefore  at  this  juncture 
he  determined  to  gain  authority  for  effectually  sup- 
planting the  Cuban  governor  in  the  field  wherein 
he  had  already  openly  ignored  him,  and  to  despatch 


18  Which  he  failed  to  enjoy,  since  he  died  at  sea  while  en  route  to  New 
Spain  to  take  possession.  Las  Casas , Hist.  Lid.,  iv.  465-6;  Herrera,  dec.  ii. 
lib.  iii.  cap.  xi. ; Cogodudo,  Hist.  Yucathan,  16-17. 

19  Many  of  these  died  from  hardship,  and  the  rest  returned  impoverished 
to  their  country.  Las  Casas,  JJist.  Lid.,  iv.  374-6;  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  ii. 
cap.  xix.;  Coijolludo,  Hist.  Yucathan,  S. 


BIDS  FOR  ROYAL  FAVOR. 


1G7 


messengers  to  the  king.  The  men  of  Cortes  needed 
no  prompting  to  see  how  necessary  to  their  interest 
it  was  to  procure  his  confirmation  as  general  to  the 
exclusion  of  Velazquez,  and  to  support  Cortes  by 
writing  reports  in  corroboration  of  his  own  state- 
ments. Yet,  in  view  of  the  flowing  in  of  exaggerated 
accounts  concerning  new  discoveries,  little  would 
avail  descriptions  of  conquests  and  resources,  how- 
ever glowing,  and  recommendations  however  warm, 
unless  made  real  by  specimens  of  the  treasures  which 
were  the  main  attraction  alike  to  king  and  subject. 
For  gifts  can  move  gods,  says  Hesiod.  To  the  crown 
was  due  one  fifth  of  the  wealth  so  far  obtained,  but 
fearing  that  this  would  hardly  produce  the  effect  de- 
sired, Cortes  proposed  to  surrender  the  one  fifth  due 
himself,  and  prevailed  on  his  friends,  and  with  their 
aid  on  all  members  of  the  expedition,  to  give  up 
their  share  in  the  finer  pieces  of  wrought  gold  and 
silver,  and  in  all  choice  articles,  so  that  a gift  worthy 
of  themselves  and  the  country  might  be  presented 
to  the  king.20 

20  It  has  been  generally  assumed,  from  a loose  acceptance  of  chroniclers’ 
text,  that  all  the  treasures  were  surrendered  for  the  object  in  view,  but  this 
could  not  have  been  the  case.  The  pile  of  gold  dust  and  nuggets,  accumulated 
by  constant  barter  along  the  coast,  and  increased  by  the  contents  of  two 
helmets  sent  by  Montezuma,  formed  a respectable  amount,  of  which  only  a 
small  portion  was  sent  to  the  king,  as  specimens  of  mining  products.  Three 
thousand  Castellanos  were  set  aside  for  the  expenses  of  the  messengers  to  Spain, 
and  an  equal  sum  for  Cort6s’  father,  ‘ Otros  3000  que  Cortes  enviaba  para  su 
padre.  ’ Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind. , iv.  498.  ‘ A su  padre  Martin  Cortes  y a su  madre 
ciertos  Castellanos.’  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  62.  The  disposal  of  the  dust  alone 
indicates  an  apportionment.  Further,  the  list  of  treasure  sent  to  Spain,  as 
appended  to  the  Carta  del  Ayuntamiento,  and  as  given  by  Gomara,  shows  that 
much  of  the  wrought  metal  received  from  Montezuma,  not  counting  that 
acquired  by  barter,  was  retained  by  the  expedition.  Gomara  writes  that  the 
first  step  of  Cortes  was  to  order  a division  of  treasures  by  Avila  and  Mejia, 
acting  respectively  for  the  crown  and  the  army.  All  the  effects  being  displayed 
in  the  plaza,  the  gold  and  silver  amounting  to  27,000  ducats,  the  cabildo 
observed  that  what  remained  after  deducting  the  royal  fifth  would  belong  to 
the  general  in  payment  for  the  vessels,  arms,  and  supplies  surrendered  by  him 
to  the  company.  Cortes  said  there  was  time  enough  to  pay  him ; he  would 
now  take  only  his  share  as  captain-general,  and  leave  others  wherewith  to 
settle  their  small  debts.  He  also  proposed  that  instead  of  sending  merely  the 
one  fifth  to  the  king,  the  finest  specimens  should  be  given,  which  was  agreed 
to.  His  list  is  given  in  Hist.  Mex. , GO-2.  Ordaz  and  Montejo  were  sent  round 
with  a list  to  be  signed  by  all  who  wished  to  surrender  their  share  in  the  gold. 
‘ Y desta  manera  todos  lo  firmaron  a vna.  ’ Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.  ,36.  The 


1G8 


MULTIPLICATION  OF  PLOTS. 


The  flag-ship  was  prepared  for  the  voyage,  and  the 
navigation  intrusted  to  Alaminos  and  another  pilot 
called  Bautista,  with  fifteen  sailors  and  the  necessary 
outfit.  Four  Indians,  rescued  from  the  sacrificial  cage 
at  Cempoala,  where  they  had  been  kept  to  fatten, 
were  also  sent  on  board,  together  with  native  curiosi- 
ties, including  specimens  of  picture-writing.  The 
difficult  task  of  out -manoeuvring  Velazquez  and  se- 
curing the  aims  of  their  party  was  intrusted  to  the 
alcaldes  Puertocarrero  and  Montejo,  the  former  being 
selected  chiefly  because  of  his  high  connections,  which 
might  serve  him  at  court,  the  latter  for  his  business 
talent.  Three  thousand  Castellanos  were  given  them 
from  the  treasury  for  expenses,  together  with  the 
necessary  power  and  instructions,  and  three  letters 
in  duplicate  for  the  king.  One  of  these  was  the  first 
of  the  celebrated  letters  of  Cortds  on  the  conquest. 
He  related  at  length  all  that  had  occurred  since  he 
left  Santiago;  the  difficulties  with  Velazquez,  the 
hardships  of  the  voyage,  and  the  progress  of  conquest 
for  God  and  the  king.  He  dwelt  on  the  vast  extent 
and  wealth  of  the  country,  and  expressed  the  hope  of 
speedily  subjecting  it  to  the  crown,  and  of  seizing  the 
person  of  the  great  Montezuma.  And  he  trusted  that 
in  return  for  his  services  and  loyal  devotion  he  would 
be  remembered  in  the  cedulas  to  be  issued  for  this 
new  addition  to  the  empire.21 


Carta  del  Ayunt.  refers  to  four  of  Velazquez’  men  as  objecting  to  the  presents 
being  sent  elsewhere  than  to  their  leader.  Cortts,  Cartas,  26-7;  Tapia,  lle- 
lacion,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  563;  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  v.  cap.  xiv.; 
Torquemada,  i.  407;  Vetancvrt,  Teatro  Mex.,  pt.  iii.  118. 

21  No  generous  allusion  appears  to  have  been  made  to  the  discoverers  who 
opened  the  way  for  him.  Gomara  alone  gives  a brief  outline  of  the  letter,  but 
the  original  or  copy  has  never  been  found,  notwithstanding  the  close  search 
made.  Since  Charles  V.  received  it  on  the  eve  of  his  departure  for  Germany, 
it  occurred  to  Robertson  that  the  Vienna  archives  might  throw  on  it  some 
light,  and  the  consequent  search  led  to  the  discovery  of  an  authenticated  copy 
of  the  companion  letter  from  the  municipality  of  Villa  Rica,  but  nothing  re- 
lating to  Cortes’ report.  Hist..  Am. , preface,  x.-xi.  Panes  insists  that  the  letter 
must  have  existed  in  the  Vienna  Court  Library  at  one  time.  Doc.  Domin.  Esp. , 
MS.,  59-60.  Barcia  suggests  several  ways  in  which  it  might  have  been  lost; 
one  being  its  production  before  the  royal  council  at  the  instance  of  Panfilo  de 
Narvaez.  Bibl.  Occid.,  tit.  iv.  ii.  598.  Fortunately  the  companion  letter  and 
other  narratives  cover  its  essential  points. 


LETTERS  TO  THE  KING. 


1G9 


The  second  letter  was  by  the  ayuntamicnto  of  Villa 
Kica,  dated  July  10,  15 19, 22  covering  not  only  the 
same  ground,  but  giving  an  account  of  the  voyages  of 
discovery  by  Cordoba  and  Grijalva,  the  reasons  for 
founding  a colony,  and  for  Cortes’  appointment.  The 
features  of  the  country,  its  resources  and  inhabitants, 
were  touched  upon,  and  the  belief  expressed  that  of 
gold,  silver,  and  precious  stones  “there  is  in  the  land 
as  much  as  in  that  where  it  is  said  Solomon  took  the 
gold  for  the  temple.”  Velazquez  was  exposed  as  a 
cruel,  dishonest,  and  incompetent  governor,  and  as 
such  most  dangerous  to  be  intrusted  with  the  control 
of  these  vast  and  rich  territories.  They  asked  for  an 
investigation  to  prove  the  charges,  as  well  as  the 
propriety  of  their  own  acts;  and  concluded  by  recom- 
mending that  Cortes,  whose  character  and  conduct 
stamped  him  a loyal  subject  and  an  able  leader,  be  con- 
firmed in  his  offices,  till  the  conquest  of  the  country, 
at  least,  should  have  been  achieved.23 

The  third  letter,  even  longer  than  this,  though  of 
similar  tenor,  was  signed  by  the  representative  men 
in  the  army,24  and  concluded  by  praying  that  their 
services  and  hardships  be  rewarded  with  grants,  and 
that  Cortds  be  confirmed  in  the  government  till  the 
king  might  be  pleased  to  appoint  an  infante  or  a 
grandee  of  the  highest  class,  for  so  large  and  rich  a 
country  ought  to  be  ruled  by  none  else.  Should  the 
designing  bishop  of  Burgos  of  his  accord  “send  us  a 

22  ‘El  Cabildo  escriuib  juntamente  con  diez  soldados. . . .6  iva  yo  firmado 
en  ella.  ’ Bernal  Diaz,  H'ist.  Verdad.,  36. 

23  Written  by  Cortes’  most  devoted  friends,  and  undoubtedly  under  his 
supervision,  we  cannot  expect  to  find  it  other  than  a labored  effort  to  promote 
his  views.  Robertson,  whose  suggestion  led  to  its  discovery  in  'the  Vienna 
Imperial  Library,  offers  a mere  synopsis  of  the  contents.  Hist.  Am.,  preface,  p. 
xi.  ii.  521-2.  It  is  given  at  length  in  the  Cortis,  Cartas,  by  Gayangos,  Paris, 
1SC6,  1-34,  with  notes,  and  with  the  list  of  presents  appended ; and  in  Col.  Doc. 
laid.,  i.  417-72,  and  in  Alaman,  Disert.,  i.  2d  app.,  41-104,  preceded  by  an 
introductory  sketch  of  the  expedition  by  the  collector  of  the  papers,  and 
containing  the  list  of  presents  as  checked  by  Munoz  in  1784  from  the  Manual 
del  Tesorero  de  la  Casa  de  la  Contratacion  de  Sevilla. 

2“Todos  los  Capitanes,  y soldados  juntamente  escriuimos  otra  carta.’ 
Bernal  !)iax,  Hist.  Verdad.,  36.  ‘El  cabildo. . . .escriuio. . . .dos  letras.  Vna 
...  .no  firmaron  sino  alcaldes  y regidores.  La  otra  fue  a cordada  y firmada 
del  cabildo  y de  todos  los  mas  principales.  ’ Gomara,  llist.  Me x.,  63. 


170 


MULTIPLICATION  OF  PLOTS. 


governor  or  captain,  before  we  obey  him  we  shall 
inform  your  royal  person.”  This  sentence,  which 
Las  Casas  characterizes  as  a “great  though  sweet- 
ened piece  of  impudence,”  and  several  others  not  in 
harmony  with  Cortes’  own  calculated  report,  were 
probably  the  cause  for  the  disappearance  of  the  letter 
before  it  reached  the  emperor.25 

The  messengers  or  procuradores  left  the  port  July 
1G,26  and  although  ordered  not  to  touch  Cuba,  lest 
Velazquez  should  learn  of  the  mission,  Montejo  could 
not  resist  the  temptation  of  taking  a peep  at  his 
estates  at  Mariel  de  Cuba,  a port  close  to  Habana. 
Here  they  entered  August  23,  and  took  supplies  and 
water.  This  could  not  of  course  be  done  in  secret, 
and  swelling  with  rumor  the  report  reached  Velazquez 
that  his  flag-ship  had  come  ballasted  with  gold,  to 
the  value  of  two  hundred  and  seventy  thousand  pesos. 
No  less  alarmed  than  furious  at  this  proof  of  the 
perfidy  he  had  so  long  feared,  he  despatched  a fast 
sailing  vessel  with  a strong  force  under  Gonzalo  de 

23  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdacl. , 37,  gives  a long  detail  of  its  contents,  par- 
ticularly of  the  conclusion,  wherein  the  bishop  of  Burgos  is  pointed  out  as 
favoring  his  friends  and  relations  in  the  distribution  of  Indian  governments. 
Velazquez  enjoyed  his  special  favor  in  return  for  the  large  presents  in  gold 
and  towns  he  had  made,  to  the  prejudice  of  the  crown.  Cortes,  on  reading 
the  letter,  was  highly  pleased  with  the  eulogy  bestowed  upon  himself,  and 
promised  to  remember  it  when  rewards  came  to  be  distributed,  but  he  ob- 
jected to  the  prominence  given  to  the  discoveries  of  Cordoba  and  Grijalva, 
‘sino  d el  solo  se  atribuia  el  descubrimiento,  y la  lionra,  6 honor  de  todo,’ 
and  wished  to  suppress  the  statement  that  one  fifth  of  the  profits  were  to  be 

given  to  him.  The  men  declined  to  hide  anything  from  the  king,  and  so 
ortes  no  doubt  made  the  messengers  hide  the  letter.  Tapia  gives  a brief 
synopsis  of  it,  mentioning  the  objections  raised  against  the  bishop  of  Burgos, 
and  the  resolution  not  to  obey  any  orders  contrary  to  their  report  till  the  king 
had  replied  to  it — ‘ 6 para  que  otra  cosa  en  contrario  de  lo  que  le  escrebiamos 
no  se  hiciese,  que  S.  M.  sin  saber  de  que  hacia  mercedes,  no  las  hiciese,  estd- 
bamos  prestos  de  morir  6 tener  la  tierra  en  su  real  nombre  fasta  ver  respuesta 
de  esta  carta.  ’ RAacion , in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  5G6.  ‘ Esta  carta  no  vido  el 

Emperador,  porque,  si  la  viera,  no  les  sucederia  ni  d Cortds  ni  d sus  consortes  el 
negocio  tan  favorable  como  aba  jo  se  parecerd.’  Las  Casas,  Hut.  Ind.,  iv.  40S. 

26  ‘ En  una  nao  que . . . . despachd  d 1G  de  julio  del  ano  de  1519,  envid  d V. 
A.  muy  larga  y particular  relaeion.’  Cortes,  Cartas,  51 ; Oviedo,  iii.  2G1.  ‘ En 

veinte  y seis  dias  del  mes  de  Julio. . . .partieron  de  San  Juan  de  Ulua.’  Bernal 
Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  37.  On  the  next  page  he  says  July  Gth.  The  naming 
of  Ulua  as  the  port  of  departure  shows  also  a carelessness  of  facts ; yet  Gomara 
says:  ‘ Partieron ....  de  Aquiahuiztla ....  a vein  ta  y seis.  ’ Hist.  Alex.,  6.  Still 
Cortes’  letter,  written  so  soon  after,  ought  to  be  correct.  Prescott  accepts 
the  26th. 


MESSENGERS  OF  CORTES  IN  SPAIN. 


171 


Guzman,  the  royal  treasurer,  to  capture  her;  but  she 
had  stayed  only  three  days  at  Mariel,  and  then  passed 
safely  through  the  Bahamas  Channel,  the  first  to 
make  that  passage.27 

The  arrival  of  the  messengers  at  Seville,  in  October, 
created  no  small  stir,  and  aided  by  their  treasures  and 
reports  they  became  the  heroes  of  the  hour.  But  their 
triumph  was  of  short  duration;  for  Benito  Martin, 
the  chaplain  of  Velazquez,  happened  to  be  at  the  port. 
This  man  at  once  laid  claim  to  the  vessel  for  his 
master,  denounced  the  persons  on  board  as  traitors, 
and  prevailed  upon  the  Casa  de  Contratacion  to  seize 
the  ship,  together  with  the  private  funds  of  the  com- 
mission, as  well  as  certain  money  sent  by  Cortes  for 
his  father.  A still  stronger  opponent  appeared  in  the 
person  of  Fonseca,  bishop  of  Burgos,  whose  interest 
in  Velazquez,  fostered  by  a long  interchange  of  favors, 
was  strengthened  by  a projected  marriage  of  the  gov- 

27  ‘ Esta  fuga  fue  ocasion  de  descubrir  el  derrotero  de  la  Canal  de  Bahama, 
para  la  buelta  de  Espana,  liasta  entonces  no  nauegada,  y desde  aquella  ocasion 
siempre  seguida.’  Coyolludo,  Hist.  Yucathan,  41.  ‘Alaminos. . .fue  el  primero 
que  nauegb  por  aquella  canal.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  30-39.  Preju- 
diced against  Montejo,  as  shown  by  previous  expressions,  this  author  accuses 
him  of  sending  letters  to  V elazquez  by  a sailor,  who  spread  the  news  of  the 
mission  along  his  route.  Some  of  the  letters  were  from  adherents  in  Cortes’ 
army.  ‘ I’arecid,  de  otras  personas  principales  que  estauan  en  nuestro  Real, 
fueron  aconsejados  que  f uessen  a aquella  estancia . . . . y aun  escriuieron  para  que 
el  Diego  V elazquez  tuuiesse  tiempo  de  auellos  & las  manos.  ’ V elazquez  ac- 
cordingly sends  two  small  vessels  under  Gabriel  de  Rojas  and  Guzman  to 
pursue  the  ship,  but  their  cruise  between  Habana  and  the  Bahamas  Channel 
is  in  vain.  Montejo’s  conduct  before  and  after  this  indicates  nothing  that  can 
justify  the  accusations,  and  Velazquez,  in  his  letter  to  Figueroa,  juez  de  resi 
dencia  in  Espanola,  inveighs  against  one  ‘ Montejo’  and  his  companion  for 
taking  not  only  provisions  and  forty  butts  of  water,  but  a number  of  Indians 
from  Mariel,  and  then  leaving  ‘without  informing  any  magistrate  or  other  per- 
son,’ taking  a dangerous  and  hitherto  unknown  route.  In  Jcaz'ialcetn,  Col. 
Doc.,  i.  491.  During  the  investigation  held  on  the  subject  by  the  governor, 
it  appeared  that  Juan  de  Rojas  of  Habana  reported  the  secret  visit  of  Mon- 
tejo, who,  knowing  that  Rojas  had  become  aware  of  his  presence,  wrote  him 
at  the  moment  of  leaving  that  he  was  going  to  visit  Velazquez.  From  Perez, 
a servant  of  Rojas  and  in  charge  at  Mariel,  it  seems,  he  exacted  an  oath  not 
to  reveal  what  he  had  learned  of  the  rich  cargo  and  destination  of  the  vessel. 
Rojas  nevertheless  obtained  the  facts  from  him.  Testimonio,  in  Pacheco  and 
Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc.,  xii.  151-204.  In  a letter  to  the  bishop  of  Burgos,  October 
12,  1519,  Velazquez  states  that  a man  at  Mariel,  Perez  probably,  was  at  the 
last  moment  shown  the  treasures.  Guzman  was  sent  with  a vessel  in  pursuit. 
In  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc. , xii.  248-50.  Gomara  also  says,  ‘ embiando 
tras  ella  vna  carauela  de  armada.’  Hist.  Mex.,  04;  Torquemada,  i.  407. 


172 


MULTIPLICATION  OF  PLOTS. 


ernor  with,  his  niece.28  Detaining  the  messengers  and 
their  papers  by  deferred  promises  and  other  meas- 
ures,29 he  filled  the  royal  ear  with  the  most  damaging 
charges  against  them  and  their  party  in  behalf  of  his 
protegd. 

Velazquez  had  meanwhile  been  taking  testimony 
against  Cortes,  and  had  sent  treasurer  Guzman  to 
Spain  with  documents  and  instructions  to  join  Martin 
in  pressing  his  suit  before  the  bishop.30 

Charles  V.  had  been  elected  emperor,  and  was  busy 
in  Spain  raising  supplies  and  making  preparations  on 
a vast  scale  for  presenting  an  appearance  in  Germany 
befitting  so  high  a dignity.  Previous  to  embarking 
for  Flayders  he  was  to  meet  the  cortes  at  Compos- 
tela. The  messengers  from  New  Spain  could  afford 
to  lose  no  more  time,  and  so  with  the  aid  of  Puerto- 
carrero’s  friends  and  the  men  opposed  to  Fonseca, 
among  them  the  Licenciado  Nunez,  relator  of  the 
royal  council  and  related  to  Cortes,  they  slipped 
away,  and  in  company  with  Alaminos  and  Martin 
Cortes,  managed  to  be  presented  to  the  monarch  at 

28  ‘ Dona  Mayor  de  Fonseca.  El  obispo  de  Burgos  . . . por  la  muerte  del 
Gran  ChanAller . . . torn 6 a alear  y A ser  principal.’  Las  Casas , Ilist.  lnd.,  v. 
2;  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  iii.  cap.  xi.;  Ztiiik/a,  Anales  Ecles.  Sevilla,  414. 

29  The  bishop  of  Burgos,  then  at  Valladolid,  spoke  so  harshly  to  Puertocar- 
rero  that  the  latter  ventured  to  remonstrate,  and  demand  that  their  messages 
be  forwarded  to  the  king.  A charge  was  now  raked  up  against  Puertocar- 
rero  of  having  three  years  before  carried  off  a woman  from  Medellin  to  the 
Indies,  and  for  this  he  was  cast  into  prison.  Bernal  Diaz.,  Hist.  Verdail.,  3S; 
Vetancvrt,  Teatro  M ex. , pt.  iii.  119. 

30  Guzman  appears  to  have  started  in  October  from  Cuba,  when  Narvaez’ 
expedition  against  Cortes  had  already  begun  to  be  fitted  out.  Carta  de.  Velaz- 
quez, Oct.  12,  1519,  in  Col.  Doc.  lned. , i.  472-5;  Pacheco  and  Cdnlenas,  Col. 
Doc.,  xii.  246-51;  Carta  al  Fiqueroa , in  Icazhalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  402;  Las 
Casas,  Hist.  Ind.,  v.  2.  His  appeal  to  the  Jeronimite  Fathers,  says  Bernal 
Diaz,  met  only  with  rebuff.  They  considered  that  Cortes  had  done  well  to 
send  so  rich  a present  to  the  king.  ‘Le  embiaron  al  Diego  Velazquez  a 
Cuba  A,  vn  Licenciado  que  se  dezia  Zuazo  para  que  le  tomasse  residencia 
....  Uelazquez,  se  congoxA  mucho  mas,  y como  de  antes  era  muy  gordo,  se 
par5  flaco  en  aquellos  dias.’  Hist.  Verdad.,  38.  Martin  petitioned  the  bishop 
for  the  repair  and  return  of  the  messengers’  vessel  to  Velazquez,  together 
with  another  vessel,  both  to  carry  reinforcements  to  the  Indies.  This  was 
needed,  partly  to  prevent  the  possible  conflict  between  Cortes’  party  and 
the  expedition  fitting  out  under  Velazquez  to  support  the  men  he  had 
already  sent  under  CortAs  as  his  lieutenant.  Memorial,  in  Col.  Doc.  Ined., 
i.  407-9. 


DELAYED  JUSTICE. 


173 


Tordesillas,  in  the  beginning  of  March.31  The  king 
was  not  a little  pleased  with  the  reports,  gilded  as 
they  were  with  the  richest  presents  that  had  as  yet 
reached  him  from  his  American  possessions,32  but  he 
was  unfortunately  too  absorbed  with  the  imperial 
crown  and  the  preparations  for  departure  to  give 
more  than  a passing  attention  to  the  subject,  and  still 
less  would  he  enter  into  the  merits  of  the  claims  pre- 
sented. Finding,  however,  that  Fonseca  had  not  been 
impartial  in  the  matter,  he  was  prevailed  on  to  refer 
it  to  Cardinal  Adrian,  and  the  junta  of  prelates  and 
ministers  governing  the  kingdom  during  the  royal  ab- 
sence, before  whom  the  Council  of  the  Indies  had  also 
to  lay  its  reports.  The  messengers  were  meanwhile 
allowed  under  bond  to  receive  from  the  seized  funds 
what  was  needed  for  their  support.33  The  powerful 
Fonseca  managed,  however,  by  misrepresentation  and 
other  means,  to  delay  the  case,  and  for  about  two 
years  it  dragged  its  weary  length.  And  yet,  where  a 
man  is  strong  enough  to  carve  out  his  own  fortune, 
particularly  where  the  administration  of  strict  justice 
might  send  his  neck  to  the  halter,  the  law’s  delay  and 
its  susceptibility  to  perversion  may  be  most  fortunate. 

31  Sandoval,  Hist.  Carlos  V.,  i.  203.  ‘ Vini<5ronse  con  la  corte  hasta  llegar 

& la  Coruna,  y en  este  eamino  los  cognosci  yo.  ’ Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind. , iv.  499 ; 
Herrera,  doc.  ii.  lib.  ix.  cap.  vii. 

3-  In  the  Manual  de  la  Casa  de  Contratacion  de  la  Indias  is  noted  that  the 
Cempoala  natives  were  presented  to  the  king,  at  Tordesillas,  in  February,  or 
March,  1320,  and  the  presents  at  Valladolid  in  April.  The  Indians  were  sent 
to  Cuba  at  the  close  of  March,  1521,  except  one  who  had  died.  Cort&s,  Cartas, 
34;  Alaman,  Diserl.,  i.  91-104. 

33  According  to  Bernal  Diaz  the  bishop  of  Burgos  retained  not  only  the 
original  letters  of  the  king,  but  a portion  of  the  presents,  which  produced  a 
sharp  letter  from  Charles.  The  duplicate  letters  reached  him,  however.  Hist. 
Vcrilad.,  38-9.  This  author  is  not  well  informed  about  the  movements  of  the 
procuradores.  He  lets  the  king  reach  Flanders  before  they  arrive,  and  there 
receive  only  the  reports. 


CHAPTEK  XI. 


THE  SINKING  OF  THE  FLEET. 

July-August,  1519. 

Diego  Velazquez  once  More — His  Supporters  in  the  Camp  of  Cortes  — 
They  Attempt  Escape — Are  Discovered — The  Leaders  are  Seized 
and  Executed — Cortes’  Ride  to  Cempoala,  and  what  Came  of  it — 
He  Determines  on  the  Destruction  of  the  Fleet — Preliminary 
Strategems — Several  of  the  Ships  Pronounced  Unsea  worthy — 
The  Matter  before  the  Soldiers — The  Fleet  Sunk — Indignation 
of  the  Velazquez  Faction — One  Vessel  Remaining — It  is  Offered 
to  any  Wishing  to  Desert — It  is  finally  Sunk — Francisco  de 
Garay’s  Pretensions — Seizure  of  Some  of  his  Men.  ~ 

To  the  top  of  a fir-tree,  which  he  curbed  and  then 
let  spring,  Theseus  fastened  the  robber  Sinis,  who 
had  been  accustomed  himself  to  kill  travellers  in  that 
way.  In  a hollow  brazen  bull,  which  he  had  made 
for  the  Sicilian  tyrant  to  roast  his  victims  in,  Perillus 
the  inventor  was  roasted.  A famous  detective  was 
hanged  at  last  for  house-breaking.  Matthew  Hop- 
kins, the  witch-finder,  who  about  the  middle  of  the 
seventeenth  century  travelled  the  country  over  to 
discover  and  bring  witches  to  punishment,  was  finally, 
with  pronounced  effect,  subjected  to  one  of  his  own 
tests.  Witches,  he  had  said,  would  not  sink  in  water. 
This  was  a safe  proposition  for  the  prosecution;  for 
if  they  sank  they  were  drowned,  and  if  they  did  not 
sink  they  were  burned.  Being  at  length  himself 
charged  with  witchcraft,  the  people  seized  and  threw 
him  into  a river;  and  as  he  floated,  by  his  own  law  he 
was  declared  a witch,  and  put  to  death  accordingly. 
In  more  ways  than  one,  he  who  invents  a guillotine 

(U4 1 


GUILLOTINE  BUILDING. 


175 


is  often  the  first  to  suffer  by  it.  It  is  not  wise  to  sow 
dragons’  teeth,  and  expect  therefrom  a happy  harvest. 

Now  Diego  Velazquez  had  all  his  life  been  sowing 
dragons’  teeth,  and  hunting  witches,  and  building  guil- 
lotines, and  brazen  bulls.  Starting  from  Spain  in  the 
guise  of  a noble  old  soldier,  as  he  advertised  himself, 
though  some  said  of  him  that  his  sword  was  bloodless 
and  his  bravery  bravado,  he  served  the  usual  appren- 
ticeship in  the  New  World,  chasing,  and  mutilating, 
and  murdering,  and  enslaving  natives,  working  to 
death  on  his  plantations  those  saved  for  this  most 
cruel  fate.  For  this  and  similar  service  Diego  Colon, 
then  ruling  the  Indies  at  Espahola,  sent  him  to  Cuba 
to  play  governor  there  over  those  inoffensive  and 
thrice  unlucky  savages.  Fraud  being  native  to  his 
character,  no  sooner  was  he  fairly  seated  than  he 
repudiated  his  late  master  and  benefactor,  and  reported 
directly  to  the  king,  even  as  his  own  captain  of  the 
Mexican  expedition  was  now  doing.  Another  of  his 
guillotines  was  the  vile  treatment  of  Grijalva  for  not 
disobeying  orders,  on  which  score  he  could  not  com- 
plain against  Grijalva’s  successor.  Yet,  as  head  and 
heart  frosted  with  time  the  Cuban  governor  was  not 
happy:  misdeeds  never  bring  true  or  lasting  happi- 
ness. His  bitterness,  however,  was  but  in  the  bloom ; 
the  full  fruit  of  his  folly  would  come  only  after  the 
consummation  of  events  upon  the  continent,  grand  as 
yet  beyond  conception.  Ordinarily  it  is  much  easier 
to  kill  a man  than  to  create  one;  in  this  instance  it 
was  extremely  difficult  to  kill  the  man  that  he  had 
made. 

If  among  the  New  World  cavaliers  such  a thing  as 
poltroon  or  coward  could  be,  Diego  Velazquez  was 
that  thing,  notwithstanding  he  had  participated  in  so 
much  fighting.  Yet  I do  not  call  him  coward,  for 
my  pen  refuses  to  couple  such  a term  with  that  of 
sixteenth-century  Spaniard.  Certain  it  is,  however, 
that  few  men  in  those  days  preferred  conquering 
new  lands  by  deputy  to  winning  glory  in  person,  and 


176 


THE  SINKING  OF  THE  FLEET. 


if  this  soldier  and  governor  was  not  a coward,  there 
was  little  of  the  manly  or  chivalrous  in  his  bravery 
He  was  cautious,  yet  frequently  his  cupidity  overcame 
his  caution ; and  when  he  adventured  his  gold — for  he 
seldom  risked  his  life,  either  for  fame  which  he  dearly 
loved,  or  for  gold  which  he  loved  still  dearer — it 
was  under  restrictions  ruinous  to  almost  any  enter- 
prise. In  his  ordinary  mood  he  played  fairly  enough 
the  statesman  and  hero,  but  in  truth  his  statesmanship 
was  superficial,  and  his  heroism  theatrical.  Las  Casas 
calls  him  a terrible  fellow  for  those  who  served  him, 
and  Gomara  says  he  had  little  stomach  for  expendi- 
tures. This  much  allowance,  however,  should  be 
made  in  any  statements  of  historians  respecting  the 
governor  of  Cuba:  in  their  drama  of  the  conquest 
Diego  Velazquez  plays  the  part  of  chief  villain  to  the 
hero  Hernan  Cortes,  when  as  a matter  of  fact  Cortds 
was  the  greater  villain  of  the  two,  principally  because 
he  was  the  stronger. 

Even  the  priests  praise  Cortds,  though  many  of 
his  acts  were  treacherous;  and  timidity  in  a leader 
was  accounted  the  most  heinous  of  crimes.  On  the 
whole,  I agree  with  Torquemada  that  the  governor 
should  have  gone  against  Montezuma  in  person,  if  it 
was  necessary  he  should  go  on  such  dastardly  work 
at  all;  but  we  may  be  sure  that  Velazquez  would  not 
himself  venture  upon  this  sea  of  high  exploit,  though 
./Eolus  with  a silver  cord  had  tied  up  the  winds  in  an 
ox-hide,  as  he  did  for  Ulysses.  And  now  from  this 
time  forth,  and  indeed  from  the  moment  the  unre- 
strainable  Estremaduran  embarked  defying  him,  the 
sulphurous  fire  of  hatred  and  revenge  burned  constant 
in  the  old  man’s  breast. 

Never  was  villainy  so  great  that  if  united  with 
high  station  or  ability  it  could  not  find  supporters; 
for  most  men  are  rascals  at  heart  in  one  direction  or 
another.  The  pretty  pair,  Velazquez  the  governor, 
and  Cortes  the  adventurer — so  well  pitted  that  the 


CONSPIRACY  IN  CAMP. 


177 


difference  between  them  consists  chiefly  in  setting- 
off  the  position  of  one  against  the  native  strength  of 
the  other,  the  manners  and  pusillanimity  of  the  one 
against  the  fate-defying  chivalry  of  the  other— had 
each  his  active  workers  not  only  in  Spain,  but  in 
America,  those  of  Velazquez  being  some  of  them  in 
the  very  camp  of  Cortes.  Since  the  royal  grant  of 
superior  powers  to  Velazquez,  this  faction  has  lifted 
its  head.  And  now  its  brain  works. 

The  messengers  for  Spain  had  scarcely  left  the 
port  before  these  malcontents  form  a plot,  this  time 
not  with  the  sole  desire  to  return  to  a more  com- 
fortable and  secure  life,  but  with  a view  to  advise 
Velazquez  of  the  treasure  ship  so  close  at  hand. 
Amongst  them  are  to  be  found  the  priest  Juan  Diaz ; 
Juan  Escudero,  the  alguacil  of  Baracoa,  who  be- 
guiled and  surrendered  Cortes  into  the  hands  of  the 
• authorities  ; Diego  Carmeho  and  Gonzalo  de  Umbria, 
pilots ; Bernardino  de  Coria,  and  Alonso  Penate,  be- 
side several  leading  men  who  merely  countenanced 
the  plot.1  They  have  already  secured  a small  vessel 
with  the  necessary  supplies,  and  the  night  of  embark - 
ment  is  at  hand,  when  Coria  repents  and  betrays  his 
companions. 

Cortes  is  profoundly  rftoved.  It  is  not  so  much 
the  hot  indignation  that  stirs  his  breast  against  the 
traitors  as  the  light  from  afar  that  seems  to  float  in 
upon  his  mind  like  an  inspiration,  showing  him  more 
vividly  than  he  had  ever  seen  it  before,  his  situation. 
So  lately  a lax  and  frivolous  youth,  apparently  of 
inept  nature,  wrought  to  stiffer  consistency  by  some 
years  of  New  World  kneading,  by  a stroke  of  the 

1 The  names  vary  somewhat  in  different  authorities,  Bernal  Diaz  including 
instead  of  Penate,  a number  of  the  Gibraltar  sailors,  known  as  Penates,  who 
were  lashed  at'  Cozumel  for  theft.  The  plot  was  hatched  ‘ Desde  ft  quatro 
dias  que  partieron  nuestros  Procuradores.  ’ Hist.  Verdad. , 39.  Cortes  mentions 
only  four  ‘determinado  de  tomar  un  bergantin  . . . . y matar  al  maestre  d6l,  y 
irse  d la  isla  Fernandina.’  Cartas,  53-4.  Gomara  assumes  them  to  be  the 
same  who  last  revolted  on  setting  out  for  Tizapantzinco.  Hist.  Alex. , 64. 
‘ Pusieron ....  por  obra  de  hurtar  un  navio  pequeno,  <5  salir  4 robar  lo  que 
llcvaban  para  el  rey.  ’ Tapia,  Relation,  in  Irazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  563.  Peter 
Martyr  jumbles  the  names,  dec.  v.  cap.  i. 

Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  I.  12 


178 


THE  SINKING  OF  THE  FLEET. 


rarest  fortune  he  suddenly  finds  himself  a commandei 
of  men,  in  a virgin  field  of  enterprise  fascinating 
beyond  expression,  and  offering  to  the  soldier  possi- 
bilities excelled  by  nothing  within  the  century.  As 
the  mind  enlarges  to  take  in  these  possibilities,  the 
whole  being  seems  to  enlarge  with  it, -the  unstable 
adventurer  is  a thing  of  the  past,  and  behold  a mighty 
rock  fills  the  place.  Against  it  heads  shall  beat 
unprofitably.  The  momentous  question  of  to  be  or 
not  to  be  is  forever  determined;  it  is  an  affair  simply 
of  life  now.  Life  and  the  power  of  which  he  finds 
himself  possessed  shall  rise  or  fall  together;  and  if 
his  life,  then  the  lives  of  others.  No  life  shall  be 
more  precious  to  him  than  his  own;  no  life  shall  be 
accounted  precious  at  all  that  stands  in  the  way  of 
his  plans.  To  a lady  who  complained  of  the  burning 
of  the  Palatinate  by  Turenne,  Napoleon  answered: 
“ And  why  not,  madame,  if  it  was  necessary  to 
his  designs?”  The  Palatinate!  ay,  and  a hundred 
million  souls  flung  into  the  same  fire,  ere  the  one 
omnipotent  soul  shall  suffer  the  least  abridgment. 
It  was  a small  matter,  and  he  would  do  it;  all  the 
islands  of  the  Western  Inde  he  would  uproot  and  fling 
into  the  face  of  the  Cuban  governor  before  he  would 
yield  one  jot  of  his  stolen  advantage.  Each  for  him- 
self were  Velazquez,  Columbus,  and  Charles,  and  the 
rest  of  this  world’s  great  and  little  ones,  and  Cortes 
would  be  for  himself.  Henceforth,  like  Themistocles, 
though  he  would  die  for  his  country  he  would  not 
trust  her.  Return  to  Cuba  he  well  knew  for  him  was 
death,  or  ignominy  worse  than  death.  His  only  way 
was  toward  Mexico.  As  well  first  as  last.  All  the 
past  life  of  Cortds,  all  his  purposes  for  the  future, 
concentred  in  these  resolves  to  make  them  the  pivot 
of  his  destiny.  Cortes,  master  of  kings,  arbiter  of 
men’s  lives!  As  for  these  traitors,  they  shall  die; 
and  if  other  impediments  appear,  as  presently  we 
shall  see  them  appear,  be  they  in  the  form  of  eye  or 
right  hand,  they  shall  be  removed.  Tyrant,  he  might 


EXECUTIONS. 


170 


be  branded;  a)7,  as  well  that  as  another  name,  for  so 
are  great  ends  often  brought  to  pass  by  small  means. 
Unpleasant  as  it  may  be,  the  survivors  may  as  well 
bear  in  mind  that  it  will  be  less  difficult  another  time. 

So  the  conspirators  are  promptly  seized  and  sen- 
tenced, Escudero  and  Cermcno  to  be  hanged,  Umbria 
to  lose  his  feet,  and  others  to  receive  each  two  hun- 
dred lashes.2  Under  cover  of  his  cloth  Padre  Diaz, 
the  ringleader  and  most  guilty  of  them  all,  escapes 
with  a reprimand.  As  for  the  rest,  though  among 
them  were  some  equally  guilty,  they  were  treated  with 
such  dissembling  courtesy  and  prudence  as  either  to 
render  them  harmless  or  to  convert  them  into  friends. 
“Happy  the  man  who  cannot  write,  if  it  save  him 
from  such  business  as  this!”  exclaimed  the  com- 
mander, as  he  affixed  his  name  to  the  death-warrants. 
For  notwithstanding  his  inexorable  resolve  he  was 
troubled,  and  would  not  see  his  comrades  die  though 
they  would  have  sacrificed  him.  On  the  morning  of 
the  day  of  execution  he  set  off  at  breakneck  speed 
for  Cempoala,  after  ordering  two  hundred  soldiers  to 
follow  with  the  horses  and  join  a similar  force  which 
had  left  three  days  before  under  Alvarado.3 

Cortes’  brain  was  in  a whirl  during  that  ride.  It 
was  a horrible  thing,  this  hanging  of  Spaniards,  cutting 
off  feet,  and  flogging.  Viewed  in  one  light  it  was  but 
a common  piece  of  military  discipline;  from  another 
stand-point  it  was  the  act  of  an  outlaw.  The  greater 
part  of  the  little  army  was  with  the  commander;  to 
this  full  extent  the  men  believed  in  him,  that  on  his 

2 Thus  Cortes  had  his  revenge  on  the  alguacil.  ‘ Y no  le  vali6  el  ser  su 
Compadre,’  says  Vetancvrt,  with  a hasty  assumption  which  is  not  uncommon 
with  him.  Teatro  Alex. , pt.  iii.  1 19.  Gomara  mentions  no  mutilation.  ‘ Parece 

claro  ser  aquestas  obras propias  de  averiguado  tirano,  ’ says  Las  Casas, 

Hint.  Ind.,  iv.  496,  which  may  be  regarded  as  a singularly  mild  expression  for 
the  bishop.  Herrera  dwells  upon  Cermeno’s  extraordinary  skill  with  the 
leaping-pole ; he  could  also  smell  land  fifteen  leagues  off  the  coast,  dec.  ii.  lib. 
v.  cap.  xiv.  ‘Coria,  vezino  que  fue  despues  de  Chiapa.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist. 
Vcrdad.,  39. 

3 ‘Embiado por  los  pueblos  de  la  sierra,  porque  tuuiessen  que  comer; 

porque  en  nuestra  Villa  passauamos  mucha  necessidad  de  bastimentos.  ’ Id. 
This  seems  unlikely,  since  the  Totonacs  were  not  only  ■willing,  but  bound,  to 
provide  supplies. 


180 


THE  SINKING  OF  THE  FLEET. 


valor  and  discretion  they  would  adventure  their  lives. 
With  most  men  beliefs  are  but  prejudices,  and  opinions 
tastes.  These  Spaniards  not  only  believed  in  their 
general,  but  they  held  to  a most  impetuous  belief  in 
themselves.  They  could  do  not  only  anything  that 
any  one  else  ever  had  done  or  could  do,  but  they  could 
command  the  supernatural,  and  fight  with  or  against 
phantoms  and  devils.  They  were  a host  in  themselves ; 
besides  which  the  hosts  of  Jehovah  were  on  their  side. 
And  Cortes  measured  his  men  and  their  capabilities, 
not  as  Xerxes  measured  his  army,  by  filling  suc- 
cessively a pen  capable  of  holding  just  ten  thousand; 
he  measured  them  rather  by  his  ambition,  which  was 
as  bright  and  as  limitless  as  the  firmament.  Already 
they  were  heroes,  whose  story  presently  should  vie  in 
thrilling  interest  with  the  most  romantic  tales  of  chiv- 
alry and  knight-errantry,  and  in  whom  the  strongest 
human  passions  were  so  blended  as  to  lift  them  for  a 
time  out  of  the  hand  of  fate  and  make  their  fortunes 
their  own.  The  thirst  for  wealth,  the  enthusiasm  of 
religion,  the  love  of  glory,  united  with  reckless  daring 
and  excessive  loyalty,  formed  the  most  powerful  in 
centives  to  action.  Life  to  them  without  the  attain- 
ment of  their  object  was  valueless;  they  would  do  or 
die;  for  to  die  in  doing  was  life,  whereas  to  live  failing 
was  worse  than  death.  Cortes  felt  all  this,  though  it 
scarcely  lay  on  his  mind  in  threads  of  tangible  thought. 
There  was  enough  however  that  was  tangible  in  his 
thinkings,  and  exceedingly  troubling.  Unfortunately 
the  mind  and  heart  of  all  his  people  were  not  of  the 
complexion  he  would  have  them.  And  those  ships. 
And  the  disaffected  men  lying  so  near  them,  looking 
wistfully  at  them  every  morning,  and  plotting,  and 
plotting  all  the  day  long.  Like  the  Palatinate  to 
Turenne,  like  anything  that  seduced  from  the  stern 
purposes  of  Cortes,  it  were  better  they  were  not. 

This  thought  once  flashed  into  his  mind  fastened 
itself  there.  And  it  grew.  And  Cortes  grew  with  it, 
until  the  man  and  the  idea  filled  all  that  country,  and 


A DARING  RESOLVE. 


1S1 


became  the  wonder  and  admiration  of  the  world. 
Destroy  the  ships ! Cut  off  all  escape,  should  such  be 
needed  in  case  of  failure!  Burn  the  bridge  that  spans 
time,  and  bring  to  his  desperate  desire  the  aid  of  the 
eternities!  The  thought  of  it  alone  was  daring ; more 
fearfully  fascinating  it  became  as  Cortes  dashed  along 
toward  Cempoala,  and  by  the  time  he  had  reached  his 
destination  the  thing  was  determined,  and  he  might 
with  Cajsar  at  the  Rubicon  exclaim,  Jcicta  est  a lea! 
But  what  would  his  soldiers  say  ? They  must  be  made 
to  feel  as  he  feels,  to  see  with  his  eyes,  and  to  swell 
with  his  ambition. 

The  confession  of  the  conspirators  opened  the  eyes 
of  Cortes  to  a fact  which  surely  he  had  seen  often 
enough  before,  though  by  reason  of  his  generous 
nature  which  forgot  an  injury  immediately  it  was  for- 
given, it  had  not  been  much  in  his  mind  of  late,  namely, 
that  too  many  of  his  companions  were  lukewarm,  if 
not  openly  disaffected.  They  could  not  forget  that 
Cortes  was  a common  man  like  themselves,  their 
superior  in  name  only,  and  placed  over  them  for 
the  accomplishment  of  this  single  purpose.  They 
felt  they  had  a right  to  say  whether  they  would 
remain  and  take  the  desperate  chance  their  leader 
seemed  determined  on,  and  to  act  on  that  right  with 
or  without  his  consent.  And  their  position  assuredly 
was  sound;  whether  it  was  sensible  depended  greatly 
on  their  ability  to  sustain  themselves  in  it.  Cortes 
was  exercising  the  arbitrary  power  of  a majority  to 
drive  the  minority  as  it  appeared  to  their  death.  They 
had  a perfect  right  to  rebel ; they  had  not  entered  the 
service  under  any  such  compact.  Cortes  himself  was 
a rebel;  hence  the  rebellion  of  the  Velazquez  men, 
being  a rebelling  against  a rebel,  was  in  truth  an  ad- 
herence to  loyalty.  Here  as  everywhere  it  was  might 
that  made  right;  and,  indeed,  with  the  right  of  these 
matters  the  narrator  has  little  to  do. 

Success,  shame,  fear,  bright  prospects,  had  all  lent 
their  aid  to  hold  the  discontented  in  check,  but  in 


182 


THE  SINKING  OF  THE  FLEET. 


these  several  regards  feeling  and  opinion  were  subject 
to  daily  fluctuations.  Let  serious  danger  or  reverses 
come,  and  they  would  flee  in  a moment  if  they  could. 
And  the  fleet  lying  so  near  was  a constant  temptation. 
Cut  that  off,  and  the  nerves  of  every  man  there  would 
be  freshly  strung.  The  meanest  would  suddenly  be- 
come charged  with  a kind  of  nobility;  they  would  at 
once  become  inspired  with  the  courage  that  comes 
from  desperation.  Often  those  least  inclined  to  fight 
when  forced  to  it  are  the  most  indifferent  to  death. 
Other  dormant  elements  would  be  brought  out  by  the 
disappearance  of  those  ships;  union,  fraternity,  com- 
plete community,  not  only  of  interest  but  of  life.  Their 
leader  with  multiplied  power  would  become  their  god. 
On  him  they  would  be  dependent  for  all  things; 
for  food  and  raiment,  for  riches,  glory,  and  every  suc- 
cess; for  life  itself.  Cortes  saw  all  this,  pondered  it 
well,  and  thought  it  would  be  very  pretty  to  play  the 
god  awhile.  He  would  much  prefer  it  to  confinement 
in  old  Velazquez’  plaza-pen,  or  even  in  a Seville  prison. 
Cortes  was  now  certain  in  his  own  mind  that  if  his 
band  remained  unbroken  either  by  internal  dissension 
or  by  white  men  yet  to  arrive,  he  would  tread  the 
streets  of  the  Mexican  capital  before  he  entered  the 
gates  of  the  celestial  city.  If  Montezuma  would  not 
admit  him  peaceably,  he  would  gather  such  a force 
of  the  emperor’s  enemies  as  would  pull  the  kingdom 
down  about  his  ears.  It  would  be  necessary  on  going 
inland  to  leave  a garrison  at  Villa  Rica;  but  it  would 
be  madness  to  leave  also  vessels  in  which  they  could 
sail  away  to  Cuba  or  elsewhere.  And  finally,  if 
the  ships  were  destroyed,  the  sailors,  who  otherwise 
would  be  required  to  care  for  them,  might  be  added 
to  the  army.  Such  were  the  arguments  which  the 
commander  would  use  to  win  the  consent  of  his  people 
to  one  of  the  most  desperate  and  daring  acts  ever 
conceived  by  a strategist  of  any  age  or  nation. 

Not  that  such  consent  was  necessary.  He  might 
destroy  the  ships  and  settle  with  the  soldiers  after- 


SAD  CONDITION  OF  THF  SHIPS. 


1S3 


ward.  The  deed  accomplished,  with  or  without  their 
consent,  there  would  be  but  one  course  open  to 
them.  Nevertheless  he  preferred  they  should  think 
themselves  the  authors  of  it  rather  than  feel  that  they 
had  been  tricked,  or  in  any  way  unfairly  dealt  with. 
And  with  the  moral  he  would  shift  the  pecuniary 
responsibility  to  their  shoulders.  So  he  went  to  work 
as  usual,  with  instruments  apparently  independent, 
but  whose  every  step  and  word  were  of  his  directing. 
One  day  quickly  thereafter  it  came  to  pass  that  the 
masters  of  several  of  the  largest  ships  appeared  be- 
fore the  captain-general  with  lengthened  faces  well 
put  on,  with  the  sad  intelligence  that  their  respective 
craft  were  unsea  worthy;  indeed  one  of  them  had 
sunk  already.  They  did  not  say  they  had  secretly 
bored  holes  in  them  according  to  instructions.  Cortes 

O 

was  surprised,  nay  he  was  painfully  affected;  Roscius 
himself  could  not  have  performed  the  part  better; 
“for  well  he  could  dissemble  when  it  served  his  pur- 
pose,” chimes  in  Las  Casas.  With  Christian  fortitude 
lie  said:  “Well,  the  will  of  God  be  done;  but  look 
you  sharply  to  the  other  ships.”  Barnacles  were  then 
freely  discussed,  and  teredos.  And  so  well  obeyed 
the  mariners  their  instructions  that  soon  they  were 
able  to  swear  that  all  the  vessels  save  three  were  un- 
safe, and  even  these  required  costly  repairs  before 
they  would  be  seaworthy.4  Thus  as  by  the  hand 
of  providence,  to  the  minds  of  the  men  as  they 
were  able  to  bear  it,  the  deed  unfolded.  Soon  quite 
apparent  became  the  expediency  of  abandoning  such 
vessels  as  were  leaking  badly;  there  was  trouble  and 
no  profit  in  attempting  to  maintain  them,  for  they 
would  surely  have  to  be  abandoned  in  the  end.  “And 
indeed,  fellow-soldiers,”  continued  Cortes,  “I  am  not 

4 Testirnonio  deMontejo  y Piiertocarrero,  in  Col.  Doc.  Died. , i.  4S9, 494.  ‘ Vinie- 
sen  a 61,  cuando  estuviese  mucha  gente  con  el  junta,  y le  denunciasen  coino  no 
podian  veneer  el  agua  de  los  navios.’  Lax  Casa*,  I fist.  Ind.,  iv.  497.  ‘Tuuo 
forma  para  que  los  soldados  mas  aficionados  que  tenia  se  lo  pidiessen. . . - Los 
soldados  se  lo  pidieron,  y dello  se  recibio  auto  por  ante  escriuano.  ’ Herrera, 
dec.  ii.  lib.  v.  cap.  xiv.  ‘ Le  aconsejamos  los  que  eramos  sus  amigos,  que  no 
dexasse  Nauio  en  el  Puerto.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdcul.,  39. 


184 


THE  SINKING  OF  THE  FLEET. 


sure  but  it  were  best  to  doom  to  destruction  also  the 
others,  and  so  secure  the  cooperation  of  the  sailors  in 
the  coming  campaign,  instead  of  leaving  them  in  idle- 
ness to  hatch  fresh  treachery.”  This  intimation  was 
successful,  as  had  been  foreordained  by  the  ruler  of 
these  events  it  should  be.  It  was  forthwith  resolved 
to  scuttle  all  the  ships  but  one,  the  one  brought  by 
Salcedo.  Accordingly  Escalante,  the  alguacil  mayor, 
a brave  and  able  officer  wholly  devoted  to  Cort&s, 
was  sent  down  to  Villa  Rica  to  carry  out  the  order, 
with  the  aid  of  the  picked  soldiers  there  stationed. 
Sails,  anchors,  cables,  and  everything  that  could  be 
utilized  were  removed,  and  a few  hours  later  some 
small  boats  were  all  that  remained  of  the  Cuban 
fleet.5 6 

It  was  then  the  community  first  realized  its  sit- 
uation. The  followers  of  Cortes,  with  unbounded 
faith  in  their  leader,  did  not  so  much  care,  but  the 
partisans  of  Velazquez,  few  of  whom  knew  that  the 
affair  had  been  coolly  predetermined,  were  somewhat 
agitated.  And  when  on  closer  inquiry  they  were 
enlightened  by  certain  of  the  mariners,  the  cry  arose 
that  they  were  betrayed;  they  were  lambs  led  to  the 
slaughter.  Cortes  promptly  faced  the  now  furious 
crowd.  What  did  they  want?  Were  their  lives  more 
precious  than  those  of  the  rest?  “For  shame!  Be 
men!”  he  cried,  in  conclusion.  “You  should  know 
ere  this  how  vain  are  the  attempts  to  thwart  my 
purpose.  Look  on  this  magnificent  land  with  its 
vast  treasures,  and  narrow  not  your  vision  to  your 
insignificant  selves.  Think  of  your  glorious  reward, 
present  and  to  come,  and  trust  in  God,  who,  if  it  so 
please  him,  can  conquer  this  empire  with  a single  arm. 
Yet  if  there  be  one  here  still  so  craven  as  to  wish 
to  turn  his  back  on  the  glories  and  advantages  thus 

5 ‘ Los  Pilotos,  e Maestres  viejos,  y marineros,  que  no  era  buenos  para  ir  a 

la  guerra,  que  se  quedassen  en  la  Villa,  y c5  dos  cliinchorros  que  tuuiessen  cargo 
de  pescar....y  luego  se  vino  (Escalante)  a Cempoal  con  vna  Capitania  de 
hombres  de  la  mar,  que  fuessen  los  que  sacaron  de  los  Nauios,  y salieron 
algunos  dellos  muy  buenos  soldados.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  40. 


THE  DEED  IS  DOXE. 


185 


offered;  if  there  be  one  here  so  base,  so  recreant  to 
heaven,  to  his  king,  to  his  comrades,  as  to  slink  from 
such  honorable  duty,  in  God’s  name  let  him  go.  There 
is  one  ship  left,  which  I will  equip  at  my  own  charge 
to  give  that  man  the  immortal  infamy  he  deserves.” 
This  he  said  and  much  more,  and  to  the  desired  effect. 
The  speaker  knew  well  how  to  play  upon  his  men, 
as  on  an  instrument,  so  that  they  would  respond  in 
any  tune  he  pleased.  Cheers  rent  the  air  as  he  con- 
cluded, in  which  the  opposition  were  forced  to  join 
through  very  shame.  Seeing  which  Cortes  gently 
intimated,  “Would  it  not  be  well  to  destroy  the 
remaining:  vessel,  and  so  make  a safe,  clean  thing:  of 

O 1 1 o 

it?”  In  the  enthusiasm  of  the  moment  the  act  was 
consummated  with  hearty  approval.6 

G It  is  generally  admitted  that  Cort<5s  suggested  the  idea  of  destroying  the 
fleet,  for  even  Bemal  Diaz,  who  at  first  gives  the  credit  to  the  men  by  saying, 
‘ le  aconsejamos  los  que  eramos  sus  amigos,  ’ confesses  on  the  following  page 
that  ‘el  mismo  Cortes  lo  tenia  ya  coneertado.’  Hist.  Vent  ad..,  33-40.  The 
preponderating  testimony  also  shows  that  the  masters  made  their  report  in 
public,  with  the  evident  object,  as  the  best  authorities  clearly  indicate,  of 
obtaining  the  consent  of  the  responsible  majority  for  the  scuttling.  During 
the  partition  of  treasures  at  Mexico,  large  shares  were  set  aside  for  Cortes 
and  V elazquez  to  cover  the  cost  of  the  fleet  and  the  outfit,  ‘ que  dimos  al 
traues  con  ellos,  pues  todos  fuimos  en  ellos,’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  84, 
which  is  proof,  in  addition  to  the  reliable  assertion  that  the  deed  was  agreed 
upon  by  the  majority.  Cortes’  expression,  ‘los  ech6  d la  costa,’  Carlas,  54, 
is  merely  that  of  a leader  of  that  party  or  majority,  who  besides  really 
gives  credit  to  others.  Hence  the  conclusion  of  Prescott  and  others,  that  the 
scuttling  was  done  on  his  own  responsibility,  is  not  well  founded.  Cortes 
was  clever  enough  always  to  have  those  present  who  were  ready  to  take  any 
responsibility  for  him  that  he  might  wish.  The  phrase,  ‘ his  was  the  greatest 
sacrifice,  for  they  (the  vessels)  were  his  property,  ’ Prescott's  Mex. , i.  37 4,  is  also 
wrong,  for  he  was  compensated  by  the  army.  And  it  is  an  exaggeration  to  say 
that  the  execution  of  the  measure  ‘in  the  face  of  an  incensed  and  desperate 
soldiery,  was  an  act  of  resolution  that  has  few  parallels  in  history,’  Id.,  376, 
since  his  party  supported  him.  According  to  Gomara  the  pilots  bore  holes  in  the 
vessels,  and  bring  their  report,  whereupon  five  vessels  are  first  sunk ; shortly 
afterward  the  remainder  except  one  are  scuttled.  The  offer  of  this  vessel  to 
those  who  wished  to  return  was  made  with  a view  to  learn  who  were  the 
cowards  and  malcontents.  Many  indeed  did  ask  for  leave,  but  half  of  them  were 
sailors.  Others  kept  quiet  out  of  shame.  Hist.  Mex.,  65.  It  was  never  Cortes’ 
policy  to  mark  the  disaffected,  however.  This  author  is  followed  by  Torque- 
mada,  ‘ porque  asi  se  ha  platicado  siempre  entre  las  Gentes,  que  mas  supieron 
de  esta  Jornada,’  i.  409,  and  on  the  strength  of  this  the  latter  argues  that 
Herrera’s  version,  dec.  ii.  lib.  v.  cap.  xiv.,  which  adheres  chiefly  to  Bernal 
Diaz’,  must  be  wrong.  Tapia,  Relacion,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc. , ii.  5G3,  con- 
forms chiefly  to  Gomara.  Robertson,  after  following  Bemal  Diaz,  takes  the 

trouble  of  having  the  ships  ‘ drawn  ashore  and broke  in  pieces.  ’ Hist.  A m. , 

ii.  33-4;  Claviyero,  Storii Mess. , iii.  35-G;  Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  iii.  2G2;  Sando- 
val, ilUt.  Carlos  V.,  i.  171;  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  v.  cap.,i.  Peralta  has  them 


186 


THE  SINKING  OF  THE  FLEET. 


“To  Mexico!”  was  now  the  cry,  and  preparations 
for  the  march  were  at  once  made.  Escalante,  whose 
character  and  services  had  endeared  him  to  Cortes, 


burned  by  secret  agents  of  Cortds.  Nat.  Hist.,  76.  Solis,  ever  zealous 
for  his  hero,  objects  to  Bemal  Diaz’  attempt  to  pluck  any  of  the  glory,  and 
scouts  the  idea  that  fears  of  pecuniary  liability  could  have  influenced  Cortes 
to  gain  the  approval  of  others  for  his  act.  ‘ Tuvo  4 destreza  de  historiador  el 
penetrar  lo  interior  de  las  acciones,’  is  the  complacent  tribute  to  his  own  skill 
in  penetrating  the  question.  Hist.  Mex. , i.  214-15.  The  view  of  the  founder- 
ing fleet,  appended  to  some  editions  of  his  work,  has  been  extensively  copied. 
One  is  given  in  the  Antwerp  edition  of  1704,  141.  A still  finer  view,  with 
the  men  busy  on  shore,  and  the  sinking  vessels  in  the  distance,  is  to  be 
found  in  the  Madrid  issue  of  17S3,  i.  213.  The  destruction  of  the  fleet  has 
been  lauded  in  extravagant  terms  by  almost  every  authority,  from  Gomara 
and  Solis  to  Robertson  and  Prescott,  as  an  unparalleled  deed.  Of  previous 
examples  there  are  enough,  however,  even  though  the  motives  and  the 
means  differ.  We  may  go  back  to  iEneas,  to  whose  fleet  the  wives  of  the 
party  applied  the  torch,  tired  of  roaming;  or  we  may  point  to  Agathocles, 
who  first  fired  his  soldiers  with  a resolution  to  conquer  or  to  die,  and 
then  compelled  them  to  keep  their  word  by  firing  the  vessels.  Julian  offered 
a tamer  instance  during  his  campaign  on  the  Tigris ; but  the  deed  of  the  ter- 
rible Barbarossa  in  the  Mediterranean,  only  a few  years  before  the  Mexican 
campaign,  was  marked  by  reckless  determination.  Still  examples  little  affect 
the  greatness  of  an  act ; motives,  means,  and  results  afford  the  criteria.  ‘ Pocos 
exemplos  destos  ay,  y aquellos  son  de  grandes  hombres.  ’ Gomara,  Hist.  Mex., 
65.  * Una  de  las  acciones  en  que  mas  se  reconoce  la  grandeza  de  su  dnimo .... 
Y no  sabemos  si  de  su  gdnero  se  hallard  mayor  alguna  en  todo  el  campo  de 
las  Iiistorias. ’ Solis,  Hist.  Mex.,  i.  213.  ‘An  effort  of  magnanimity,  to  which 
there  is  nothing  parallel  in  history.’  Robertson,  Hist.  Am.,  ii.  34.  ‘Un’  im- 
presa,  che  da  per  se  sola  basterebbe  a far  conoscere  la  sua  magnanimitd,  e ad 
immortalare  il  suo  nome.’  Clavifjero,  Storia  Mess.,  iii.  35;  Prescott,  Mex.,  i. 
375-0,  is  equally  carried  away,  and  he  finds  more  words  for  his  admiration. 
He  is  wrong  in  supposing  that  one  of  the  vessels  in  the  harbor  was  left  intact ; 
the  exempt  ship  referred  to  by  a chronicler  was  the  one  carrying  the  messen- 
gers to  Spain. 

Antonio  de  Solis  y Ribadeneyra  is  remarkable  as  the  first  Spanish  historian 
of  the  conquest.  It  appears  to  us  strange  that  an  episode  so  glorious  to  the 
fame  of  Castilians  should  have  been  allowed  to  lie  so  long  neglected  in  the 
musty  pages  of  their  chroniclers.  True,  these  were  worthy,  zealous  men,  who 
conscientiously  narrated  every  occurrence  of  any  note,  but  their  standard  for 
historic  truth  and  dignity  caused  them  to  clothe  facts,  however  striking,  in  a 
garb  of  dreary  gravity,  dryness  of  detail,  and  ambiguous  confusion,  w-hich  dis- 
couraged even  the  student.  It  required  the  dramatic  eye  of  the  composer  and 
the  imagination  of  the  poet  to  appreciate  the  picturesque  sketches  of  a strange 
people  now  fading  into  oblivion,  the  grandeur  of  a semi-savage  pageantry,  the 
romantic  exploits  that  recalled  the  achievements  of  the  Cid.  This  faculty 
was  innate  in  Solis,  developed  besides  by  a long  and  successful  career  in  let- 
ters. Fie  had  profited  also  by  the  advantages  opened  to  him  as  the  secretary 
of  Conde  de  Oropesa,  Viceroy  of  Navarre  and  of  Valencia,  who  Msecenas- 
like  fostered  the  talents  and  aided  in  the  promotion  of  the  promising  savant, 
for  as  such  he  already  ranked.  Cradled  in  the  famous  college  town  of  Alcald 
de  Henares,  he  had  given  early  evidence  of  talent,  and  at  Salamanca  uni- 
versity he  had  signalized  himself  in  his  seventeenth  year  by  producing  a 
comedy  of  considerable  merit.  While  pursuing  with  energy  the  study  of  law 
and  moral  philosophy,  he  cultivated  with  hardly  less  ardor  the  muses,  to 
which  end  he  was  no  doubt  impelled  also  by  his  intimacy  with  the  illustrious 


ANTONIO  DE  SOLIS. 


187 


was  placed  in  command  of  Villa  Rica.  The  native 
chiefs  were  directed  to  regard  him  as  the  representa- 

Calderon.  Several  of  his  dramas  were  received  with  acclamation,  and  one  was 
translated  into  French,  while  his  miscellaneous  poems,  reprinted  in  our  days, 
are  marked  by  a vivid  imagination  and  an  elegance  which  also  adorns  his  let- 
ters. Talents  so  conspicuous  did  not  wait  long  for  recognition,  and  with  the 
aid  of  his  patron  he  advanced  to  the  dignities  of  royal  secretary  and  chief 
chronicler  of  the  Indies.  When  56  year's  old  his  mind  underwent  a change, 
and  entering  the  church  he  abandoned  forever  the  drama  and  light  literature. 
The  pen  changed  only  its  sphere,  however,  for  it  served  the  historiographer 
zealously,  achieving  for  him  the  greatest  fame;  and  fame  alone,  for  at  his 
death,  in  April,  1686,  at  the  age  of  76,  deep  poverty  was  his  companion. 
When  he  entered  on  this  office  the  Indies  had  lapsed  into  the  dormant 
quietude  imposed  by  a strict  and  secluding  colonial  regime.  There  were  no 
stirring  incidents  to  reward  the  efforts  of  tne  historian,  save  those  connected 
with  free-booter  raids,  which  offered  little  that  could  flatter  Spanish  pride. 
To  achieve  fame  he  must  take  up  some  old  theme,  and  present  it  in  a form 
likely  to  rouse  attention  by  its  contrast.  Thus  it  was  that  ho  selected  the 
thrilling  episode  of  the  conquest  of  Mexico,  with  the  determination  to  rescue 
it  from  the  unskilful  arrangement  and  repetitions,  the  want  of  harmony  and 
consistency,  the  dryness  and  faulty  coloring,  to  which  it  had  hitherto  been 
subjected,  and  to  expend  upon  it  the  effects  of  elegant  style  and  vast  eru- 
dition. When  the  work  appeared  at  Madrid,  in  1684,  its  superior  merits  were 
instantly  recognized,  and  although  the  sale  at  first  was  not  large,  editions 
have  multiplied  till  our  day,  the  finest  and  costliest  being  the  illustrated  issue 
of  1783-4,  in  two  volumes,  which  I quote,  while  consulting  also  the  notes  of 
several  others.  So  grand  and  finely  elaborated  a subject,  and  that  from  a 
Spanish  historian  who  was  supposed  to  have  exhausted  all  the  available  re- 
sources of  the  Iberian  archives,  could  not  fail  to  rouse  general  attention 
throughout  Europe,  and  translations  were  made  into  different  languages. 
Robertson,  among  others,  while  not  failing  to  point  out  certain  blemishes, 
has  paid  the  high  compliment  of  accepting  Solis  for  almost  sole  guide  on 
the  conquest,  and  this  with  a blindness  which  at  times  leads  him  into  most 
amusing  errors.  Even  Prescott  warms  to  his  theme  in  a review  of  six  closely 
printed  pages,  wherein  eulogy,  though  not  unmingled  with  censure,  is  stronger 
than  a clearer  comprehension  of  the  theme  would  seem  to  warrant.  But  in  this 
he  is  impelled  to  a great  extent  by  his  oft  displayed  tendency  to  hero  worship. 

Solis  deserves  acknowledgment  for  bringing  order  out  of  chaos,  for  pre- 
senting in  a connected  form  the  narrative  of  the  conquest,  and  for  adorning  it 
with  an  elegant  style.  But  he  has  fulfilled  only  a part  of  the  promises  made 
in  his  preface,  and  above  all  has  he  neglected  to  obtain  information  on  his 
topic  beyond  that  presented  in  a few  of  the  generally  accessible  works,  even 
their  evidence  being  not  very  closely  examined.  He  has  also  taken  great 
liberties  with  the  text,  subordinating  facts  to  style  and  fancy,  seizing  every 
possible  opportunity  to  manufacture  speeches  for  both  native  and  Spanish 
heroes,  and  this  with  an  amusing  disregard  for  the  consistency  of  lan- 
guage with  the  person  and  the  time.  His  religious  tendencies  seriously 
interfere  with  calm  judgment,  and  impel  him  to  rave  with  bigoted  zeal 
against  the  natives.  The  hero  worship  of  the  dramatist  introduces  itself  to 
such  an  extent  as  frequently  to  overshadow  everything  else,  and  to  mis- 
represent. ‘Sembra  piu.  un  panegirico,  che  una  istoria,’  says  Clavigero,  very 
aptly.  Storia  Mess.,  i.  16.  His  arguments  and  deductions  are  at  times  most 
childish,  while  his  estimation  of  himself  as  a historian  and  thinker  i3  aired  in 
more  than  one  place  with  a ridiculous  gravity.  With  regard  to  style,  Solis  had 
Livy  for  a model,  and  belonged  to  the  elder  school  of  historians ; he  was  its  last 
good  representative,  in  fact.  His  language  is  expressive  and  elegant,  greatly 
imbued  with  a poetic  spirit  not  unsuited  to  the  subject,  and  sustained  in 
eloquence,  while  its  pure  idiom  aids  to  maintain  the  work  as  classic  among 


1S8 


THE  SINKING  OF  THE  FLEET. 


tive  of  the  general,  and  to  supply  him  with  every 
requirement.7 

Some  nine  days  after  the  sinking  of  the  fleet  a 
messenger  arrived  from  Escalante,  announcing  that 
four  vessels8  had  passed  by  the  harbor,  refusing  to 
enter,  and  had  anchored  three  leagues  off,  at  the 
mouth  of  a river.  Fearing  the  descent  upon  him  of 
Velazquez,  Cortes  hurried  off  with  four  horsemen, 
after  selecting  fifty  soldiers  to  follow.  Alvarado  and 
Sandoval  were  left  jointly  in  charge  of  the  army, 
to  the  exclusion  of  Avila,  who  manifested  no  little 
jealousy  of  the  latter.  Cortes  halted  at  the  town 
merely  to  learn  particulars,  declining  Escalante’s 
hospitality  with  the  proverb,  “A  lame  goat  has  no 
rest.”  On  the  way  to  the  vessels  they  met  a notary 
with  two  witnesses,9  commissioned  to  arrange  a boun- 
dary on  behalf  of  Francisco  de  Garay,  who  claimed 
the  coast  to  the  north  as  first  discoverer,  and  desired 
to  form  a settlement  a little  beyond  Nautla.  It  ap- 
peared that  Garay,  who  had  come  out  with  Diego 
Colon,  and  had  risen  from  procurador  of  Espahola 

Castilians.  ‘Ingenio  Conceptnoso,  Floridisimo,  i Eloquente,’  is  the  observa- 
tion in  the  work  of  his  historiographic  predecessor,  Pinelo,  Epitome,  ii.  607. 
But  it  lacks  in  boldness  and  dignity ; the  rhapsodies  are  often  misplaced,  and 
the  verboseness  is  tiresome.  Some  of  the  faults  are  of  course  due  to  the  time, 
but  not  the  many,  and  it  also  becomes  only  too  apparent  that  Solis  is  so  con- 
ceitedly infatuated  with  his  affected  grandiloquence  as  to  sacrifice  facts 
wherever  they  interfere  with  it3  free  scope.  It  is  said  that  he  intended  to 
continue  the  history  of  Mexico  after  the  conquest,  and  that  death  alone 
prevented  the  consummation  of  the  project.  But  this  is  mere  conjecture, 
and  it  appears  just  as  likely  that  the  dramatist  recognized  the  effect  of 
closing  a great  work  at  so  appropriate  a point  as  the  fall  of  Mexico.  The 
work  was  taken  up,  however,  by  Salazar  y Olarte,  who  published  in  1743  the 
second  part  of  the  Counties',  till  the  death  of  Cortes,  abounding  in  all  the 
faults  of  the  superficial  and  florid  composition  of  Solis. 

7 ‘Luego  le  zahumaron  [the  chiefs]  al  Juan  de  Escalante  con  sus  inciensos.’ 
Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  40.  ‘I)cj<5  en  la  villa  de  la  Veracruz  ciento  y cin- 
cuenta  liombres  con  doze  de  caballo.’  Cortes,  Cartas,  52-3.  One  hundred  and 
fifty  Spaniards,  with  two  horses  and  two  fire-arms,  were  left  hereunder  Pedro 
de  Ircio,  Gomara,  Hist.  Mcx. , G5-G,  but  Bernal  Diaz  corrects  him.  ‘Al  Pedro 
de  Ircio  no  le  auian  dado  cargo  ninguno,  ni  aun  de  cuadrillero. ’ ubi  sup.; 
[xtlilxochitl.  Hist.  Chick.,  291.  The  force  seems  to  be  altogether  too  large. 
Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  51,  says  GO  old  and  suffering  soldiers  were  left  as 
garrison. 

8 Bernal  Diaz  says  one  vessel ; but  Cortes  and  other  authorities  mention  four. 

9 Bernal  Diaz,  who  appears  to  have  been  with  the  party,  names  them  as 
Guillen  de  la  Loa,  notary;  Andres  Nunez,  shipwright;  Pedro  de  la  Arpa,  a 
Valeneian,  and  a fourth  man.  Hist.  Verdad.,  40. 


PIXEDA  UPOX  THE  COAST. 


ISO 


to  become  governor  of  Jamaica,  had  resolved  to 
devote  his  great  wealth  to  extending  his  fame  as 
explorer  and  colonizer.  On  learning  from  Alaminos 
aird  his  fellow  voyagers  of  the  coasts  discovered  in 
this  direction,  he  resolved  to  revive  the  famed  projects 
of  Ponce  de  Leon,  and  with  this  view  despatched  a 
small  fleet  in  1518,  under  Diego  de  Camargo.10  Driven 
back  by  the  Floridans  with  great  slaughter,  says 
Gomara,  the  expedition  sailed  down  to  Panuco  River, 
again  to  be  repulsed,  with  the  loss  of  some  men, 
who  were  flayed  and  eaten.  Torralba,  steward  of 
Garay,  was  then  sent  to  Spain,  and  there,  with  the 
aid  of  Garay’s  friends,  obtained  for  him  a commission 
as  adclantado  and  governor  of  the  territories  that  he 
might  discover  north  of  Rio  San  Pedro  y San  Pablo.11 
Meanwhile  a new  expedition  was  despatched  to 
Panuco,  under  Alonso  Alvarez  Pineda,  to  form  a 
settlement  and  to  barter  for  gold.  After  obtaining 
some  three  thousand  pesos,  Pineda  sailed  southward 
to  take  possession  and  to  select  a site  for  the  colony.12 

And  now  while  the  notary  is  endeavoring  to 
arrange  matters  with  Cortes,  Pineda  waits  for  him 
a little  distance  from  the  shore.  At  that  moment 

,0‘Armo  Francisco  de  Garay  tres  carauelas  en  Iamaica,  el  ano  de  mil 
quinietos  y dezioclio,  y fue  a tentar  la  Florida.’  Gomara,  Hist.  lt  d.,  55. 
‘Determine  de  enviar  a un  hidalgo,  llamadq  Diego  de  Camargo,  a descubrir  6 
continuar  el  descubrimiento  que  Grijalva  liabia  hecho,  con  uno  6 con  dos 
uavios ; el  cual  descubrio  la  provincia  de  Panuco,  6,  por  mejor  decir,  comenzo 
de  alii  donde  Grijalva  se  liabia  tornado,  que  fue  desde  Panuco,  y r.nduvo 
navegando  por  la  costa  cien  leguas  hacia  la  Florida.’  Las  Casas,  Hist,  lnd.,  iv. 
4GG;  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  iii.  cap.  xi.;  Cahwno’s  Diseov.,  133-4. 

11  See  llist.  Mix. , i.  29,  this  series.  ‘El  Rey  se  las  concedio  el  ano  de  819, 
estando  en  Barcelona.’  Las  Casas,  loc.  cit.  ‘Torralua . . . truxo  prouisiones 
para  que  fuesse  Adelantado,  y Gouernador  desde  cl  rio  de  San  Pedro,  y San 
Pablo,  y todo  lo  que  descubriesse : y por  aquellas  pruisiones  embib  luego  tres 
Xauios  con  liastadozientos  y setenta  soldados.  ’ Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  41. 

Bernal  Diaz  intimates  that  Pineda  had  remained  at  Rio  Panuco  to  colo- 
nize, while  one  vessel  was  sent  down  to  take  possession  where  Cortes  met 
the  men.  After  giving  an  account  of  two  expeditions  in  1518  and  1519,  Go- 
mara says:  ‘Otros  dizen,  que  no  fue  mas  de  vna  vez.  Sino  que  como  estuuo 
niuclio  alia  cuetan  por  dos.  ’ H 1st.  I nd. , 55.  But  Las  Casas  mentions  distinctly 
that  it  was  on  the  strength  of  Camargo ’s  discoveries,  in  1518,  that  the  grant 
wa3  made  to  Garay  in  the  following  year,  ubi  sup.  ‘Garai  auia  conidomucha 
costa  en  demada  de  la  Florida,  y tocado  en  vn  rio  y tierra,  cuyo  rey  se  llamaua 
Panuco,  donde  vieron  oro,  aun  que  poco.  Y que  sin  salir  de  las  naues  auia  res- 
catado  hasta  tres  mil  pesos  de  oro.’  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  G7;  Cortes,  Cartas, 
5G-7;  Ov.edo,  iii.  2G2-3;  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  vi.  cap.  i. 


190 


THE  SINKING  OF  THE  FLEET. 


Corths  cared  little  for  Garays  or  boundaries;  but  lie 
would  by  no  means  object  to  a few  more  Spaniards  to 
take  tlie  place  of  those  he  had  hanged,  and  of  others 
whom  he  might  yet  be  obliged  to  hang.  To  this  end 
he  converted  perforce  to  his  cause  the  notary  and  his 
attendants.  Then  learning  from  them  that  Pineda 
could  on  no  account  be  prevailed  on  to  land  for  a 
conference,  Cortes  signalled  to  the  vessels  with  the 
hope  that  more  men  would  come  on  shore.  This 
failing,  he  bethought  himself  of  letting  three  of  his 
men  exchange  clothes  with  the  new-comers  and  ap- 
proach the  landing,  while  he  marched  back  with  the 
rest  in  full  view  of  the  vessels.  As  soon  as  it  grew 
dark,  the  whole  force  returned  to  hide  near  the  spot. 
It  was  not  till  late  the  following  morning  that  the 
suspicious  Pineda  responded  to  the  signals  from 
shore,  and  sent  off  a boat  with  armed  men.  The  trio 
now  withdrew  behind  some  bushes,  as  if  for  shade. 
Four  Spaniards  and  one  Indian  landed,  armed  with 
two  firelocks  and  two  cross-bows,  and  on  reaching 
the  shrubbery  they  were  pounced  upon  by  the  hidden 
force,  while  the  boat  pushed  off  to  join  the  vessels  all 
ready  to  sail.13 

13  ‘ El  uno  (of  the  captured  ones)  era  maestre  de  la  una  nao,  6 puso  fuego  d 
la  escopeta,  6 matara  al  capitan  de  la  Veracruz,  sino  que  <i  la  mecha  le  falt6 
el  fuego.’  Oviedo,  iii.  263.  Berna^  Diaz,  in  a less  intelligent  account  of  the 
capture,  states  that  only  two  men  landed.  ‘Por  manera  que  se  huuieron 

de  aquel  Nauio  seis  soldados Y esto  es  lo  que  se  hizo,  y no  lo  que  escriue 

el  Coronista  Gomara.’  Hist.  Verdad. , 41.  But  Cortes’  version  must  surely  be 
the  best,  since  it  was  related  shortly  after  the  occurrence,  and  by  an  im- 
mediate participator  in  the  events. 


CHAPTER  XII. 


MARCH  TOWARD  MEXICO. 

AUGUST-SePTEMBER,  1519. 

Enthusiasm  of  the  Army — The  Force — The  Totonacs  Advise  the  Tlas- 

calan  Route — Arrival  at  Jalapa — A Look  Backward — The  Anahuao 

Plateau — Meeting  with  Olintetl — Arrival  in  the  Country  of 

THE  TlASCALTECS — TllE  SENATE  CONVENES  AND  RECEIVES  THE  ENVOYS 

of  Cortes — An  Encounter — A More  Serious  Battle — Xicotencatl 

Resolves  to  Try  the  Prowess  of  the  Invaders,  and  is  Defeated. 

The  Garay  affair  having  thus  been  disposed  of,  it 
was  announced  to  the  Spaniards  that  they  would 
now  go  in  quest  of  the  great  Montezuma.  For  as 
the  conciliating  sea  smooths  the  sand  which  but 
lately  it  ground  in  its  determinate  purpose  from  the 
rocks,  so  had  Cortes  quieted  the  ruffled  temper  of 
the  malcontents,  till  they  were  committed  as  one 
man  to  the  will  of  the  leader.  And  he  smiled  some- 
what grimly  as  he  concluded  his  harangue:  “To 
success  or  total  destruction  now  we  march ; for  there 
is  open  to  us  no  retreat.  In  Christ  we  trust,  and  on 
our  arms  rely.  And  though  few  in  number,  our 
hearts  are  strong.”  The  soldiers  shouted  their  ap- 
proval, and  again  signified  their  desire  to  press  onward 
to  Mexico.1 

The  force  for  the  expedition  consisted  of  about 
four  hundred  and  fifty  Spaniards,  with  fifteen  horses, 
and  six  or  seven  light  guns,  attended  by  a consider- 
able number  of  Indian  warriors  and  carriers,  in- 
cluding Cubans.  The  Totonac  force  comprised  also 
forty  chiefs,  taken  really  as  hostages,  among  whom 

1 ‘ Y todos  a vna  le  respondimos,  que  hariamos  lo  que  ordenasse,  que  echada 
estaua  la  suerte  de  la  buena  6 mala  ventura.  ’ Bernal  Diaz,  llist.  Verdad. , 40. 

(101) 


192 


MARCH  TOWARD  MEXICO. 


are  named  Mamexi,  Tamalli,  and  Teuch,  the  latter 
proving  a most  able  and  trusty  guide  and  counsellor.2 3 * 

The  advice  of  the  Totonacs  is  to  take  the  route 
through  Tlascala,  as  a state  friendly  to  them  and  bit- 
terly opposed  to  the  Mexicans,  and  on  the  16th  of 
August  the  army  leaves  Cempoala  for  the  interior. 
Soon  begins  the  gentle  ascent  which  lifts  them  from 
oppressive  heat  and  overpowering  vegetation  to  cooler 


o Citlaltepec 


NauhcairpatepetC'e  \_A!^E?n 

°Hueyofl!pan  or  Cofre  de  Perote’^to*,.  oJ®3aPa 


Tezcuco 


Calpulalpan 


Iztapal  apan  ^ulteptc 

As’Af’Culhuacan  TzoniP»niJ./.  ? 

& ?°ii-  Tlascrila  "<0° 


or  Cofre  de  Peroterjo^y.  °Ja,:i 
Teoxihuacan  ^°Co 

Tejofla 

Xocotlan  or°  *jf  ^e  0, 


Iztaccihuatl  . 


Clialco  HUEXOTZINCO 
Tlalmanalco 


Amaquemecan  CHOLULA 


Quauhquecholl&n  o 
Itzucan? 


Popocatepetl  0fizabai 


AcaUingo 

o 

o 

Quecliolac 


Tepeaca 


.'ilia  iR  ica= | 

^ ^ Cu»rdiuizllau^|^j=^?uz' 

Castilblanco  '°S  v 

Iztacmiatltian  *'  ^ 

¥ 


2 Bernal  Diaz  states,  65,  that  on  reaching  Mexico  City  ‘no  llegauamos  <i 
450  soldados,’  intimating  that  they  must  have  amounted  to  fully  this  figure 
on  leaving  Villa  Rica.  This  would  allow  fully  120  men  to  Escalante,  which 
appears  a large  garrison,  even  after  making  allowances  for  the  old  and  Infirm. 
Gomara  places  the  force  at  400  Spaniards,  with  15  horses,  G guns,  and  1300 
Indians,  including  Cubans  and  carriers.  Conq.  Mex.,  67 ; Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib. 
vi.  cap.  i. ; Torquemada,  i.  411,  517.  Ixtlilxochitl  increases  this  to  7 guns, 

1300  warriors,  and  1000  carriers.  ‘ Con  quince  decaballoy  trescientos  peones.’ 
Cortes,  Cartas,  52.  Cort6s  refers  later  on  to  400  Cempoalans.  He  mentions 
merely  200  carriers.  Clavigero  has  415  Spaniards,  a figure  resulting  from  a 
misreading  of  his  original.  Storia  Mess.,  iii.  36.  Solis,  Hist.  Mex.,  i.  216-17, 
fo.lowed  of  course  by  Robertson,  changes  the  figures  to  500  men,  200  carriers, 
and  400  Indian  troops.  A page,  twelve  years  old,  was  left  with  the  lord  of 
Cempoala  to  learn  the  language.  ‘ Tomaron  un  indio  principal  que  llamahan 

Ttacochalcatl  para  que  los  mostrase  el  camino,’  taken  from  the  country  by 
G.ijalva,  and  brought  back  by  Cort6s.  Sahwjun,  Conq.  Mex.,  16.  Shortly 
before  beginning  the  march,  says  Duran,  a messenger  arrived  from  Mexico 
in  the  person  of  Motelchiuh,  sent  by  Montezuma  to  serve  as  guide,  and  to 
provide  for  the  proper  service  and  hospitality  on  the  way.  Being  told  that  no 
guide  was  needed,  he  returned,  leaving  orders  with  the  caciques  en  route  to 

tender  good  reception  to  the  strangers.  Duran,  Hist.  Ind.,  MS.,  ii.  405-10. 


NATURE’S  GLORIES. 


193 


regions,  and  at  the  close  of  the  second  day  is  reached 
the  beautiful  Jalapa,3  a halting -place  between  the 
border  of  the  sea  and  the  upper  plateau. 

There  they  turn  with  one  accord  and  look  back. 
How  charming ! how  inexpressibly  refreshing  are 
these  approaching  highlands  to  the  Spaniards,  so 
lately  from  the  malarious  Isthmus  and  the  jungle- 
covered  isles,  and  whose  ancestors  not  long  since  had 
held  all  tropics  to  be  uninhabitable;  on  the  border, 
too,  of  Montezuma’s  kingdom,  wrapped  in  the  soft 
folds  of  perpetual  spring.  Before  the  invaders  are 
the  ardent  waters  of  the  gulf,  instant  in  their  humane 
pilgrimage  to  otherwise  frozen  and  uninhabitable 
lands;  before  them  the  low,  infectious  tierrct  ccdiente 
that  skirts  the  lofty  interior  threateningly,  like  the 
poisoned  garment  of  Hercules,  with  vegetation  bloated 
by  the  noxious  air  and  by  nourishment  sucked  from 
the  putrid  remains  of  nature’s  opulence,  while  over  all, 
tilled  with  the  remembrance  of  streams  stained  san- 
guine from  sacrificial  altars,  passes  with  sullen  sighs 
the  low- voiced  winds.  But  a change  comes  gradually 
as  the  steep  ascent  is  made  that  walls  the  healthful 
table -land  of  Anritiuac.  On  the  templacla  terrace 
new  foliage  is  observed,  though  still  glistening  with 
sun-painted  birds  and  enlivened  by  parliaments  of 
monkeys.  Insects  and  flowers  bathe  in  waves  of 
burning  light  until  they  display  a variety  of  colors 
as  wonderful  as  they  are  brilliant,  while  from  cool 
canons  rise  metallic  mists  overspreading  the  warm 
hills.  Blue  and  purple  are  the  summits  in  the  dis- 
tance, and  dim  glowing  hazy  the  imperial  heights 
beyond  that  daily  baffle  the  departing  sun.  And  on 
the  broad  plateau,  whose  rich  earth  with  copious  yield 

3Meaning  ‘ Spring  in  the  Sand.  ’ Rivera, Hist.  Jalapa,  i.app.7.  ‘Ylaprimera 
jomado  fuimos  a vn  pueblo,  que  se  dize  Xalapa.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Vcrdasl.. 
41.  But  the  road  was  too  long  for  one  day’s  march.  I may  here  observe  that 
Bernal  Diaz  is  remarkably  faulty  in  his  account  of  this  march  and  of  the  cam- 
paign into  Tlascala,  and  this  is  admitted  by  several  writers,  who  nevertheless 
follow  him  pretty  closely.  The  place  is  known  the  world  over  for  its  fairs  and 
productions,  particularly  for  the  drug  bearing  its  name,  and  is  famous  in  the 
neighboring  districts  for  its  eternal  spring  and  beautiful  surroundings. 

Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  I.  13 


194 


MARCH  TOWARD  MEXICO. 


of  gold  and  grain  allures  to  cultivation,  all  the  realm 
are  out  of  doors  keeping  company  with  the  sun. 
From  afar  comes  the  music-laden  breeze  whispering 
its  secrets  to  graceful  palms,  aloft  against  the  sky, 
and  which  bend  to  meet  the  confidence,  while  the 
little  shrubs  stand  motionless  with  awe.  Each  cluster 
of  trees  repeats  the  story,  and  sings  in  turn  its  own 
matin  to  which  the  rest  are  listeners.  At  night,  how 
glittering  bright  with  stars  the  heavens,  which  other- 
wise were  a shroud  of  impenetrable  blackness.  In 
this  land  of  wild  Arcadian  beauty  the  beasts  are 
free,  and  man  keeps  constant  holiday.  And  how  the 
hearts  of  these  marauders  burned  within  them  as  they 
thought,  nothing  doubting,  how  soon  these  glories 
should  be  Spain’s  and  theirs. 

The  boundary  of  the  Totonac  territory  was  crossed, 
and  on  the  fourth  day  the  army  entered  a province 
called  by  Cortes  Sienchimalen,  wherein  the  sway  of 
Montezuma  was  still  maintained.  This  made  no 
difference  to  the  Spaniards,  however,  for  the  late 
imperial  envoys  had  left  orders  with  the  coast  gov- 
ernors to  treat  the  strangers  with  every  consider- 
ation. Of  this  they  had  a pleasing  experience  at 
Xicochimalco,4 *  a strong  fortress  situated  on  the  slope 
of  a steep  mountain,  to  which  access  could  be  had 
only  by  a stairway  easily  defended.  It  overlooked 
a sloping  plain  strewn  with  villages  and  farms, 
mustering  in  all  nearly  six  thousand  warriors.6 *  With 
replenished  stores  the  expedition  began  to  ascend  the 
cordillera  in  reality,  and  to  approach  the  pine  forests 
which  mark  the  border  of  the  tierra  fria.  March- 
ing through  a hard  pass  named  Nombre  de  Dios,8 
they  entered  another  province  defended  by  a fortress. 


4 Identified  with  Naulinco.  Lorenzana , Viac/e,  p.  ii. 

3 Cortes  refers  to  a friendly  chat  with  the  governor,  who  mentioned  the 
orders  he  had  received  to  offer  the  Spaniards  all  necessities.  Cartas,  57. 

6 ‘ Por  ser  el  primero  que  en  estas  tierras  habxamos  pasado.  El  cual  es  tan 

agro  y alto,  que  no  lo  hay  en  Espana  otro.’  Cortes,  Cartas,  57.  ‘ Hoy  se  llama 

el  Paso  del  Obispo.’  Lorenzana,  ubi  sup.  ‘Ay  en  ella  muchas  parras  con  vuas, 
y arboles  co  miel.’  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  68. 


OLIXTETL  OF  XOCOTLAN. 


193 


named  Teoxihuacan,7  in  no  wise  inferior  to  the  first 
for  strength  or  hospitality.  They  now  finished  the 
ascent  of  the  cordillera,  passed  through  Tejotla,  and  for 
three  days  continued  their  way  through  the  alkaline 
wastes  skirting  the  ancient  volcano  of  Nauhcampate- 
petl,8  exposed  to  chilling  winds  and  hailstorms,  which 
the  Spaniards  with  their  quilted  armor  managed  to 
endure,  but  which  caused  to  succumb  many  of  the 
less  protected  and  less  hardy  Cubans.  The  brackish 
water  also  brought  sickness.  On  the  fourth  day  the 
pass  of  Puerto  de  Lena,9  so  called  from  the  wood 
piled  near  some  temples,  admitted  them  to  the  And- 
liuac  plateau,  over  seven  thousand  feet  above  the  sea. 
With  a less  balmy  climate  and  a flora  less  redundant 
than  that  of  the  Antillean  stamping-ground,  it  offered 
on  the  other  hand  the  attraction  of  beingr  not  unlike 

O 

their  native  Spain.  A smiling  valley  opened  before 
them,  doubly  alluring  to  the  pinched  wanderers,  with 
its  broad  fields  of  corn,  dotted  with  houses,  and  dis- 
playing not  far  off  the  gleaming  walls  and  thirteen 
towering  temples  of  Xocotlan,  the  capital  of  the  dis- 
trict. Some  Portuguese  soldiers  declaring  it  the 
very  picture  of  their  cherished  Castilblanco,  this 
name  was  applied  to  it.10 

Cacique  Olintetl,  nicknamed  the  temblador  from 
the  shaking  of  his  fat  body,  came  forth  witli  a suite 
and  escorted  them  through  the  plaza  to  the  quarters 
assigned  them,  past  pryamids  of  grinning  human 
skulls,  estimated  by  Bernal  Diaz  at  over  one  hundred 

7 ‘Hoy  se  nombra  Ixhuacdn  de  los  Reyes.’  Lorenzana,  Vi  age. 

8,De  Nau/icampa,  quatre  parties,  et  tepetl,  montagne.’  Humboldt,  Vues, 
ii.  191 . Equivalent  to  the  Spanish  name  of  Cofre  de  Perote. 

9 Lorenzana  believes  it  to  be  the  later  Sierra  de  la  Agua.  A map  with 
profile  of  the  route  is  given  in  Carbajal  Espinosa,  Hist.  M<fx. , ii.  201;  and  a 
still  better  map  by  Orozco  y Berra,  Itiuerario,  in  Noticias  Mcx. , 233. 

10  The  name  must  not  be  confounded  with  Zacatlan,  as  Ixtlilxochitl  calls  it, 
for  this  lies  north  of  Tlascala.  ‘ Este  valle  y poblacion  se  llama  Caltanmi.’ 

‘ Tenia  las  mayores  y mas  bien  labradas  casas  que  hasta  entonces ....  habiamos 
visto.  ’ Cortes,  Cartas  58.  Lorenzana  says,  ‘ the  present  Tlatlanquitepec,  ’ in 
the  lower  lying  portion  of  which  stood  the  palace  of  Caltanni,  ‘ house  below ; ’ 
and  there  stands  the  big  tree  to  which  the  natives  say  that  Cortes  tied  his 

horse.  Viage,  pp.  iii.-iv.  ‘ Llamase Zaclotan  aquel  lugar,  y el  valle  Zaca- 

tami.’  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  68;  Oviedo,  iii.  2G0.  Cocotlan.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist, 
Verdad.,  41. 


19G 


MARCH  TOWARD  MEXICO. 


thousand.  There  were  also  piles  of  bones,  and  skulls 
suspended  from  beams,  all  of  which  produced  far  from 
pleasant  impressions.  This  horror  was  aggravated 
by  the  evident  coldness  of  their  reception,  and  by  the 
scanty  fare  offered.11  Olintetl  occupied  what  Cortes 
describes  as  the  “ largest  and  most  finely  constructed 
houses  he  had  yet  seen  in  this  country,”  wherein  two 
thousand  servants  attended  to  the  wants  of  himself 
and  his  thirty  wives. 

Impressed  by  the  magnificence  of  his  surroundings, 
Cortes  inquired  whether  he  was  a subject  or  ally  of 
Montezuma.  “Who  is  not  his  slave?”  was  the  reply. 
He  himself  ruled  twenty  thousand  subjects,12  yet  was 
but  a lowly  vassal  of  the  emperor,  at  whose  command 
thirty  chiefs  at  least  could  place  each  one  hundred 
thousand  warriors  in  the  field.  He  proceeded  to  extol 
the  imperial  wealth  and  power,  and  the  grandeur  of 
the  capital,  wherein  twenty  thousand  human  victims 
were  annually  given  to  the  idols.  This  was  probably 
intended  to  awe  the  little  band;  “But  we,”  says 
Bernal  Diaz,13  “with  the  qualities  of  Spanish  soldiers, 
wished  we  were  there  striving  for  fortunes,  despite 
the  dangers  described.”  Cortes  calmly  assured  the 
cacique  that  great  as  Montezuma  was,  there  were 
vassals  of  his  own  king  still  mightier,  with  more  to  the 
same  effect;  and  he  concluded  by  demanding  the  sub- 
mission of  the  cacique,  together  with  a present  of  gold, 
and  the  abandonment  of  sacrifices  and  cannibalism. 
Olintetl’s  only  reply  was  that  he  could  do  nothing 
without  authority  from  the  capital.  “Your  Monte- 

11  Gomara  intimates  that  the  Spaniards  were  well  received,  and  had  50  men 
sacrificed  in  their  honor.  Hist.  Hex. , GS.  The  native  records  state  that  bread 
sprinkled  with  the  blood  of  fresh  victims  was  offered  to  them,  as  to  idols,  but 
this  being  rejected  with  abhorrence,  pure  food  was  brought.  Before  this 
sorcerers  had  been  sent  to  use  their  arts  against  them,  by  spreading  diseases, 
casting  spells  to  prevent  their  advance,  and  otherwise  opposing  them.  But 
everything  failed  before  the  magic  influence  shed  perhaps  by  the  banner  of 
the  cross.  Duran,  Hist.  Ind.,  MS.,  ii.  401-8;  Sahagun,  Hist.  Conq. , 14 ; Acosta, 
Hist.  Ind.,  518;  Torquemada,  i.  417-8. 

12  ‘ Tenia  Montezuma  en  este  pueblo,  y su  comarca,  cinco  mil  soldados  de 
guarniciou.’  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  vi.  cap.  ii. 

nConq.  Mcx.,  42.  ‘Amuchos  valientes  por  ventura  desmayara,  ’ says  to  the 
contrary  Gomara,  Hist.  Mcx.,  GO. 


IZTACMIXTITLAN. 


197 


zuma,”  replied  the  audacious  Spaniard,  with  suppressed 
anger,  “shall  speedily  send  you  orders  to  surrender  to 
me  gold  or  any  other  desired  effects  in  your  possession.” 

More  generous  were  the  caciques  of  two  towns 
at  the  other  end  of  the  valley,  who  brought  a few 
golden  trifles  and  eight  female  slaves.14  The  revela- 
tions of  the  Cempoalans  and  of  Marina  concerning  the 
wonderful  power  of  the  Spaniards,  and  the  honors 
paid  them  by  Montezuma’s  envoys,  had  the  effect  of 
making  Olintetl  also  more  liberal  with  provisions  at 
least.  Beino-  asked  about  the  road  to  Mexico  he 

O 

recommended  that  through  Cholula,  but  the  Cem- 
poalans representing  the  Cholultecs  as  highly  treach- 
erous, and  devoted  to  the  Aztecs,  the  Tlascalan  route 
was  chosen,  and  four  Totonac  chiefs  were  despatched 
to  ask  permission  of  the  republican  rulers  to  pass 
through  their  lands.  A letter  served  as  mystic  creden- 
tials, and  a red  bushy  Flemish  hat  for  a present.15 

After  a stay  of  four  days  the  army  proceeded  up 
the  valley,  without  leaving  the  customary  cross,  it 
seems,  with  which  they  had  marked  their  route  hith- 
erto; the  reason  for  this  was  the  objection  of  Padre 
Olmedo  to  expose  the  emblem  to  desecration  in  a 
place  not  wholly  friendly  to  them.10  The  road  lay 
for  two  leagues  through  a densely  settled  district  to 
Iztacmixtitlan,  the  seat  of  Tenamaxcuicuitl,  a town 
which  Cortes  describes  as  situated  upon  a lofty  height, 
with  very  good  houses,  a population  of  from  five  to  six 
thousand  families,  and  possessing  comforts  superior 
to  those  of  Xocotlan.  “It  has  a better  fortress,”  he 

14  Cortts,  Cartas,  59.  Bernal  Diaz  assumes  that  Olintetl  was  persuaded  by 
the  Cempoalans  to  conciliate  Cort6s  with  four  slaves,  a few  paltry  pieces  of 
jewelry,  and  a load  of  cloth. 

15  Camargo  sends  the  letter  from  Cempoala,  together  with  a sword,  a cross- 
bow, and  a red  silk  cap.  Hist.  Tlax.,  145.  But  it  is  not  probable  that 
Cortes  would  deprive  himself  of  such  needful  articles,  not  overabundant  with 
him,  even  if  he  had  no  objection  to  let  Indians  examine  them.  Bernal  Diaz, 
Hist.  Verdatl.,  42-3,  despatches  two  Cempoalans  from  a later  station,  and 
this  on  hearing  that  the  Tlascaltecs  had  risen  to  oppose  them. 

16  Still  Gomara,  in  his  sweeping  way,  declares  that  Cortes  ‘puso  muchas 
cruzes  en  los  templos,  derrocado  los  idolos  corao  lo  hazia  en  cada  lugar.  ’ Hist. 
Hex.,  70;  Tapia,  Relacion,  in  hazbalceta.  Col.  Hoc.,  ii.  567.  Twenty  leading 
warriors  were  taken  from  here,  says  Bernal  Diaz. 


193 


MARCH  TOWARD  MEXICO. 


writes,  “than  there  is  in  half  Spain,  defended  by  a 
wall,  barbican,  and  moats.”  The  cacique  who  had 
invited  the  visit  made  amends  for  the  cold  reception 
of  the  previous  chief,  and  the  Spaniards  remained 
for  three  days  waiting  in  vain  for  the  return  of  the 
messengers  sent  to  Tlascala.  They  then  passed  on- 
ward, reinforced  by  about  three  hundred  warriors  from 
the  town.17  Two  leagues’  march  brought  them  to  the 
boundary  of  Tlascala,  conspicuous  by  a wall  of  stone 
and  mortar  nine  feet  in  height  and  twenty  in  breadth, 
which  stretched  for  six  miles  across  a valley,  from 
mountain  to  mountain,  and  was  provided  with  breast- 
works and  ditches.18 

Between  latitude  19°  and  20°  ranges  of  hills  cut 
the  plain  of  Andhuac  into  four  unequal  parts.  In  the 
centre  of  the  one  eastward  stood  the  capital  of  Tlascala. 
The  state  so  carefully  protected  was  about  the  same 
small  territory  which  we  now  see  on  the  map,19  with 
twenty-eight  towns,  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  thou- 
sand families,  according  to  the  rough  census  taken  by 
Cortes.20  A branch  of  the  Teo-Chichimec  nation,  the 
Tlascaltecs  had,  according  to  tradition,  entered  upon 
the  plateau  shortly  before  the  cognate  Aztecs,  and, 
after  occupying  for  a time  a tract  on  the  western  shore 
of  Tezcuco  Lake,  they  had  tired  of  the  constant  dis- 
putes with  neighboring  tribes  and  proceeded  eastward, 
in  three  divisions,  the  largest  of  which  had,  late  in 
the  thirteenth  century,  taken  possession  of  Tlascala, 
‘Place  of  Bread.’  The  soil  was  rich,  as  implied  by  the 
name,  but  owing  to  the  continued  wars  with  former 
enemies,  reinforced  by  the  Aztecs,  they  found  little 
opportunity  to  make  available  their  wealth  by  means 

17Clavigero  calls  tlxem  ‘ un  competente  numero  di  truppe  Messicane  del 
presidio  di  Xocotla,’  Storia  Afess.,  iii.  41,  which  is  unlikely. 

18  See  Native  Races,  ii.  568,  et  seq. 

19  Fifteen  leagues  from  west  to  east,  ten  from  north  to  south,  says  Tor- 
quemada,  i.  276.  Herrera  extends  it  to  30  leagues  in  width. 

20  ‘ Hay  en  esta  provincia,  por  visitacion  que  yo  en  ella  mandh  hacer.  ciento 
cincuenta  mil  vecinos.’  Cortes,  Cartas,  69.  In  the  older  edition  of  these 
letters  by  Lorenzana,  it  reads,  500,000  families,  a figure  which  in  itself 
indicates  an  exaggeration,  but  has  nevertheless  been  widely  copied.  Gotnara, 
Hist.  Mex. , S7. 


y 


SOMETHING  OF  TLASCALA.  190 

of  industries  and  trade,  and  of  late  years  a blockade 
had  been  maintained  which  deprived  them  of  many 
necessaries,  among  others  salt.  But  the  greater  atten- 
tion given  in  consequence  to  agriculture,  had  fostered 
temperate  habits  and  a sinewy  constitution,  combined 
with  a deep  love  for  the  soil  as  the  source  of  all  their 
prosperity.  Compelled  also  to  devote  more  time  and 
practice  to  warfare  for  the  preservation  of  their  lib- 
erty than  to  the  higher  branches  of  culture,  they 
presented  the  characteristics  of  an  isolated  com- 
munity, in  being  somewhat  behind  their  neighbors  in 
refinement,  as  well  as  in  the  variety  of  their  resources. 

In  government  the  state  formed  an  aristocracy, 
ruled  by  a senate  of  the  nobility,  presided  over  by 
four  supreme  hereditary  lords,  each  independent  in 
his  own  section  of  the  territory.  This  division  ex- 
tended also  to  the  capital,  which  consisted  of  four 
towns,  or  districts,  Tizatlan,  Ocotelulco,  Quiahuiztlan, 
and  Tepeticpac,  ruled  respective^  by  Xicotencatl, 
Maxixcatzin,  Teohuayacatzin,  and  Tlehuexolotl.21 

It  was  before  this  senate  that  the  messengers  of 
Cortes  appeared,  informing  them  in  the  name  of  the 
Cempoalan  lord  of  the  arrival  of  powerful  gods  from 
the  east,  who  having  liberated  the  Totonacs  from 
Montezuma’s  sway,  now  desired  to  visit  Tlascala 
in  passing  through  to  Mexico,  and  to  offer  their 
friendship  and  alliance.  The  messengers  recommended 
an  acceptance  of  the  offer,  for  although  few  in  num- 
ber the  strangers  were  more  than  equal  to  a host. 
They  thereupon  depicted  their  appearance,  their  swift 
steeds,  their  savage  do^s,  their  cashed  lieditninsf,  as 
well  as  their  gentle  faith  and  manners.  The  messen- 
gers having  retired,  the  senate  proceeded  to  discussion. 
Prudent  Maxixcatzin,  lord  of  the  larger  and  richer 
industrial  district,  called  attention  to  the  omens  and 
signs  which  pointed  to  these  visitors,  who  from  all 

21  For  further  information  about  Tlascala,  see  Native  Races,  ii.  and  v. 
Torquemada  gives  a detailed  history  of  the  state  in  i.  259-78.  See  also 
Prescott's  ,1/ex.,  i.  411-19;  Soria,  Istoria  y Fundacion  de  la  Ciudad  de  Tlax- 
cala,  JIS.  in  Aztec,  sm.  4“  of  48  leaves. 


200 


MARCH  TOWARD  MEXICO. 


accounts  must  be  more  than  mortal,  and,  if  so,  it 
would  be  best  to  admit  them,  since  resistance  must  be 
vain.  Xicotencatl,  the  eldest  lord,  replied  to  this 
that  the  interpretation  of  the  signs  could  not  be  relied 
on.  To  him  these  beings  seemed  monsters  rejected 
by  the  sea-foam,  greedy  of  gold  and  luxuries,  whose 
steeds  devoured  the  very  ground.  To  admit  them 
would  be  ruinous.  Besides,  should  the  invincible  Tlas- 
caltecs  submit  to  a mere  handful?  The  gods  forbid! 
It  was  further  argued  that  the  amicable  relations  of 
the  strangers  with  Montezuma  and  his  vassals  did 
not  accord  with  their  protestations  of  friendship.  This 
might  be  one  of  the  many  Aztec  plots  to  obtain  a 
footing  in  the  country.  Nor  did  the  destruction  of 
idols  at  Cempoala  increase  the  confidence  of  a people 
so  jealous  of  its  institutions.  The  discussion  waxing 
warmer,  senator  Temilotecatl  suggested  the  middle 
course  of  letting  the  Otoml  frontier  settlers,  who 
were  thoroughly  devoted  to  their  Tlascaltec  patrons, 
make  an  attack  on  the  invaders,  aided  by  their 
own  general  Axayacatzin  Xicotencatl,  son  of  the  old 
lord,  and  known  by  the  same  name.  If  successful, 
they  could  claim  the  glory;  if  not,  they  might  grant 
the  victors  the  permission  they  had  desired,  while 
casting  the  blame  for  the  attack  on  the  Otomi's.  This 
was  agreed  to.22 

22  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  vi.  cap.  iii.,  confounds  the  two  Xicotencatls,  and 
Torquemada,  in  seeking  to  correct  him,  applies  the  title  of  general  toMaxix- 
catzin,  i.  410,  supposing  besides,  with  Ciavigero,  that  Temilotecatl  may  be 
another  name  for  Tlehuexolotl.  Storia  Mess.,  iii.  40;  Brnsseur  lie  Bourbourg, 
Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  133.  Jealous  of  the  honor  of  his  countrymen,  and  eager 
to  vindicate  them  against  the  charge  of  duplicity  or  enmity  toward  the 
Spaniards,  Camargo  lets  the  messengers  go  back  with  a friendly  invitation. 
After  they  had  started  on  this  mission  the  idols  were  consulted,  but 
remained  mute  ; the  temples  were  overthrown  by  earthquakes,  and  comets 
appeared,  creating  a general  panic.  Hist.  Tlax.,  144—0.  The  account  of 
the  conquest  by  this  author  is  particularly  interesting  since  Diego  Munoz 
Camargo  was  a native  of  the  valiant  little  republic  of  Tlascala,  a mestizo, 
says  Veytia,  Hist.  Aid.  Mej. , ii.  91,  who  calls  him  Domingo,  while  Ciavi- 
gero gives  him  nobility.  Storia  Mess.,  i.  10.  Born  shortly  after  these  events, 
and  in  contact  with  the  very  men  who  figured  therein,  liis  stories  are  repro- 
duced from  their  lips,  though  colored  with  the  spirit  of  a convert  and 
patriot  who,  like  nearly  all  of  his  countrymen,  was  only  too  eager  to  curry 
favor  with  the  dominant  race.  This  is  apparent  in  nearly  every  line  of  hi? 
text,  wherein  the  terms  of  praise  bestowed  on  the  conquerors  become  not  un. 


THROUGH  THE  WALLS. 


201 


As  the  Spaniards  halted  before  the  great  wall, 
speculating  on  the  strength  of  the  people  who  had 
erected  it,  and  upon  the  possible  traps  it  might  hide, 
their  late  hosts  ag^ain  besought  them  to  take  the 
Cliolula  route,  but  Cempoalan  counsel  prevailed. 
Waving  aloft  his  banner,  Cortes  exclaimed:  “Behold 
the  cross  I Sehores,  follow  it ! ” And  with  this  he  led 
the  way  through  the  semicircular  laps  of  the  en- 
trance. The  wall  was  not  provided  with  sentinels,  and 
the  army  met  with  no  obstacles.23  Attended  by  ten 
horsemen,  the  general  advanced  to  reconnoitre.  After 
proceeding  about  four  leagues  he  caught  sight  of  fifteen 
armed  Indians,  who  were  pursued  and  overtaken.  A 
fight  ensued,  in  which  the  natives,  nerved  by  despair, 
fought  so  fiercely  that  two  horses  were  killed,  and 
three  horses  and  two  riders  wounded.24  Meanwhile  a 

frequently  absurd  from  the  contradictions  implied  by  other  passages.  Nor 
does  he  neglect  to  hold  forth  on  his  own  people  for  their  bravery  and  exploits  in 
fighting  the  detested  Aztecs,  and  then'  unswerving  devotion  to  the  Spaniards. 
In  the  pursuit  of  this  pleasing  theme  he  scruples  not  to  sacrifice  truth  when 
it  proves  a stumbling-block.  He  leaves  the  impression,  for  instance,  that  the 
Tlascaltecs  never  raised  sword  against  Cort<Ss.  Many  of  the  misstatements 
are  due  to  a non-critical  acceptance  of  tales,  for  Camargo  was  as  simple  and 
superstitious  as  any  of  his  contemporaries.  Although  acting  as  interpreter 
in  the  province,  Torqucmada,  i.  523,  he  exhibits  a not  very  thorough  acquaint- 
ance with  Spanish,  which  is  the  cause  of  errors  and  repetitions.  The  con- 
quest forms  but  a portion  of  his  narrative,  which  treats  chiefly  of  aboriginal 
history  and  customs,  and  touches  lightly  the  events  that  passed  before  his 
eyes.  It  was  written  in  1585,  and  lay  for  some  time  in  the  Felipe  Neri  convent 
archives,  where  it  was  consulted  by  Torquemada.  Taken  afterward  by  Panes 
to  Spain,  it  was  deposited  by  Munoz  with  the  Royal  Academy  of  History  at 
Madrid,  from  which  source  copies  were  obtained,  among  others  one  by  Temaux- 
Compans,  and  a faulty  translation  was  published  in  the  Nouvtlles  Annales  des 
Voy  <rje> i,  xcviii.-ix. 

23  A short  distance  further  they  passed  through  a pine  grove,  wherein  threads 
and  papers  were  fixed  and  scattered  across  the  path,  the  work  of  Tlascaltec 
sorcerers,  who  thus  sought  to  cast  a spell  upon  the  invaders.  Herrera,  dec.  ii. 
lib.  vi.  cap.  iv. 

21  ‘Segun  algunos  que  lo  vieron,  cortaron  cercen  de  vn  golpe  cada  pescueco 
con  rieudas  y todo.’  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  71.  ‘Io  viddi  che  cobattedosi  vn  di, 
diede  vn  Indiano  vna  cortellata  a vn  cauallo. . . .nel  petto,  che  glielo  aperse 
fin  alle  Iteriora,  et  cadde  icotanete  morto,  & . . . . che  vn  ’altro  Indiano  diede 
vn’altra  cortellata  a vn ’altro  cauallo  su  il  collo  che  se  lo  getto  morto.’  I lei  a- 
tione  per  vn  gentil’huomo.  in  Ramusio,  Viaggi,  iii.  305.  According  to  Duran 
two  warriors  stepped  forth  from  a vast  Tlascalan  army  before  the  regular 
battle,  and  issued  a challenge,  which  was  accepted  by  two  horsemen.  After  a 
short  combat  the  Indians,  by  deft  movements,  killed  both  horses,  cutting  off 
the  neck  of  one,  and  wounding  the  other  in  the  pasterns.  Hist.  Lid.,  MS.,  ii. 
411-20;  Tezozomoc,  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  255-6.  This  attack  is  the  only  resistance 
admitted  by  Camargo.  The  assailants  were  all  Otomis,  who  killed  one 
Spaniard  and  two  horses.  Hist.  'flax. , 146. 


202 


MARCH  TOWARD  MEXICO. 


force  of  Indians  came  up,  estimated  at  from  three  to 
five  thousand,  and  a horseman  was  at  once  sent  back 
to  hurry  forward  the  infantry,  while  the  rest  boldly 
charged  the  enemy,  riding  through  their  ranks,  and 
killing  right  and  left  without  being  injured  them- 
selves. On  the  approach  of  the  foot-soldiers,  and  the 
discharge  of  a volley,  the  natives  retired  with  about 
sixty  of  their  number  slain.25  Shortly  afterward  two 
of  the  Cempoalan  messengers  returned  with  some 
Tlascaltecs,  who  expressed  their  sorrow  at  the  attack 
made  by  a tribe  not  belonging  to  their  nation.  They 
offered  to  pay  for  the  horses  killed,  and  invited  the 
Spaniards  in  the  name  of  the  lords  to  proceed.  The 
army  advanced  for  a league  into  more  open  country, 
and  camped  among  some  abandoned  farms,  where  dogs 
proved  to  be  the  only  food  left.  Thus  ended  the  first 
day  in  Tlascalan  territory,  the  first  of  September, 
according  to  Bernal  Diaz. 

In  the  morning  the  Spaniards  met  the  two  other 
messengers  returning  from  their  mission  to  Tlascala, 
who  told  a harrowing  story  of  their  seizure  for  the 
sacrificial  stone,  and  of  their  escape  by  night.  It 
is  probable  that  their  detention  by  the  Tlascaltecs 
for  messenger  purposes  had  frightened  them  into 
believing  that  they  were  destined  to  be  sacrificed, 
for  envoys  enjoyed  the  greatest  respect  among  the 
Nahuas.26  Shortly  after  a body  of  over  one  thou- 
sand warriors27  appeared,  to  whom  Cortes,  in  pres- 
ence of  the  notary  Godoy,  sent  three  prisoners,  with 
a formal  assurance  of  his  friendly  intentions.  The 

25  ‘ Hirieron  & quatro  de  los  nuestros,  y pareceme  que  desde  alii  & pocos  dias 
murib  cl  vno  de  las  lieridas ....  quedaron  muertos  liasta  diez  y siete  dellos.  ’ 
Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  43;  Cories,  Cartas,  61;  Lorenzana  calls  the  scene 
of  this  battle  the  plain  of  Quimichoccan.  Viaeje,  p.  viii. 

20  See  Native  Races,  ii.  413;  Solis,  Hist.  Mex.,  i.  230.  According  to  Bernal 
Diaz  the  messengers  are  met  before  the  Tlascalan  border  is  readied,  and  they 
deliver  the  announcement  that  the  Tlascaltecs  will  kill  the  Spaniards  and 
eat  their  flesh,  in  order  to  test  their  reputed  strength.  The  Cempoalans  shall 
suffer  the  same  fate,  since  they  are  assumed  to  be  plotting  in  behalf  of  the 
Aztecs,  loc.  cit.  Sahagun  supposes  that  the  Cempoalan  guide  had  treacher- 
ously led  the  Spaniards  against  the  Otomis.  Conq.  Mex.  (ed.  1840),  40; 
CLivir/ero,  Storia  Mess.,  iii.  42-3. 

27  Bernal  Diaz  says  6000. 


IMPORTANT  BATTLES. 


203 


only  reply  being  showers  of  arrows,  darts,  and  stones, 
Cortes  gave  the  “Santiago,  and  at  them!”  and 
charged.  The  enemy  retreated  with  the  face  to 
their  pursuers,  enticing  them  toward  some  broken 
ground  intersected  by  a creek,  where  they  found 
themselves  surrounded  by  a large  force,  some  bearing 
the  red  and  white  devices  of  Xicotencatl.  Missiles 
were  showered,  while  double-pointed  spears,  swords, 
and  clubs  pressed  closely  upon  them,  wielded  by 
bolder  warriors  than  those  whom  the  Spaniards  had 
hitherto  subdued.  Many  were  the  hearts  that 
quaked,  and  many  expected  that  their  last  moment 
had  come;  “ for  we  certainly  were  in  greater  peril 
than  ever  before,”  says  Bernal  Diaz.  “None  of  us 
will  escape!”  exclaimed  Teuch,  the  Cempoalan  chief, 
but  Marina  who  stood  by  replied  with  fearless  confi- 
dence: “The  mighty  God  of  the  Christians,  who 
loves  them  well,  will  let  no  harm  befall  them.”28  The 
commander  rode  back  and  forth  cheering  the  men, 
and  giving  orders  to  press  onward,  and  to  keep  well 
together.  Fortunately  the  pass  was  not  long,  and 
soon  the  Spaniards  emerged  into  an  open  field,  where 
the  greater  part  of  the  enemy  awaited  them,  estimated 
in  all,  by  different  authorities,  at  from  thirty  thousand 
to  one  hundred  thousand.29 

How  long  was  this  to  continue,  each  new  armed 
host  being  tenfold  greater  than  the  last?  Yet  once 
again  the  Spaniards  whet  their  swords,  and  prepare 
for  instant  attack,  as  determined  to  fight  it  out  to 
the  death,  as  Leonidas  and  his  brave  Spartans  at 
the  pass  of  Thermopylae.  The  cavalry  charged  with 
loose  reins,  and  lances  fixed  on  a range  with  the 
heads  of  the  enemy,  opening  a way  through  the  dense 
columns  and  spreading  a confusion  which  served  the 


28  [[crrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  vi.  cap.  v.  A pious  conquistador  who  was  present, 
says  Duran,  told  me  that  many  wept,  wishing  they  had  never  been  bom,  and 
cursing  the  marquis  for  having  led  them  into  such  danger.  Hist.  Ind.,  MS., 
ii.  417. 

29  Tapia  gives  the  higher  and  Herrera  the  lower  figure,  while  Ixtlilxochitl 
makes  it  80,000. 


204 


MARCH  TOWARD  MEXICO. 


infantry  well.  Bernal  Diaz  relates  how  a body  of 
natives,  determined  to  obtain  possession  of  a horse, 
surrounded  an  excellent  rider  named  Pedro  de  Moron, 
who  was  mounted  upon  Sedeno’s  fine  racing  mare, 
dragged  him  from  the  saddle,  and  thrust  their  swords 
and  spears  through  the  animal  in  all  directions. 
Moron  would  have  been  carried  off  but  for  the  in- 
fantry coming  to  his  rescue.  In  the  struggle  which 
ensued  ten  Spaniards  were  wounded,  while  four  chiefs 
bit  the  dust.  Moron  was  saved  only  to  die  on  the 
second  day,  but  the  mare  was  secured  by  the  natives 
and  cut  into  pieces,  which  were  sent  all  over  the 
state  to  afford  opportunity  for  triumphal  celebrations. 
The  loss  was  greatly  regretted,  since  it  would  divest 
the  horses  of  their  terrifying  character.  Those  pre- 
viously killed  had  been  secretly  buried.  The  battle 
continued  until  late  in  the  afternoon,  without  enabling 
the  Indians  to  make  any  further  impression  on  the 
Spanish  ranks  than  inflicting  a few  wounds,  while 
their  own  were  rapidly  thinning  under  the  charges  of 
the  cavalry  and  the  volleys  of  artillery  and  firelocks. 
The  slaughter  had  been  particularly  heavy  among 
the  chiefs,  and  this  was  the  main  reason  for  the  re- 
treat which  the  enemy  now  began,  in  good  order.30 
Their  actual  loss  could  not  be  ascertained,  for  with 
humane  devotion  the  wounded  and  dead  were  carried 
off  the  moment  they  were  stricken;  and  in  this  con- 
stant self-sacrificing  effort  the  Tlascaltecs  lost  many 
lives  and  advantages.  Robertson  regards  with  sus- 
picion the  accounts  of  the  great  battles  fought  during 
the  conquest,  wherein  Indians  fell  by  the  score  while 

30  During  the  battle  one  of  the  late  Cempoalan  envoys  recognized  the  cap- 
tain who  had  bound  him  for  sacrifice,  and  with  Cortes’  permission  he  sent  him 
a challenge.  The  duel  was  held  in  front  of  the  armies,  and  after  a tough 
struggle  the  Cempoalan,  with  a feint,  threw  his  opponent  off  guard,  and 
secured  his  head,  which  served  as  a centre-piece  during  the  Cempoalan  vic- 
tory celebration.  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  vi.  cap.  vi.  This  author  also  relates 
that  one  of  the  final  acts  of  the  battle  was  the  capture  by  Ordaz,  with  60  men, 
of  a pass.  ‘Les  matamos  muchos  Indios,  y entre  ellos  ocho  Capitanes  muy 
principales,  liijos  de  los  viejos  Caciques.  ’ Five  horses  were  wounded  and  fifteen 
soldiers,  of  whom  one  died.  The  other  chronicles  admit  of  no  dead.  Bernal 
Diaz,  Hint.  Verdad.,  44. 


SUPERIORITY  OF  EUROPEAN  ARMS. 


203 


the  Spaniards  stood  almost  unscathed,  and  Wilson 
ridicules  the  whole  campaign,  reducing  the  Tlascalan 
population,  for  instance,  to  about  ten  thousand,  with 
a fighting  force  of  less  than  one  thousand  men.  Such 
remarks  certainly  show  a want  of  familiarity  with 
the  subject.31  We  have  often  seen,  in  the  New  World 
wars,  a thousand  naked  Americans  put  to  flight  by 
ten  steel-clad  Europeans,  and  I have  clearly  given 
the  reasons.  When  we  look  at  the  Indians,  with  their 
comparatively  poor  weapons,  their  unprotected  bodies, 
their  inefficient  discipline  and  tactics,  whereby  only  a 
small  portion  of  their  force  could  be  made  available, 
the  other  portion  serving  rather  as  an  obstruction, 
their  custom  of  carrying  off  the  dead,  and  other  weak 
points,  and  when  we  contrast  them  with  the  well 

3!  Robertson , Hist.  Am.,  ii.  38-9;  Wilson’s  Gonq.  Mex.,  360-70;  Benzoin, 
Hist.  Mondo  Nvovo,  51.  It  is  seldonj  that  I encounter  a book  which  I am 
forced  to  regard  as  beneath  censure.  He  who  prints  and  pays  the  printer 
generally  has  something  to  say,  and  generally  believes  something  of  what  he 
says  to  be  true.  An  idiot  may  have  honest  convictions,  and  a knave  may 
have  talents,  but  where  a book  carries  to  the  mind  of  the  reader  that  its 
author  is  both  fool  and  knave,  that  is,  that  he  writes  only  foolishness  and  does 
not  himself  believe  what  he  says,  I have  not  the  time  to  waste  in  condemning 
such  a work.  And  yet  here  is  a volume  purporting  to  be  A New  History 
of  the  Conquest  of  Mexico,  written  by  Robert  Anderson  Wilson,  and  bearing 
date  Philadelphia,  1S59,  which  one  would  think  a writer  on  the  same  subject 
should  at  least  mention.  The  many  and  magnificent  monuments  which  to  the 
present  day  attest  the  great  number  and  high  culture  of  the  Nahua  race,  and 
the  testimony  to  this  effect  offered  by  witnesses  on  all  sides,  are  ignored  by 
him  with  a contempt  that  becomes  amusing  as  the  pages  reveal  his  lack  of 
investigation  and  culture.  Indeed,  the  reader  need  go  no  further  than  the 
introduction  to  be  convinced  on  the  latter  point.  Another  amusing  feature  is 
that  the  work  pretends  to  vindicate  the  assertions  of  Las  Casas,  who,  in  truth, 
extols  more  than  other  Spanish  author  the  vast  number  and  advanced  culture 
of  the  natives.  In  addition  to  this  mistaken  assumption,  which  takes  away 
his  main  support,  he  states  that  Prescott  worked  in  ignorance  of  his  subject 
and  his  authorities,  and  to  prove  the  assertion  he  produces  wrongly  applied  or 
distorted  quotations  from  different  authors,  or  assumes  meanings  that  were 
never  intended,  and  draws  erroneous  conclusions.  Thus  it  is  he  proves  to  his 
own  satisfaction  that  Mexico  City  was  but  a village  occupied  by  savages  of  the 
Iroquois  stamp,  and  that  Cort6s  was  the  boastful  victor  over  little  bands  of 
naked  red  men.  As  for  the  ruins,  they  were  founded  by  Phoenician  colonists 
in  remote  ages.  Another  tissue  of  superficial  observations,  shaped  by  bigotry 
and  credulous  ignorance,  was  issued  by  the  same  author  under  the  title  of 
Mexico  and  its  Religion,  New  York,  1855,  most  enterprisingly  reprinted  in 
the  disguise  of  Mexico:  its  Peasants  and  its  Priests,  New  York,  1856.  In 
common  with  Mr  Morgan,  and  others  of  that  stamp,  Mr  Wilson  seems  to 
have  deemed  it  incumbent  on  him  to  traduce  Mr  Prescott  and  his  work, 
apparently  with  the  view  of  thereby  attracting  attention  to  himself.  Such 
men  are  not  worthy  to  touch  the  hem  of  Mr  Prescott’s  garment;  they  are 
not  worthy  of  mention  in  the  same  category  with  him. 


206 


MARCH  TOWARD  MEXICO. 


armored  Spaniards,  with  their  superior  swords  and 
lances,  their  well  calculated  movements,  and  their  con- 
certed action  carried  out  under  strict  and  practised 
officers,  and  above  all  their  terror-inspiring  and  rav- 
aging fire-arms  and  horses — how  can  we  doubt  that 
the  latter  must  have  readily  been  able  to  overcome 
vast  numbers  of  native  warriors  ? It  was  soon  so 
understood  in  Europe.  For  once  when  Cortes  was 
in  Spain  he  scoffed  at  certain  of  his  countrymen 
for  having  fled  before  a superior  force  of  Moors, 
whereupon  one  remarked:  “This  fellow  regards  our 
opponents  like  his,  of  whom  ten  horsemen  can  put 
to  flight  twenty -five  thousand.”  In  the  retreat  of 
the  Ten  Thousand,  who  under  Cyrus  had  invaded 
Persia,  we  have  an  example  of  the  inadequacy  of 
numbers  against  discipline.  Though  for  every  Greek 
the  Persians  could  bring  a hundred  men,  yet  the 
effeminate  Asiatic  absolutely  refused  to  meet  the 
hardy  European  in  open  conflict.  FEschylus  was 
inspired  by  personal  experience  in  his  play  of  the 
Persians  when  he  makes  the  gods  intimate  to  the 
wondering  Atossa,  the  queen-mother,  that  free  Athe- 
nians, unwhipped  to  battle,  could  cope  successfully 
with  the  myriads  of  despotic  Xerxes.  The  poor 
Americans  had  yet  to  learn  their  own  weakness,  and 
to  pay  dearly  for  the  knowledge. 

“It  well  seems  that  God  was  he  who  fought  for  us 
to  enable  us  to  get  free  from  such  a multitude,”  says 
Cortes.  He  attempted  no  pursuit,  but  hastened  to 
take  possession  of  Tecohuatzinco,  a small  town  on  the 
hill  of  Tzompachtepetl,32  where  they  fortified  them- 
selves upon  the  temple  pyramid,  and  proceeded  to 
celebrate  the  victory  with  songs  and  dances,  a per- 
formance wherein  the  allies  took  the  leading  part. 

12  Lorenzana,  Viage,  ix.,  wherein  the  appearance  of  the  hill  is  described 
as  the  bishop  saw  it.  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chick.,  292;  Camargo,  Hist.  Tlax., 
146.  Other  authors  differ.  ‘ Teoalzinco,  cio6  il  luogo  dell’acqua  divina.’ 
Clavigero,  S tor ia  Mess.,  iii.  44.  Duran  assumes  that  the  battle  was  for  the 
possession  of  this  place,  which  he  calls  Tecoac.  1 list . hid.,  MS.,  ii.  418,422; 
Tezozomoc,  Hist.  Ilex.,  ii.  256.  ‘Aldea  de  pocas  casas,  que  tenia  vna  torrezilla 
y teplo.  ’ Gornara,  Hist.  Mex.,  74. 


FURTHER  HOSTILITIES. 


207 


The  following  day33  Cortes  sallied  forth  with  the 
horses,  one  hundred  infantry,  and  seven  hundred 
allies,  partly  to  forage  before  the  enemy  appeared, 
but  also  to  inflict  some  damage,  and  to  show  that 
they  were  as  fresh  as  ever.  “I  burned  five  or  six 
small  villages,”  he  says,  “each  of  about  one  hundred 
families,  and  returned  with  four  hundred  prisoners.”34 
After  being  consoled  with  food  and  beads,  the  cap- 
tives, including  fifteen  taken  during  the  late  battle, 
were  despatched  to  the  camp  of  Xicotencatl,  two 
leagues  off,  with  a letter  to  serve  as  credentials,  and 
a message  assuring  him  of  the  friendly  intentions  of 
the  Spaniards,  although  they  had  been  obliged  to 
resort  to  severe  measures.  By  no  means  impressed 
either  with  his  defeat  or  with  the  assurances,  Xico- 
tencatl replied  that  peace  would  be  celebrated  at  his 
father’s  town  with  a feast  on  the  Spaniards’  flesh, 
while  their  hearts  and  blood  were  delighting  the 
gods.  They  would  receive  a more  decisive  answer 
on  the  morrow.  With  this  defiant  message  came  the 
report  that  the  Tlascalan  army,  largely  reinforced, 
was  preparing  to  march  on  and  overwhelm  them. 
“When  we  learned  this,”  says  Bernal  Diaz,  “being 
men,  we  feared  death,  many  of  us;  and  all  made  con- 
fession to  the  Merced  father,  and  the  clergyman  Juan 
Diaz,  who  all  night  remained  present  to  listen  to 
the  penitent;  and  we  commended  ourselves  to  God, 
praying  that  we  might  not  be  conquered.”  Cortes 
applied  himself  energetically  to  supervise  preparations 
and  give  the  enemy  a welcome.  A fresh  supply  of 
arrows,  and  of  Indian  shields  of  plaited  cane  and 
cotton,  were  made,  and  the  arms  and  accoutrements 
inspected.  He  impressed  upon  the  soldiers  the  neces- 
sity of  keeping  close  together,  round  the  banner  to 
be  carried  well  aloft  by  Alferez  Corral,  in  order  that 
they  might  not  be  cut  off.  As  for  the  cavalry  they 

33  So  Cortes  distinctly  says.  Bernal  Diaz  writes,  however,  that  this  day 
was  devoted  to  rest.  Still,  a later  observation  indicates  that  Cortes  is  right. 

34  Id.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdacl.,  44,  admits  only  twenty  captives,  and 
blames  the  allies  for  firing  the  villages;  but  Cortds  is  frank  enough  about  it. 


20S 


MARCH  TOWARD  MEXICO. 


were  to  make  repeated  charges,  without  losing  time 
in  delivering  thrusts. 

O 

Early  in  the  morning  of  September  5th  the  Indian 
army  could  be  seen  extending  far  over  the  field, 
terrible  in  war-paint,  plumed  helmets,  and  gaudy 
shields,  with  their  double-edged  flint  swords  and 
many-pointed  lances  gleaming  in  the  sun,  while  the 
air  resounded  with  shrill  yells,  mingling  with  the 
melancholy  tones  of  their  drums  and  the  doleful 
blasts  of  conchs  and  trumpets.35  It  was  the  largest 
and  finest  army  yet  seen  by  the  Spaniards,  numbering, 
according  to  Gomara,  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
men,  but  according  to  Bernal  Diaz  only  fifty  thousand,36 
in  four  divisions,  representing  Tizatlan,  Ocotelulco, 
Quialiuiztlan,  and  Tepeticpac,  each  distinguished  by  its 
own  banner  and  colors,  the  latter  noticeable  also  in  the 
war-paint  of  the  common  soldier  and  in  the  quilted 
armor  of  the  officers.  Far  in  the  rear,  indicative 
of  hostile  sentiment,  rose  the  standard  of  the  state, 
bearing  a bird  with  wings  extended.37  Gomara  relates 
that,  confident  of  success,  the  Tlascaltecs  sent  mes- 
sengers to  the  camp  with  three  hundred  turkey-cocks 
and  two  hundred  baskets  of  tamales,  each  of  one 
hundred  arrobas,  so  that  they  might  not  be  taunted 
with  having  fought  starved  men,  or  having  offered 
such  to  the  idols. 

But  this  story,  adopted  by  Herrera,  Clavigero, 
Robertson,  and  nearly  every  other  writer,  implies  a 
generosity  altogether  too  impolitic  for  an  enemy  who 
had  already  suffered  two  severe  defeats.  It  is  probable, 
however,  that  Xicotencatl  may  have  sent  small  pres- 


35  Prescott,  Mex.,  438-42,  gives  a pretty  description  of  the  army,  but  is  so 
carried  away  that  he  dons  it  with  helmets  glittering  with  gold  and  precious 
stones,  etc. ; and  this  in  spite  of  the  efforts  of  the  chroniclers  to  exhibit  the 
Tlascaltecs  as  very  poor  in  anything  but  rude  comforts. 

33  Under  five  captains,  to  whom  he  applies  the  names  of  the  four  lords,  as 
he  understands  them,  and  of  the  ruler  of  Huexotzinco.  Hist.  Verdad.,  45; 
Gomara , Hist.  Mex.,  75.  149,000  men,  says  Cortes,  in  his  second  letter,  62, 
but  this  exactness  is  probably  due  to  a printer’s  mistake. 

31  For  colors  and  banners,  and  how  carried,  see  Native  llaces,  ii.  411-12, 
and  Torquemada,  i.  436. 


XICOTEXCATL’S  QUARREL. 


209 


ents  of  food  in  order  to  obtain  an  opportunity  for  his 
spies  to  examine  the  camp.38 

The  Indians  advanced  in  several  columns  up  the 
sides  of  the  hill,  and,  despite  the  resistance  offered, 
pressed  onward  into  the  very  camp,  but  were  soon 
obliged  to  yield  before  murderous  bullets  and  cutting 
blades.  Cortes  allowed  the  Indians  to  become  tired 
and  discouraged  with  repeated  charges,  and  then  with 
a ringing  “Santiago!”  the  Spaniards,  followed  by  the 
allies,  sallied  forth,39  driving  them  in  confusion  to  the 
plain,  where  the  cavalry  followed  up  the  advantage, 
leaving  bloody  paths  in  all  directions.  Checked  and 
reinforced  by  the  reserve,  the  enemy  turned  with 
fresh  courage  on  their  pursuers.  The  shock  was  over- 
whelming. The  tired  Castilians  yielded;  their  ranks 
were  broken,  and  all  seemed  lost.  Even  Cortes  was 
seized  with  a terrible  misgiving,  but  it  was  only  for 
a moment.  Leading  the  cavalry  to  the  rescue,  he 
raised  his  voice  above  the  din  of  battle,  and  called 
on  all  to  rally.  Nerved  by  his  words  and  deeds,  the 
men  plied  lustily  their  swords,  and,  driving  back  the 
enemy,  formed  anew.  “So  ably  and  valiantly  fought 
the  horsemen,”  writes  Bernal  Diaz,  “that  next  to 
God  wdio  protected  us,  they  proved  our  strength.” 
Following  up  their  advantage,  the  Spaniards  hewed 
down  the  enemy  in  great  numbers. 

Victory  might  yet  have  turned  against  them  but 
for  a quarrel  between  Xicotencatl  and  another  cap- 

38  He  was  detected  in  this  trick  afterward.  ‘ Lo  qnal  fue  gran  refrigerio 
y socorro  para  la  necesidad  que  tenian.’  Gomcira,  Hint.  Mex.,  70.  Oviedo 
increases  the  gift  to  700  baskets,  iii.  495.  Gomara  proceeds  to  relate  that  in 
sign  of  contempt  for  the  small  number  of  the  enemy,  whom  it  could  be  no 
honor  for  his  large  army  to  overcome,  Xicotencatl  detached  2000  warriors — 
200  says  Oviedo — to  seize  and  bring  him  the  strangers  bound.  They  at- 
tacked, and  were  routed  with  an  almost  total  destruction  of  their  number. 
* No  escapo  hombre  dellos,  sino  los  q acertaron  el  passo  de  la  barranca.  ’ loc. 
cit.  76. 

39  Bernal  Diaz  states  that  they  did  not  wait  for  the  enemy  to  attack,  but 
marched  forth  and  met  them  one  eighth  of  a league  from  camp.  Hist.  Verdad. , 
45.  But  Cortes  says  distinctly,  ‘ Otro  dia  en  amaneciendo  dan  sobre  nuestro 
real  mas  de  ciento  y cuarenta  y nueve  mil  hombres.  ’ Cartas,  62.  Gomaira  and 
Herrera  also  allow  Indians  to  attack  the  camp  first.  Cortes  is  too  fond  of 
announcing  when  he  takes  the  initiative  to  have  failed  to  say  so  had  he  done 
it  in  this  case. 

Hisx.  Mex.,  Vol.  I.  11 


210 


MARCH  TOWARD  MEXICO. 


tain,40  one  accusing  the  other  of  mismanaging  the  late 
battle.  The  latter  not  only  challenged  the  other,  it 
seems,  but  withdrew  his  troops,  and  induced  another 
division  to  follow  him.41  Thus  left  with  only  half  his 
army,  and  that  shattered  and  discouraged,  Xicotencatl 
retired  before  the  handful  on  whom  his  every  effort 
seemed  to  have  made  no  impression.  He  retreated 
in  good  order,  carrying  off  most  of  the  dead,  for  the 
opponents  were  too  exhausted  to  pursue.  Indeed,  all 
the  horses  were  wounded,  and  fully  sixty  men,  of 
whom  it  appears  several  must  have  died  soon  after, 
though  Cortes  admits  of  no  dead,  and  Bernal  Diaz 
of  only  one.42 


40  ‘ Son  of  Chichimeclatecle,  ’ says  Bernal  Diaz,  a name  which  should  read 

Chicliimeca-tecnhtli.  » 

41  That  of  Guaxolcingo — meaning  Huexotzinco.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hint.  Vcr- 
dad. , 45.  That  of  Tlehuexolotzin.  Clarigero,  Storia  Mess. , iii.  46.  Solis  ex- 
aggerates this  into  an  actual  battle  between  the  leaders  and  their  followers. 
Hist.  Mex. , i.  255-8.  Herrera  intimates  that  a secret  arrangement  had  been 
formed  between  Cortes  and  the  seceding  captain,  the  latter  appearing  with 
his  officers  at  the  camp,  the  evening  after  the  previous  battle,  and,  declaring 
himself  convinced  that  the  Spaniards  were  invincible,  offered  not  only  to 
remain  neutral,  but  to  aid  them  in  entering  Tlascala.  Cortes  agreed.  When 
the  captain  returned  to  Xicotencatl’s  camp  he  was  so  badly  beaten  that  he 
came  back  to  Cortes  for  medical  treatment.  Certain  signs  wei’e  to  be  worn,  so 
that  the  Spaniards  might  respect  the  neutral  troops,  dec.  ii.  lib.  vi.  cap.  vi. 
He  also  relates  that  one  Tlascaltec  maintained  himself  so  long  and  bravely 
against  two  Spanish  soldiers  that  Lares,  the  smith,  rushed  up,  cried  shame 
upon  the  twain,  and  lanced  the  wan-ior.  Id. , cap.  vii. 

4*  This  soldier  himself  received  two  wounds,  which  did  not  prevent  him  from 
fighting,  however.  ‘ Nos  mataron  vn  sohlado,’  he  says,  and  a few  lines  further 

down,  ‘y  enterramos  los  muertos porque  no  viessen  los  Indios  que  eramos 

mortales.  ’ Hist.  Verdad. , 45.  Thus  even  the  ‘ True  Historian  ’ reveals  the  com- 
mon weakness.  Hazart,  Kirchen-Geschiclde,  ii.  512-14;  West-Indische  Spiegliel, 
224-35;  F ranch,  Weltbuch,  ccxxix. 


CHAPTER,  XIII. 


ENTRY  INTO  TLASC ALA. 

September,  1519. 

Native  Chiefs  Sent  as  Envoys  to  the  Tlascalan  Capital — Their  Favor- 
able Reception — Xicotencatl  Plans  Resistance  to  Cortes — Sen  os 
out  Spies  — Cortes  Sends  them  back  Mutilated  — The  Spaniards 
Attack  and  Defeat  Xicotencatl  — Night  Encounters  — General 
Dissatisfaction  and  a Desire  to  Return  to  Villa  Rica — Envoys 
Arrive  from  Montezuma  — Cortes  Receives  Xicotencatl  and  the 
Tlascalan  Lords  — Peace  Concluded — Tlascala — Festivities  and 
Rejoicings — Mass  Celebrated — Cortes  Inclined  to  Extreme  Re- 
ligious Zeal — Brides  Presented  to  the  Spaniards — Appropriate 
Ceremonies — Preparing  to  Leave  Tlascala  for  Cholula — Com- 
munications WITH  THE  CHOLULTECS. 


In  the  late  battle  three  chiefs  had  been  captured, 
and  they  together  with  two  others  were  sent,  this 
time  to  the  Tlascalan  capital  direct,  to  carry  an  offer 
of  peace,  and  to  explain  that  the  Spaniards  would 
not  have  harmed  their  warriors  had  they  not  been 
obliged  to  do  so.  If  peace  was  still  declined  they 
would  come  and  destroy  them  all.  Meanwhile  Cortes 
set  out  on  another  foraging  and  raiding  expedition, 
and  “burned  more  than  ten  towns,  one  exceeding 
three  thousand  houses,”  retiring  by  the  early  after- 
noon, when  the  Indians  began  to  gather  in  aid  of  the 
raided  neighbors.1 

Tired  of  the  fruitless  fighting,  attended  with  loss 
of  life  and  property  only  to  themselves  as  it  ap- 
peared, the  peace  party  in  Tlascala  had  been  gaining 
the  ascendancy,  with  the  efforts  of  Maxixcatzin,  sup- 

1 Cort6s,  Cartas,  62-3.  According  to  Gomara  the  Indians  pursued  to  the 
very  camp,  where  they  were  defeated  with  great  slaughter,  after  five  hours’ 
fighting.  Hist.  Mex.,  76-7. 


(211) 


212 


ENTRY  INTO  TLASCALA. 


ported  as  lie  now  was  by  the  powerful  factions  which 
had  quarrelled  with  the  general.  When  the  peace 
messengers  of  Cortes  arrived  they  were  therefore 
received  with  favor.  His  previous  friendly  offers 
were  considered,  also  his  kind  treatment  of  captives, 
so  unusual  with  the  natives,  and  the  oracles  and  signs 
of  a coming  race  of  rulers.  Whether  gods  or  men, 
they  were  evidently  invincible,  and  the  friendship 
and  alliance  held  out  by  them  must  be  desirable,  and 
ought  to  be  secured  before  the  strangers,  embittered 
by  further  resistance,  should  pass  on  to  join  their 
enemies.  An  embassy,  headed  by  Costomatl  and 
Tolinpanecatl,2  was  accordingly  despatched  with  pro- 
visions and  some  other  trifling  gifts  to  open  negotia- 
tions for  peace.  Humbly  these  men  appeared  before 
Cortes,  expressing  the  sorrow  of  the  lords  for  the 
hostility  shown,  and  their  desire  for  peace.  With  a 
grave  reproval  for  their  obstinacy,  Cortes  said  that 
he  would  admit  their  apology,  and  the  envoys  de- 
parted, after  leaving  beside  the  other  gifts  a number 
of  male  and  female  slaves.3 

Smarting  under  the  disgrace  of  his  defeats,  Xico- 
tencatl  had  meanwhile  been  laying  plans  to  retrieve 
himself.  Among  other  counsellors  he  had  summoned 
diviners  to  his  aid,  and  they,  calling  to  mind  the 
assumption  that  the  Spaniards  were  children  of  the 
sun,  declared  that  as  such  the  new-comers  were  in- 
vincible only  when  animated  by  its  beams,  and  at 
night,  when  deprived  of  this  invigorating  power,  they 
became  mortals,  who  must  bow  to  superior  force. 
Knowing  the  strength  of  the  party  opposed  to  him 
in  the  Tlascalan  capital,  he  does  not  appear  to  have 
submitted  his  projects  there,  but  to  have  ventured 
upon  detaining  the  envoys  as  they  were  returning 

2 Ccimartjo,  Hist.  Tlax.,  146.  Duran  gives  a short  speech,  delivered  in  the 
council-chamber.  Hist.  Ind.,  MS.,  ii.  422-3. 

3 Cortes  places  the  arrival  of  this  embassy  on  the  day  following  the 
raiding  of  the  ten  towns,  Cartas , 63 ; but  Bernal  Diaz  at  a later  date.  lie 
makes  the  envoys  four  in  number,  and  allows  them,  in  returning,  to  instruct 
the  neighboring  settlements  to  furnish  supplies  to  the  Spaniards,  all  of  which 
Xicotencatl  prevents.  Hist.  Verdad.,  47-8,  50,  55. 


PROPOSED  RIGHT  ATTACK. 


213 


from  the  Spanish  camp  until  the  result  of  his  plans 
should  have  been  ascertained;  and  this  in  face  of  the 
command  to  desist  from  hostility.4  In  order  to  make 
everything  as  sure  as  possible  for  the  intended  blow, 
Xicotencatl  sent  fifty  Indians  to  the  camp,  with  in- 
structions to  gather  information  concerning  the  ap- 
proaches, the  condition  of  the  soldiers,  and  other 
points.  They  appeared  before  Cortds  with  the  usual 
demonstrations  of  respect,  and,  placing  before  him 
five  female  slaves,  a quantity  of  food,  and  other  pres- 
ents, they  said : “ Lord,  behold  these  slaves  1 If  you  are 
fierce  gods,  eat  their  flesh  and  blood,  and  more  shall 
be  brought;  if  gentle  gods,  take  these  feathers  and 
incense;  if  men,  here  are  fowl,  bread,  and  fruit.” 
Cortes  answered  that  they  required  no  sacrifices  of 
men.  Had  they  desired  such  they  could  have  taken 
by  force  all  the  victims  needed.  He  rebuked  their  ob- 
stinacy and  advised  submission.5  They  were  then  taken 
aside  to  receive  the  hospitalities  of  the  camp,  after 
which  they  dispersed  to  satisfy  their  curiosit}",  and  to 
question  the  allies.  This  aroused  the  suspicions  of 
Teuch,  the  Cempoalan  chief,  who  warned  the  general. 
Seizing  the  men  he  examined  them  singly,  and  soon 
ascertained  that  their  object  was  not  only  to  spy, 
but  to  fire  the  huts,  and  otherwise  to  aid  the  attack  * 
which  would  be  made  upon  the  camp  that  very  night. 
Finding  that  his  friendly  advances  had  been  scorned, 
Cortes  resolved  to  inflict  a lesson  that  would  be 


4 Bernal  Diaz  assumes  that  the  lords  consult  the  diviners,  and  allow  a night 
attack  to  he  made ; but  then  he  describes  two  night  attacks,  while  Cortes  and 
others  distinctly  allow  only  one,  and  he  forgets  his  former  admission  that, 
in  addition  to  the  peace  party,  half  the  army  had  actually  abandoned  Xico- 
tencatl. It  is  after  this  first  night  attack,  ignored  by  other  writers,  that  the 
senate  send  in  their  submission,  and  order  Xicotencatl  to  desist  from  hostilities. 
He  refuses  to  obey,  and  detains  the  envoys  on  their  way  to  the  Spaniards, 
whereupon  his  officers  are  ordered  to  desert  him.  Finally  he  repents  and  is 
forgiven.  Hist.  VerdcuL,  46-7.  The  detention  of  the  envoys  must  be  placed 
on  their  return  from  the  Spanish  camp,  for  Cortes  distinctly  states  that  the 
peace  proposals  from  the  lords  arrived  before  the  night  attack. 

5 According  to  Gomara,  Cortes  announces  that  his  men  are  mortal  like 
themselves,  which  is  not  very  likely.  Hist.  21  ex. , 77.  Bernal  Diaz  calls  the 
slaves  four  old  hags,  and  allows  the  Indians  to  act  in  rather  an  insulting 
manner,  and  without  tendering  the  usual  courtesies,  which  is  also  unlikely, 
when  we  consider  that  they  had  an  object  to  gain.  Hist.  Verdad.,  49. 


214 


EXTRY  INTO  TLASCALA. 


understood  by  a people  so  deeply  intent  upon  war  and 
sacrifices.  This  was  to  cut  off  the  hands  of  the  leading: 
spies,  and  the  thumbs  of  others,  and  to  send  them 
back  with  the  message  that  this  would  be  the  punish- 
ment of  spies,  and  that  the  Spaniards  were  prepared, 
night  or  day,  to  face  their  enemies.6 

Fearing  the  confusion  and  dangmr  of  a night  at- 
tack,  when  the  artillery  and  other  means  would  be 
less  effective,  Cortes  resolved  to  anticipate  the  enemy 
by  a counter  charge,  wherein  the  cavalry  might 
render  particular  service.  Learning  that  Xicotencatl 
was  hidden  with  ten  thousand  or  twenty  thousand 
men  behind  a hill  not  far  off,  Cortes  did  not  despatch 
the  mutilated  spies  till  after  dusk,  in  order  to  let  him 
approach  nearer  to  camp.7  When  his  messengers  re- 
turned to  Xicotencatl  and  displayed  their  bleeding 
stumps,  the  general  was  troubled,  and  throughout  his 
army  there  was  consternation,  and  numbers  of  war- 
riors declared  openly  that  it  was  useless  to  fight  men 
who  not  only  appeared  to  be  invincible,  but  who  could 
read  their  very  intentions.  While  in  this  state  of 

6 ‘ Los  mandb  tomar  & todos  cincuenta  y cortarles  las  manos,’  says  Cortes, 
Cartas , G3;  but  the  phrase  may  be  loose,  for  Bernal  Diaz  specifies  only  seven- 
teen as  sent  back  with  hands  or  thumbs  cut  off.  Hist.  Verdad. , 49.  ‘ El 

marques  les  liizo  dalgunos  de  ellos  contar  (sic  pro  cortar)  las  manos.’  Tapia,  Rel., 
**  in  fcazbalceta,  Col.  Hoc. , ii.  570.  ‘ Mandb  cortar  las  manos  a siete  dellos,  y a 
algunos  los  dedos  pulgares  muy  contra  su  voluntad.’  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  vi. 
cap.  viii.  Gomara  places  this  occurrence  on  the  6th  of  September,  but  it  is 
most  likely  later,  and  makes  the  spies  a different  party  from  those  bringing 
the  slaves  and  feathers,  who  arrive  on  the  preceding  day.  Hist.  Mex. , 77-8. 
B n-nal  Diaz  accounts  for  this  difference  by  stating  that  the  party  had  been  in 
camp  since  the  previous  day.  Robertson  reverses  the  order  by  assuming  that 
mutilation  of  the  spies  so  perplexes  the  Indians  that  they  send  the  men  with 
the  slaves  and  feathers  to  ask  whether  they  are  fierce  or  gentle  gods,  or  men. 
He  does  not  understand  why  so  many  as  50  spies  should  have  been  sent,  but 
had  he  read  Cortes’  letter  moi’e  closely,  he  would  have  divined  the  reason, 
that  they  intended  to  fire  the  camp,  and  otherwise  aid  in  the  attack.  He 
stigmatizes  as  barbarous  the  mutilation,  Hist.  Am.,  ii.  42,  451,  but  forgets,  in 
doing  so,  that  the  Spanish  conquerors  belonged  to  an  age  when  such  deeds 
were  little  thought  of.  Spies  even  now  suffer  death,  and  the  above  punish- 
ment may  therefore  be  regarded  as  comparatively  lenient,  particularly  by  a 
people  who  daily  tore  out  the  heart  from  living  victims.  The  mutinous  pilot 
of  Villa  Rica  had  his  life  spared,  but  lost  his  feet.  Cortes,  as  the  captain  of 
a small  band,  was  obliged  to  conform  to  his  age  and  surroundings  in  the 
measures  taken  for  its  safety. 

7 ' En  yendo  se  las  espias,  vieron  de  nuestro  real  como  atrauessaua  por  vn 
cerro  grandissima  mucliedumbre  de  gente,  y era  la  que  traya  Xicotencatl.’ 
Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  79. 


FURTHER  VICTORIES. 


215 


demoralization  they  were  startled  by  the  jingling 
of  bells  and  the  tramp  of  the  dreaded  horses,  magni- 
fied by  their  fears  and  by  the  weird  moonlight  into  a 
host.  The  next  moment  the  Spaniards  announced 
their  presence  by  a ringing  “Santiago!”  and,  unde- 
terred by  the  few  stray  and  feeble  volleys  of  stones  and 
arrows  sent  against  them,  they  rode  into  the  crowds 
of  natives  already  in  full  flight,  slashing  and  riding 
down  in  all  directions.8 

After  this  lesson  Xicotencatl  appears  to  have 
made  no  further  attempts  to  molest  the  Spaniards, 
although  small  skirmishing  parties,  chiefly  Otomfs, 
continued  to  hover  round  the  camp  and  give  the 
soldiers  opportunities  for  sallies.  Gomara  magnifies 
these  skirmishes  into  daily  attacks  on  the  camp  by 
the  army,  whose  divisions  take  turns  so  as  not  to 
embarrass  one  another.  This  caused  them  to  fight 
better,  partly  from  a spirit  of  rivalry  to  surpass  the 
preceding  record.  The  ambition  of  the  natives  was 
to  kill  one  Spaniard  at  least,  but  the  object  was 
never  attained,  so  far  as  they  knew.  This  continued 
for  a fortnight,  and  daily  came  also  messengers  with 
food  to  sustain  the  strangers.9 

8 Cortes,  Cartas,  63-4  ; Gomara,  Hist.  Mex. , 78-9;  Tapia,  Bel.,  in  Icaz- 
balceta,  Col.  Hoc.,  ii.  569;  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  vi.  cap.  viii.  Bernal  Diaz  de- 
scribes a night  attack  with  10,000  warriors,  made  a few  days  before,  in  which 
the  Spaniards  drive  back  the  Indians  and  pursue  them,  capturing  four,  while 
the  morning  revealed  twenty  corpses  still  upon  the  plain.  Two  of  the  diviners 
appear  to  have  been  sacrificed  for  their  bad  advice.  He  now  reappears  with 
20,000  men,  but  on  meeting  the  mutilated  spies  he  becomes  disheartened,  and 
turns  back  without  attempting  a blow.  Hist.  Verdad.,  46,  49-50.  He  is  the 
only  authority  for  two  night  expeditions.  Having  already  been  defeated  in 
one  night  attack,  Xicotencatl  would  be  less  likely  to  attempt  a second,  particu- 
larly since  nocturnal  movements  were  contrary  to  Indian  modes  of  warfare. 
Cortes  distinctly  intimates  that  the  present  occasion  was  the  first  attempt  at  a 
night  raid.  IxtlUxochitl,  Hist.  Chick.,  291. 

9 He  begins  to  suspect  that  their  object  may  also  have  been  to  spy.  Cortes 
was  suffering  from  fever  at  this  time,  and  one  night  he  took  pills,  a course 
which  among  the  Spaniards  involved  the  strictest  care  and  seclusion  from 
affairs.  Early  in  the  morning  three  large  bodies  of  Indians  appeared,  and 
regardless  of  his  pills  Cortes  headed  the  troops,  fighting  all  day.  The  follow- 
ing morning,  strange  to  say,  the  medicine  operated  as  if  no  second  day  had 
intervened.  ‘ No  lo  cueto  por  milagro,  sino  por  dezir  lo  que  passo,  y que 
Cortes  era  muy  sufridor  de  trabajos  y males.’  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  80.  But 
Sandoval  assumes  ‘ que  sin  duda  fue  milagro.’  Hist.  Carlos  V.,  i.  173.  Solis 
applies  this  story  to  the  night  attack,  which  seems  plausible,  and  smiles  phil- 


216 


ENTRY  INTO  TLASCALA. 


In  order  to  further  impress  upon  the  Indians  that 
fighting  by  night  was  quite  congenial  to  the  Span- 
iards, Cortes  set  out  one  midnight  to  raid  and  forage 
in  the  direction  of  a large  town  called  Tzompant- 
zinco,  which  could  be  distinguished  beyond  a range 
of  hills,  toward  the  capital.10  The  soldiers  had  not 
gone  far  before  one  horse  after  another  began  to 
tremble  and  fall,  including  the  general’s.  This  was 
regarded  a bad  omen,  and  the  men  urged  a re- 
turn, but  Cortes  laughed  it  off,  sent  back  five  horses, 
and  proceeded  with  the  rest,  declaring  that  God,  in 
whose  cause  they  were  engaged,  was  superior  to 
nature.11  Two  small  villages  were  surprised,  with 
some  slaughter,  ^nd  shortly  before  dawn  the  Span- 
iards fell  upon  the  large  town,  containing  twenty 
thousand  houses,  it  is  said.  Frightened  out  of  their 
senses  by  the  noise,  the  people  rushed  from  the 
dwellings  to  join  in  the  crowd  which  sought  to 
elude  the  pursuers.  Finding  that  no  resistance  was 
attempted,  Cortes  speedily  stopped  the  attack,  and 
collecting  his  men  in  the  plaza  he  forbade  any  at- 
tempt on  life  or  propert}7.  The  chiefs  and  priests 
presently  appeared  with  gifts  of  food  and  two  female 
slaves,  pleading  that  the  proximity  of  Xicotencatl’s 
army  had  prevented  them  from  sending  in  their  sub- 
mission. They  would  henceforth  prove  their  gratitude 
for  his  leniency  by  sending  supplies  to  the  camp. 
Cortes  accepted  their  excuses,  and  told  them  to  pro- 

osophically  at  Sandoval’s  conclusion.  Hist.  Mex.,  i.  271 ; Ixtlilxochill , Hist. 
Chich.,  291;  Clavi.ge.ro , Storia Mess.,  iii.  47-8.  ‘ Tenia  calenturas,  6 tercianas.’ 

Bernal  Diaz , Hist.  Verdad.,  47.  Some  place  the  story  with  the  later  capture 
of  Tzompantzinco,  where  it  is  entirely  out  of  place,  if  indeed  worth  record- 
ing at  all,  for  this  expedition  was  a voluntary  project,  calling  for  no  sick 
men  to  venture  out.  Duran  relates  that,  tired  of  being  besieged,  Cortes  one 
night  made  a sally  in  different  directions.  One  party  surprised  all  the  native 
leaders  together  and  asleep,  and  brought  them  to  camp.  In  the  morning  they 
were  sent  back  to  the  army,  which  had  awakened  to  find  them  missing.  In 
recognition  of  their  kind  treatment  the  chiefs  raised  the  siege.  This  is  told 
on  the  authority  of  an  eye-witness,  who  evidently  reserved  his  choicest  stories 
for  Padre  Duran.  Hist,.  Ind.,  MS.,  ii.  419-20. 

10  Denial  Diaz  places  it  one  league  from  the  camp,  and  Tapia  four  leagues. 
Ixtlilxochitl  calls  it  Tzimpantzinco ; others  vary. 

uGornara,  Hist.  Mex.,  80.  Tapia  allows  the  horses  to  overcome  their 
attack  and  proceed.  It  appears  to  have  been  due  to  the  cold  night  winds. 


HARDSHIPS  AXD  SICKNESS. 


217 


ceod  to  Tlascala  to  urge  upon  the  lords  the  necessity 
for  accepting  peace.  Before  returning,  Cortes  as- 
cended a hill,  and  thence  saw  the  capital,  with  its 
surrounding  villages.  “ Behold,”  he  said  to  those  who 
had  objected  to  his  leniency  with  the  towns,  “what 
boots  it  to  have  killed  these  people,  when  so  many 
enemies  exist  over  there?”12 

Although  left  in  comparative  peace  for  some  days, 
the  end  of  the  campaign  seemed  to  the  Spaniards  as 
remote  as  ever.  The  harass  and  hardship  of  their 
life,  the  vigils,  the  cold  nights,  the  scanty  supplies, 
the  absence  of  salt,  medicine,  and  many  other  neces- 
saries, all  this  was  severely  felt,  particularly  since 
so  large  a number  were  either  sick  or  wounded,  in- 
cluding Cortes  and  Padre  Olmedo.13  The  ailments 
and  wounds  were  as  a rule  slight,  yet  they  helped 
to  magnify  dangers,  and  to  dim  every  cheerful  aspect. 
The  very  cessation  of  regular  hostile  • demonstrations 


12  Gomnra , Hist.  Mex.,  80-1.  According  to  Herrera,  Alcalde  Mayor  Grado 
counselled  Cortes,  on  seeing  this  populous  country,  to  return  to  Villa  Rica  and 
send  to  Velazquez  for  aid.  Deeply  grieved  at  such  advice,  the  general  re- 
marked that  the  very  stones  would  rise  against  them  if  they  retreated,  dec. 
ii.  lib.  vi.  cap.  viii. ; Cortes,  Cartas,  64-5.  Bernal  Diaz  places  this  raid  before 
the  final  night  attack.  Hist.  Verdad.,  47;  Tapia,  Eel.,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col. 
Doc.,  ii.  568-9. 

13  ‘ Nos  vimos  todos  heridos  a dos,  y fi  tres  heridos,  y muy  cansados,  y otros 
dolientes . . . . y faltauan  ya  sobre  cincuenta  y cinco  soldados  que  se  auian  muerto 
en  las  batallas,  y dolencias,  y frios,  y estauan  dolientes  otros  doze.  ’ Bernal  Diaz, 
46.  Prescott,  i.  458,  is  careless  enough  to  accept  this  verbally,  but  the  run  of 
the  text  here  and  elsewhere  indicates  that  the  sentence  is  rather  figurative. 
The  last  four  words,  ‘ twelve  others  were  on  the  sick-bed, ! indicate  that  only 
three  per  cent,  were  laid  low,  and  that  the  general  health  and  condition  must 
therefore  have  been  tolerably  good.  This  also  indicates  that  the  55  missing 
soldiers  could  not  have  died  since  they  left  Vera  Cruz,  as  certain  writers  as- 
sume. The  only  obstacles  under  which  the  soldiers  could  have  succumbed 
in  any  number  were  the  several  battles  •with  the  Tlascaltecs,  wherein  the  total 
number  of  the  wounded  nowhere  foots  up  to  more  than  100.  Of  these  50 
per  cent,  could  not  have  died,  to  judge  from  the  warfare  engaged  in,  and 
from  the  very  few,  a couple  at  the  most,  it  is  said,  who  fell  on  the  field.  Nor 
could  diseases  have  killed  many  during  a month’s  march  through  a fine  and 
fertile  country,  for  the  passage  of  theCofre  de  Perotedidnot  affect  the  Spaniards 
seriously.  Hence  it  must  be  assumed  that  the  55  dead  include  the  35  who 
fell  out  of  the  ranks  ere  the  army  reached  Villa  Rica.  This  leaves,  say,  fifteen 
casualties  for  the  present  expedition  since  it  left  Villa  Rica,  and  that  appears 
to  be  a fair  proportion.  The  only  one  who  rightly  interprets  Bemal  Diaz  on 
this  point  appears  to  be  Torquemada,  who  says,  ‘ desde  que  salieron  de  Cuba, 
se  avian  muerto  cinqucnta  y cinco  Castellanos.’  i.  428.  The  old  soldier  con- 
firms the  interpretation  by  stating  in  more  than  one  place  that  the  Spaniards 
numbered  450,  or  nearly  so,  on  entering  Mexico  City,  ubi  sup.,  65,  109. 


218 


ENTRY  INTO  TLASCALA. 


seemed  to  cover  a plot  for  a new  Tlascalan  combi- 
nation. If  this  people  could  exhibit  such  armies 
and  such  valor,  what  must  be  expected  from  the  far 
more  numerous  and  equally  warlike  Aztecs?  These 
views  owed  not  a little  of  their  acceptance  to  the 
fears  and  exaggeration  of  the  Indian  allies,  and 
through  their  medium  the  prospect  of  reaching  the 
impregnable  Mexico  began  to  appear  preposterous. 
Cortes  was  aware  that  this  feeling  existed  anions  a 
large  number,  for  in  making  his  customary  tour  of  the 
camp  one  evening  he  had  overheard  a party  of  soldiers 
express  themselves  pretty  strongly  about  the  madness 
of  his  enterprise.  It  would  happen  to  him  as  to  Pedro 
Carbonero,  who  ventured  with  his  force  among  the 
Moors  and  was  never  heard  of  again.  The  general 
should  be  left  to  go  alone. 

The  murmurs  in  camp  grew  particularly  strong 
during  the  raid  on  Tzompantzinco,  promoted  of  course 
by  Velazquez’  men;  and  when  Cortes  returned,  a 
deputation  of  seven,  whom  Bernal  Diaz  forbears  to 
name,  appeared  before  him  to  recommend  that,  in 
view  of  the  suffering,  the  danger,  and  the  dark  pros- 
pects, they  should  return  to  Villa  Rica,  build  a vessel, 
and  send  to  Cuba  for  reinforcements.  They  were 
only  tempting  providence  by  their  foolhardy  course. 
Finding  that  arguments  would  be  lost  on  these 
men,  Cortes  had  caused  his  adherents  to  rally,  and 
turning  to  them  he  recalled  the  determination  formed 
at  Villa  Rica  to  advance  on  Mexico,  and  extolled  their 
valorous  deeds,  which  dimmed  even  the  Greek  and 
Roman  records.  He  was  suffering  equally  with  them, 
yet  he  wavered  not.  Should  they,  the  brave  Spaniards, 
belie  their  character  and  country,  and  desert  their 
duty  to  their  king,  to  their  God,  who  had  protected 
them  hitherto?  To  retreat  now  would  be  to  abandon 
the  treasures  to  be  found  only  a few  leagues  off,  the 
reward  for  which  they  had  striven  during  a whole 
year,  and  to  draw  upon  themselves  the  contempt  not 
only  of  their  countrymen,  who  at  present  looked  on 


MEXICO  CONSIDERS  FURTHER. 


219 


them  as  the  bravest  of  the  brave,  but  that  of  the 
natives,  who  regarded  them  as  gods.  The  Tlascaltecs 
had  already  sued  for  peace,  but  let  the  Spaniards 
take  one  step  in  retreat,  and  the  enemy  would  turn 
with  renewed  ardor  on  them,  joined  by  the  Mexi- 
cans, so  far  held  in  check  by  their  fame  and  deeds. 
Even  the  allies  would  for  their  own  safety  join  to 
crush  them.  To  retire  was  impossible,  because  it 
would  be  fatal.  In  any  case,  death  was  preferable 
to  dishonor.  The  usual  marks  of  approval  v^iich 
followed  the  speech  silenced  the  deputation,  and  noth- 
ing: more  was  heard  about  retreat.14 

Great  was  the  sensation  in  Mexico  at  the  successive 
reports  of  easy  Spanish  victories  over  the  stanch 
armies  of  Tlascala  — victories  by  an  insignificant 
band  over  armies  which  had  successfully  resisted  the 
vast  forces  of  the  Andhuac  allies.  Since  it  was  only 
too  evident  that  force  could  not  keep  the  strangers 
from  reaching  the  capital,  Montezuma  again  called 
his  council  to  consider  the  situation.  Cuitlahuatzin 
proposed  that  they  should  be  bought  off  with  pres- 
ents, while  Cacama  represented  that  their  mission 
was  probably  harmless,  and  that  they  should  be 
frankly  invited  to  the  city,  there  to  be  awed  with  the 
grandeur  of  the  monarch.  Others  favored  this  course, 
but  with  the  idea  of  la}Ting  traps  for  the  strangers. 
The  fear  of  their  being  warned  and  aided  by  Ixtlil- 
xochitl,  the  rebellious  brother  of  Cacama,  caused 
Montezuma  to  incline  to  the  advice  of  Cuitlahuatzin ; 
and  six  prominent  lords,  headed  by  Atempanecatl,15 

14  Gomara  gives  a long  speech,  and  intimates  that  it  was  delivered  before 
a regular  meeting.  Hist.  Mex. , 81-3;  Cortes , Cartas,  65;  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib. 
vi.  cap.  ix.;  Torquemada,  i.  42S-9;  Tapia,  Bel.,  hi  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  ii. 
571.  Bernal  Diaz  addresses  the  speech  to  the  committee,  and  states  that 
Cortes,  on  finding  them  still  unconvinced,  abandoned  the  gentle  tone  he  had 
used,  and  exclaimed  with  some  asperity  that  it  was  better  to  die  like  brave 
men  than  to  live  dishonored.  The  men  being  appealed  to  upheld  him,  and 
declared  that  they  would  listen  to  no  contrary  talk.  Hist.  I erdid.,  48-9; 
Solis,  Hist.  Mex.,  i.  259-63. 

15  Surnamed  Tlachpanquizqin,  it  seems,  /xtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chick. , 292 ; 
Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  Mej. , iii.  3S0.  Bemal  Diaz  calls  them  five  leading  men. 


220 


ENTRY  INTO  TLASCALA. 


were  according^  despatched  to  the  Spanish  camp 
to  congratulate  the  white  chieftain  on  his  victories, 
and  to  offer,  annual  tribute  in  gold,  silver,  jewels, 
cloth — in  fact,  to  do  almost  anything  that  his  king 
might  desire,  on  the  condition  that  he  should  not 
proceed  to  Mexico.  The  envoys  entered  the  pres- 
ence of  Cortes  followed  by  two  hundred  attendants, 
and  laying  before  him  a present  of  twenty  bales  of 
embroidered  cloth  and  feathers,  and  about  one  thou- 
sand Castellanos  in  gold-dust,  they  delivered  their 
message.10  They  explained  that  their  monarch  would 
gladly  see  him  in  Mexico,  but  feared  to  expose  the 
Spaniards  to  the  hardships  of  the  rough  and  sterile 
country  wherein  Mexico  was  situated.  Cortes  ex- 
pressed his  thanks,  and  said  that  he  would  consider 
the  proposal.17 

While  entertaining  the  Mexican  envoys  the  camp 
was  stirred  by  the  announcement  of  the  Tlascalan 
plenipotentiaries,  consisting  of  fifty  leading  men, 
headed  by  Axayacatzin  Xicotencatl  himself.'8  The 
soldiers  crowded  forward  to  gaze  at  the  dreaded  gen- 
eral, who  appeared  to  be  a man  of  about  thirty-five 
years,  tall  and  broad-shouldered,  well  formed  and 
robust,  with  broad,  rough  face,  grave  in  manner  and 
commanding  in  presence,  though  he  came  a suppliant. 
He  had  used  every  means  as  a noble  patriot  to  save 

16  Nearly  every  writer  states  that  Montezuma  acknowledged  himself  the 

vassal  of  the  Spanish  king,  but  it  is  doubtful  whether  he  stooped  so  low  before 
a distant  enemy.  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  79,  calls  the  present  1000  ropas  and 
1000  Castellanos  de  oro,  and  Cortes  says  pesos  de  oro,  which  doubtless  means 
dust;  but  Bernal  Diaz  terms  the  latter  gold  jewels  worth  that  amount. 
Prescott  confounds  these  presents  with  a later  gift,  and  assumes  without  good 
authority  that  they  came  after  Xicotencatl  had  brought  in  his  submission. 
Gomara  on  the  other  hand  places  their  arrival  on  September  6,  which  must 
be  altogether  too  early.  , 

17  ‘No  les  quiso  dar  luego  la  respuesta,  porque  estaua  purgado  del  dia 
antes,’  says  Bernal  Diaz,  in  explanation  of  the  delay.  Hist.  Verdcul.,  51. 
Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  however,  lets  Cortes  declare  that  the  orders  of  his 
king  oblige  him  to  disregard  the  wishes  of  the  emperor.  But  the  general  was 
too  prudent  to  give  an  open  rebuff  ere  he  saw  how  affairs  would  develop. 
According  to  Gomara  he  wished  to  detain  them  to  witness  his  prowess  against 
the  Tlascaltecs.  Hist.  Mex.,  79;  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  vi.  cap.  x. 

le  Ixtlilxoehitl  alone  differs  by  stating  that  they  were  headed  by  Tolin- 
panecatl  Tlacateculitli  the  younger  brother  of  Xicotencatl;  but  he  appears 
confused. 


TLASCALAN  PLENIPOTENTIARIES. 


221 


his  country  from  the  enslavement  which  he  seemed 
with  prophetic  spirit  to  have  foreseen;  and  as  a brave 
soldier  he  had  struggled  to  uphold  the  honor  of  the 
army.  With  pride  subdued  he  had  sought  pardon  of 
the  lords  for  disobeying  their  orders,19  and  offered  the 
best  amends  in  his  power  by  personally  humbling 
himself  before  the  chief  who  had  torn  the  wreath 
from  his  brow.  He  approached  Cortes  with  the  cus- 
tomary profound  salute,  while  his  attendants  swung 
the  copal  censer,  and  announced  that  he  had  come  in 
the  name  of  his  father  and  the  other  lords  to  ask  his 
friendship,  and  to  offer  their  submission  to  the  might- 
iest of  men,  so  gentle  yet  so  valiant.  Accepting  a 
seat  by  Cortes’  side,  he  entered  into  explanations, 
and  frankly  took  upon  himself  the  blame  for  the  resist- 
ance offered,  but  pleaded  the  Tlascalan  love  for  liberty, 
threatened,  as  they  imagined,  by  an  ally  of  Monte- 
zuma, for  were  not  Mexican  allies  in  the  Spanish 
train?  and  had  not  the  Aztec  monarch  exchanged 
friendly  intercourse  with  them?  While  delighted 
with  the  manner  of  the  chief,  and  particularly  with 
the  object  of  his  visit,  Cortes  thought  it  necessary  to 
administer  a slight  rebuke  for  the  obstinate  refusal 
of  his  friendly  offers;  yet  since  his  people  had  already 
suffered  enough  for  this,  he  freely  pardoned  them  in 
the  name  of  his  king,  and  received  them  as  vassals.20 
He  hoped  the  peace  would  be  permanent;  if  not, 
he  would  be  obliged  to  destroy  the  capital  and  mas- 
sacre the  inhabitants.  Xicotencatl  assured  him  that 
the  Tlascaltecs  would  henceforth  be  as  faithful  as 
they  had  hitherto  been  unfriendly.  In  proof  of  their 
sincerity  the  chiefs  would  remain  with  him  as  host- 
ages. He  begged  Cortes  to  come  to  the  city,  where 
the  lords  and  nobles  were  awaiting  him,  and  regretted 


19  Solis  causes  him  to  be  dismissed  from  the  office  of  captain-general.  Hist. 
Mix.,  i.  272-3.  In  Carbajal  Espinosa,  Hist.  Alex.,  ii.  154,  is  a portrait  of  him, 
corresponding  fairly  to  the  description. 

'ilj  It  is  generally  accepted  that  the  Tlascaltecs  submitted  as  vassals.  Yet  it 
is  just  as  likely  that  they  merely  offered  their  friendship  and  alliance,  a rela- 
tion which  after  the  conquest  was  changed  into  vassalage. 


222 


ENTRY  INTO  TLASCALA. 


not  being  able  to  offer  a present  worthy  of  his  ac- 
ceptance, but  they  were  poor  in  treasures,  even  in 
cloth  and  salt,  and  what  they  once  possessed  had  been 
surrendered  to  the  Mexicans.21 

Mass  was  said  by  Padre  Diaz  to  celebrate  the  con- 
cluded peace,  and  in  honor  of  the  occasion  Tecohuat- 
zinco  received  the  name  of  Victoria.22  Both  Spaniards 
and  allies  concluded  the  day  with  feasting  and  appro- 
priate demonstrations  of  their  delight.  At  Tlascala, 
where  it  was  soon  understood  that  the  Spaniards  were 
in  some  way  to  liberate  the  state  from  the  tyranny 
of  Montezuma,  floral  decorations  and  sacrifices  gave 
eclat  to  the  festivities,  and  twenty  thousand  leading 
men  are  said  to  have  taken  part  in  the  mitote  dance, 
singing  to  the  prospective  overthrow  of  the  Mexicans 
and  to  the  glory  of  the  Spaniards. 

The  Mexican  envoys  felt  not  a little  chagrined  at 
a peace  which  could  bode  no  good  to  their  nation. 
Before  Cortes,  however,  they  sought  to  ridicule  the 
whole  proceeding  as  a farce  on  the  part  of  the  Tlas- 
caltecs.  The  latter  were  too  treacherous  to  be  trusted. 
When  the  Spaniards  were  once  in  their  city  they  would 
fall  on  them,  and  avenge  the  defeats  and  losses  which 
till  then  must  rankle  in  their  hearts.  Cortes  told 
them  that  the  Spaniards  could  not  be  overcome  in 
town  or  field,  by  day  or  night.  He  intended  going 
to  Tlascala,  and  if  the  inhabitants  proved  treacherous 
they  would  be  destroyed.  Xicotencatl  had  been  no 
less  abusive  of  the  Mexicans  during  his  late  interview, 
and  Cortds,  as  he  declares,  enjoyed  their  dissension, 
sympathizing  alternately  with  either  party,  in  order  to 
promote  his  own  ends.23  Finding  the  general  so  de- 

21  According  to  Bernal  Diaz  the  Tlasealtecs  gave  but  one  present,  and  that 
at  the  capital,  but  some  authors  prefer  to  bring  it  in  here.  ‘Le  presents 
cantidad  de  alpargatas  para  el  camino.  ’ lxtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  292;  Herrera, 
dec.  ii.  lib.  vi.  cap.  x. ; Qomara,  Hist.  Mtx. , 84-5;  Cortes,  Cartas,  66-7. 

22  Herrera,  loc.  cit. 

23  ‘Aun  acordeme  de  una  autoridad  evangfSlica  que  dice:  Qmve  regnum  in 
seipsum  divisum  desol abitur ; y con  los  unos  y con  los  otros  maneaba.’  Cortts, 
Cartas,  70.  According  to  lxtlilxochitl  quite  a quarrel  sprang  up  between  the 
Mexican  and  Tlascalan  representatives  in  the  presence  of  Cortes,  attended  by 
an  exchange  of  epithets.  Hist.  Chich.,  202. 


MEXICO  AGAINST  TLASCALA. 


termined,  the  envoys  begged  that  he  would  remain 
at  the  camp  for  a few  days  while  they  communicated 
with  the  emperor.  This  was  granted,  partly  because 
Cortes  wished  to  await  developments,  not  being  at  all 
sure  of  the  Tlascaltecs,  and  partly  because  he  and 
others  needed  a respite  to  recover  from  their  wounds 
and  fevers.24 

The  only  result  of  the  message  to  Mexico  appears 
to  have  been  an  instruction  to  the  envo}~s  to  use 
every  effort  to  prevent  the  Spaniards  from  going 
either  to  Tlascala  or  to  Mexico;  and  to  make  their 
representations  more  weighty  a present  was  sent,  con- 
sisting of  ten  pieces  of  wrought  gold,  worth  over  three 
thousand  Castellanos,  says  Bernal  Diaz,  and  of  several 
hundred  pieces  of  cotton  fabrics,  richly  embroidered.25 
It  served  but  as  another  magnet  to  aid  in  attracting 
the  invaders.  Cortes  accepted  the  presents,  but  held 
out  no  hopes  of  changing  his  determination. 

The  Tlascaltecs  had  meanwhile  kept  the  camp 
liberally  supplied  with  provisions,  for  which  they 
would  accept  no  recompense,  and  were  daily  urging 
Cortes  to  depart  for  Tlascala.  Alarmed  at  his  delay, 
the  lords  thought  it  best  to  go  in  person,  accompanied 
by  the  leading  nobles,  to  entreat  him.26  The  last 

24  Cortes  gives  only  his  suspicions  of  the  Tlascaltecs  as  a reason  for  the 
delay,  without  referring  to  any  communication  being  sent  to  Mexico.  Cartas, 
G7.  Meanwhile  he  wrote  to  Escalante  at  Villa  Eica,  informing  him  of  occur- 
rences, and  asking  for  a supply  of  holy  wafers  and  two  bottles  of  wine,  which 
speedily  came.  Bernal  Diaz,  Mist.  Verdad.,  51. 

2i  After  an  absence  of  six  days,  six  leading  men  came  from  Mexico,  who 
brought,  beside  the  ten  pieces  of  jewelry,  200  pieces  of  cloth.  Bernal  Diaz, 
Mist.  Verdad.,  52.  The  envoys  who  had  been  sent  to  Mexico  came  back  on 
the  sixth  day  with  ten  beautifully  wrought  jewels  of  gold  and  1500  pieces  of 
cloth,  far  richer  than  the  former.  Gomo.ra,  Mist.  Mex. , 85-6. 

2G  ‘ Todos  los  seiiores  me  vinieron  a rogar.  ’ Cortes,  Cartas,  67.  ‘ Vinieron 

assi  mismo  todas  las  cabeceras  y seiiores  de  Tlaxcallan  a rogarle.  ’ Gomara, 
Hist.  Mex.,  86.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  52,  names  five  lords,  but  the 
names  arc  very  confused,  except  Xicotencatl  and  Maxixcatzin,  which  approach 
nearer  to  the  usual  form.  Ixtlilxochitl  states  that  Cort<?s  made  it  a condition 
that  the  lords  should  come  and  ask  him,  whereupon  they  each  select  two  high 
representatives  to  proceed  to  the  camp  and  escort  him  to  Tlascala.  They  were 
guided  by  the  envoys  Tolinpanecatl  and  Costomatl,  and  brought  a few  jewels 
as  presents.  Hist.  Ckirh.,  292-3.  Nor  does  Camargo  allow  the  lords  to  go  to 
the  camp,  but  Costomatl  and  Tolinpanecatl  are  sent.  Hist,  'l'lax.,  146. 


2*24 


ENTRY  INTO  TLASCALA. 


envoy  from  Montezuma  had  just  delivered  his  pres- 
ents when  they  were  announced.  Descending  from 
their  litters  they  advanced  toward  Cortes  with  the 
customary  salute,27  the  lead  being  taken  by  Xico- 
tencatl,  ruler  of  Tizatlan,  so  blind  and  old  that  he 
had  to  be  supported  by  attendants,  and  by  Maxix- 
catzin,  of  Ocotelulco,  the  youngest  and  wisest  of  the 
lords.28 

Xicotencatl  expressed  his  sorrow  for  their  resist- 
ance, but  reminded  the  Spanish  chief  that,  this  being 
forgiven,  they  had  now  come  to  invite  him  to  their 
city,  and  to  offer  their  possessions  and  services.  He 
must  not  believe  the  slanderous  insinuations  which 
they  feared  the  Mexicans  had  uttered.  Cortes  could 
not  resist  the  evident  sincerity  of  this  appeal  from  so 
prominent  a body,  and  he  hastened  to  assure  them 
that  preparations  for  the  departure  and  other  affairs 
had  alone  detained  him.29 

The  lords  accordingly  returned  to  prepare  for  the 
reception,  and  to  send  five  hundred  carriers  to  assist 
in  the  march,  which  began  the  following  morning. 
The  Mexican  envoys  were  invited  to  accompany  the 
Spaniards,  in  order  that  they  might  witness  the 
honors  paid  to  them.  The  road  to  Tlascala,  some  six 
leagues  in  length,  passed  through  a hilly  yet  well 
cultivated  country,  skirted  on  the  east  by  the  snow- 
crowned  peak  which  was  soon  to  bear  the  revered 
name  of  Malinche.  In  every  direction  were  verdure- 
clad  slopes  spotted  with  huge  oaks,  while  above  and 
beyond  the  vista  was  closed  by  a dark  green  fringe  of 


27  ‘ TocarO  las  manos  en  el  suelo,  y besaron  la  tierra.  ’ Bernal  Diaz,  Hist. 

Vc~dad. , 52. 

28  Camargo,  Hist.  Tlax.,  155.  Maxixcatzin  is  put  forward  by  the  Spanish 
writers  as  the  principal  lord,  chiefly  perhaps  because  lie  was  the  most  devoted 
to  the  conquerors,  but  also  because  his  quarter  of  Ocotelulco  was  the  largest 
and  richest.  Camargo  and  Ixtlilxochitl  place  Xicotencatl  first,  and  he 
certainly  takes  the  lead  in  speaking  and  in  receiving  the  Spaniards  at  his 
palace.  His  age,  which  Camargo  raises  into  the  hundred,  may  have  had 
something  to  do  with  this,  however. 

2a  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  V erdad. , 52,  states  that  he  pleaded  the  want  of  car- 
riers, which  was  not  very  plausible,  unless  intended  as  a hint  at  Tlascalteo 
hospitality. 


TLASCALA. 


225 


the  hardier  fir,  which  seemed  to  rise  like  shielding 
bulwarks  round  the  settlements  in  the  valleys.  The 
leading  towns  on  the  route  were  Tzompantzinco  and 
Atlihuetzin,  where  the  population  turned  out  en  masse 
to  receive  the  Spaniards. 

A quarter  of  a league  from  the  capital  they  were 
met  by  the  lords  and  nobles,  accompanied  by  a great 
retinue,  attired  in  the  colors  of  the  different  districts. 
Women  of  rank  came  forward  with  flowers  in  gar- 
lands and  bouquets;  and  a long  line  of  priests  in 
flowing  white  robes,  with  cowls,  and  flowing  hair 
clotted  with  blood  from  freshly  slashed  ears,  marched 
along  swinging  their  copal  censers,  while  in  the  rear 
and  around  surged  a crowd  estimated  at  one  hun- 
dred thousand  persons. 

Before  them  rose  the  capital,  prominently  located 
upon  four  hills,  “ so  great  and  so  admirable,”  quoth 
Cortes,  “ that  although  I say  but  little  of  it,  that 
little  will  appear  incredible,  for  it  is  much  larger  than 
Granada  and  much  stronger,  with  as  good  edifices 
and  with  much  more  people  than  Granada  had  at  the 
time  it  was  captured;  also  much  better  supplied  with 
the  things  of  the  earth.”30  There  were  four  distinct 
quarters,  separated  by  high  stone  walls  and  traversed 
by  narrow  streets.  In  each  stood  a lordly  palace 
for  the  ruler,  and  here  and  there  rose  temples  and 
masonry  buildings  for  the  nobles,  but  the  greater 
part  of  the  dwellings  were  one-story  adobe  and  mud 
huts.  The  highest  quarter  in  situation  was  Tepet- 
icpac,  the  first  settled,  separated  from  Ocotelulco 
by  the  river  Zahuatl.31  The  latter  was  not  only 
the  largest  and  most  populous,  but  the  richest,  and 
held  a daily  market  attended  by  thirty  thousand 
people,  it  is  claimed.32  Quiahuiztlan  lay  below  on 

30  Cortes,  Cartas,  67. 

31  Now  Atoyac. 

32  Cortes  proceeds  to  give  an  account  of  articles  sold  here,  which  is  on  a 
par  with  his  Granada  comparison,  and  accords  little  with  the  declared  sim- 
plicity or  poverty  of  the  people.  In  the  temple  over  800  persons  had  been 
sacrificed  during  some  years.  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  v.  cap.  ii. 

Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  I.  15 


226 


ENTRY  INTO  TLASCALA. 


the  river,  and  above  it  Tizatlan,  the  residence  of  the 
blind  chief.33 

It  was  here  that  the  Spaniards  entered  on  Sep- 
tember 23d,31  henceforth  a feast-day  to  its  people. 
Through  streets  adorned  with  festoons  and  arches, 
and  past  houses  covered  with  cheering  multitudes, 
they  proceeded  to  the  palace  of  Xicotencatl,  who  came 
forward  to  tender  the  customary  banquet.  Cortes 
saluted  him  with  the  respect  due  to  his  age,35  and  was 
conducted  to  the  banquet -hall,  after  which  quarters 
were  pointed  out  in  the  courts  and  buildings  sur- 
rounding the  temple.36  Neat  beds  of  matting  and 
nequen  cloth  were  spread  for  the  troops.  Close  by 
were  the  quarters  of  the  allies  and  the  Mexican 
envoys. 

A round  of  invitations  and  festivities  was  tendered 
the  guests  in  the  several  quarters;  yet  Cortes  allowed 
no  relaxation  in  the  usual  discipline  and  watches, 
greatly  to  the  grief  of  the  lords,  who  finally  remon- 
strated against  this  apparent  want  of  confidence.  The 
Mexicans  must  have  poisoned  the  mind  of  Malinche 
against  them,  they  said.  Malinche  was  becoming  a 
recognized  name  for  Cortes  among  the  Indians.  It 
seems  strange  that  they  should  have  fixed  upon  no 
higher  sounding  title  for  so  great  a leader  than  ‘master 
of  Marina/  as  it  implied,  while  the  inferior  Alvarado 
was  dubbed  Tonatiuh,  ‘the  sun/  The  Tlascaltecs 
had,  however,  another  name  for  the  general  in  Chal- 
cliiuitl,  the  term  for  their  favorite  precious  stones,  and 
also  a title  of  Quetzalcoatl,  ‘the  white  god.’37  Cortes 


33  Oomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  87-8;  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  vi.  caps.  y.  xii.  xiii. ; 
Carbajal  Espinosa,  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  162;  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Apolog.,  MS.,  13-14. 

3 1 Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  52.  Gomara,  followed  by  Herrera,  says  tbe 
18th. 

31  ‘ Se  quit6  la  gorra  y les  hizo  una  muy  grande  y bumilde  reverencia,  y 
lnego  abrazo  d Xicotencatl,’  says  Ixtlilxochitl,  with  an  exactness  which  is 
doubtless  intended  to  impress  the  ruder  Spanish  population  of  his  day.  Hist. 
Chich. , 293.  Camargo  also  describes  ceremonies  with  some  detail,  Hist.  Tlax. , 
147,  and  Duran,  Hist.  Ind.,  MS.,  ii.  425-7. 

36  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  86.  Camargo  and  Ixtlilxochitl  quarter  the  Span- 
iards in  the  palace.  ‘A  las  casas  reales.’  Sahaqun,  Hist.  Conq.,  17. 

37  Camargo,  Hist.  Tlax.,  150;  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  52. 


EXCHANGE  OF  GIFTS. 


227 


was  quite  touched  by  the  fervor  of  the  lords  in  their 
newly  formed  friendship.  Untutored  in  some  respects, 
they  appeared  to  rush  like  children  from  one  extreme 
to  another — from  obstinate  enmity  to  profound  devo- 
tion, now  worshipping  the  doughty  little  band  who 
had  overcome  their  vast  number,  and  admiring  their 
every  trait  and  act,  willing  to  yield  life  itself  for  the 
heroic  leader.  He  hastened  to  assure  them  of  his 
confidence,  and  declined  the  hostages  they  offered, 
asserting  that  strict  discipline  was  part  of  the  military 
system  which  he  was  in  duty  bound  to  maintain.  This 
seemed  to  convince  the  lords,  and  they  even  sought 
to  introduce  among  their  own  troops  some  of  the 
regulations  which  they  learned  to  admire. 

The  second  day  of  their  sojourn  Padre  Diaz  said  mass 
in  the  presence  of  the  two  leading  lords,  who  there- 
upon presented  Cortes  with  half  a dozen  fishes  made 
of  gold,  several  curious  stones,  and  some  nequen  cloth, 
altogether  worth  about  twenty  pesos,  says  Bernal 
Diaz.38  Insignificant  as  was  the  gift,  they  expressed 
a hope  that  in  view  of  their  poverty  he  would  accept 
it  as  a token  of  friendship.  Cortes  assured  them  that 
“he  received  it  from  their  hand  with  greater  pleasure 
than  he  would  a house  filled  with  gold  dust  from 
others.”39  In  return  he  gave  them  some  of  the  robes 
and  other  useful  articles  obtained  from  Montezuma, 
beside  beads  and  trinkets.  They  now  proposed,  as  a 
further  proof  of  their  good-wTill,  to  bestow  on  the  cap- 
tains their  daughters,  in  order  to  have  for  relatives  men 
so  good  and  brave.  Cortes  expressed  himself  pleased, 
but  explained  that  this  could  not  be  admitted  till  the 
Tlascaltecs  renounced  idolatry  and  its  attendant  evils.40 

38  Camargo  calls  it  a rich  present.  • 

39  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  53. 

40  According  to  the  somewhat  mixed  account  of  Bemal  Diaz,  Xicotencatl 
offers  his  daughter  at  once  to  Cortes,  who  accepts,  and  thereupon  urges  Padre 
Olmedo  to  begin  a raid  against  idolatry.  The  latter  tells  him  to  wait  till  the 
daughters  are  brought.  They  are  introduced  on  the  following  day,  five  in 
number,  and  Xicotencatl  joins  the  hands  of  the  general  with  the  one  intended 
for  him.  He  accepts  her,  but  declares  that  she  and  her  companions  must 
remain  with  their  parents  till  conversion  is  consummated.  Finally  the  daughter 
is  transferred  to  Alvarado. 


223 


ENTRY  INTO  TLASCALA. 


He  thereupon  proceeded  to  expound  to  them  the  doc- 
trines of  his  faith  and  contrast  them  with  the  impure, 
cruel,  and  bloody  rites  practised  by  them.  This  was 
ably  interpreted  by  Marina  and  Aguilar,  who  were 
by  this  time  expert  in  preaching,  and  the  cross  and 
virgin  image  were  produced  to  illustrate  the  discourse. 
The  lords  answered  that  they  believed  the  Christian’s 
God  must  be  good  and  powerful,  since  he  was  wor- 
shipped by  such  men,  and  they  were  willing  to  accord 
him  a place  by  the  side  of  their  idols  ;41  but  they  could 
not  renounce  their  own  time-honored  and  benevolent 
deities.  To  do  so  would  be  to  create  an  uprising 
among  the  people,  and  bring  war  and  pestilence  from 
the  outraged  gods.  Cortes  produced  further  argu- 
ments, only  to  be  told  that  in  time  they  would  better 
understand  the  new  doctrines,  and  might  then  yield, 
but  at  present  their  people  would  choose  death  rather 
than  submit  to  such  sacrilege. 

Finding  that  the  religious  zeal  of  Cortes  threatened 
to  overcome  his  prudence,  Padre  Olmedo  hastened  to 
interpose  his  counsel,  representing  the  danger  of  losing 
all  that  their  valor  and  perseverance  had  gained  if 
they  pressed  so  delicate  a subject  with  a superstitious 
and  warlike  people  as  yet  only  half  gained  over.  He 
had  never  approved  of  forcible  conversion,  and  could 
see  no  advantage  in  removing  idols  from  one  temple 
when  they  would  be  sure  to  rise  in  another.  Indeed, 
persecution  could  only  tend  to  root  idolatrj^  more 
deeply  in  the  heart.  It  were  better  to  let  the  true 
faith  work  its  way  into  the  appreciation  of  the  people, 
as  it  would  be  sure  to  do  if  the  natives  were  given  an 
opportunity  to  contrast  their  bloody  rites  with  the 
religion  of  Christ,  provided  the  Spaniards  would  them- 
selves follow  the  precepts  of  love  and  gentleness  they 
were  commending  to  the  Indians.  The  success  of  the 
conquest  owes  much  to  Olmedo,  whose  heart,  like 
Las  Casas’,  warmed  for  the  benighted  Indians,  to 
him  wayward  children  who  must  be  won  by  moder- 

41 A not  uncommon  practice  in  Mexico,  carried  out  in  the  same  manner  as 
among  the  Romans.  See  Native,  Races , iii.,  passim. 


FATHER  OLMEDO. 


229 

ation.  Like  a guardian  angel  lie  rose  in  defence  of 
his  Hock,  saving  at  the  same  time  the  Spaniards  from 
their  own  passions.42  Alvarado,  Velazquez  de  Leon, 
and  others,  who  had  no  desire  to  witness  a repetition 
of  the  Cempoalan  iconoclasm,  supported  the  father  in 
his  counsel,  and  Cortes  agreed  to  content  himself  for 
the  present  with  having  an  appropriate  place  set  aside 
in  the  temple  for  an  altar  and  a cross.43  And  upon 
this  cross,  say  the  credulous  chroniclers,  a white  radiant 
cloud,  in  form  of  a whirling  pillar,  descended  at  night 
from  the  sky,  impressing  the  natives  with  the  sacred- 
ness of  the  symbol,  and  guarding  it  till  the  conquest 
had  established  the  faith  in  the  land.44  The  Spaniards 
succeeded  further  in  abolishing  human  sacrifices,  and 
the  fattening-cages  being  torn  down,  a large  number 
of  intended  victims  sought  refuge  in  their  camp,  laud- 
ing their  doctrines  and  aiding  not  a little  to  pave  the 
way  for  conversion.45 

The  inaugural  mass  for  the  new  altar  was  followed 
by  the  baptism  of  the  brides,  the  daughters  and  nieces 
of  the  lords  being  the  first  to  undergo  the  ceremony. 

42  Portrait  in  Carbajal  Espinosa,  Hist.  Max. , ii.  165,  and  Zamacois,  Hist. 
Mej. , ii.  514. 

43  ‘ En  aquel  templo  adonde  estaua  aposentado,  se  hiziesse  vn  capilla.  ’ Her- 

rera, dec.  ii.  lib.  vi.  cap.  xv.  A new  temple  near  by  was  set  aside  for  this. 
Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Ver'tad.,  54.  ‘ Hizo  la  sala  principal  de  Xicotencatl  Ora- 

torio.’ Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chick.,  294.  ‘Hizo  una  iglesia  en  nna  casa  de  on 
idolo  principal.’  Tapia,  Bel.,  in  Irazl)alceta,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  572-3.  This  author 
does  not  intimate  that  Cortes  sought  to  force  conversion,  Bernal  Diaz  alone 
being  responsible  for  the  statement,  though  Herrera  adopts  it.  Eager  to 
remove  the  reproach  of  infidelity  from  his  people,  Camargo  relates  that  Cortes 
insisted  on  the  renunciation  of  idolatry,  and  that  the  chiefs  finally  yielded, 
while  placing  upon  him  the  responsibility  of  removing  the  images.  When 
the  iconoclasm  began,  the  people  hastened  to  hide  their-  cherished  idols,  which 
they  long  worshipped  in  secret,  although  accepting  baptism.  Hist.  T/ax.,  150-8. 
In  a hieroglyphic  painting  still  possessed  by  the  cabildo,  says  Ixtlilxochitl,  it  is 
shown  that  the  lords  were  at  this  time  baptized.  He  gives  their  new  names. 
Hist.  Chich.,  294. 

41  ‘ Duro  tres,  6 quatro  afios.’  Bemesal,  Hist.  Chi/apa,  304;  D Avila,  Teatro 
Ecles. , i.  78 ; Cnmanjo,  H ist.  Tlax. , 140 ; Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  vi.  cap.  xv.  Soli3 
dwells  upon  the  spiritual  effect  of  the  miracle,  which  occurred  immediately 
after  the  departure  from  Tlascala.  Hist.  Mex. , i.  324-5.  Torquemada  devotes  a 
whole  chapter  to  it,  and  states  that  the  first  cross  was  raised  by  unseen  hands 
the  night  after  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards  in  the  city.  The  high-priest  placed 
over  it  a guard,  who  was  surprised  by  a celestial  light  which  appeared  at  mid- 
night and  drove  out  the  demon  from  the  temple,  iii.  200-3. 

45  ‘ Lo  primero  que  mandaua  nuestro  Capitan  era  quebralles  las  tales  car- 
celes,  y echar  fuera  los  prisioneros.  ’ Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  55. 


230 


ENTRY  INTO  TLASCALA. 


Cortes  pleading  that  he  was  already  married,  Tecuil- 
huatzin,  the  daughter  of  Xicotencatl,  destined  for  him, 
was  at  his  request  given  to  Alvarado,  his  brother  and 
captain  as  he  proclaimed  him,  and  blessed  with  the 
name  of  Luisa,  while  her  sister  Tolquequetzaltzin, 
baptized  as  Lucia,  was  conferred  on  the  brother, 
Jorge  de  Alvarado.  Maxixcatzin’s  niece  Zicuetzin,  a 
pretty  girl,  was  named  Elvira  and  given  to  Velazquez 
de  Leon,  it  appears.  Olid,  Sandoval,  Avila,  and  others 
also  received  distinguished  brides  with  dowries.  Cortes 
found  it  necessary,  however,  to  decline  accepting  wives 
for  the  whole  company,  as  the  lords  proposed.46  In- 
deed, they  urged  him  to  settle  among  them,  offering 
to  give  lands  and  to  build  houses  for  the  whole  party.47 

Finding  him  determined  to  proceed  to  Mexico,  they 
offered  their  cooperation,  and  gave  an  account  of  the 
wealth,  power,  and  condition  of  the  lake  states,  dwell- 
ing in  particular  on  the  magnificence  of  Montezuma. 
They  did  not  omit  a tirade  against  his  tyranny,  and 
stated  that  whenever  he  proposed  to  attack  Tlascala 
no  less  than  one  hundred  thousand  men  were  placed  in 
the  field.  It  was  because  they  were  forewarned  that 
their  resistance  was  so  successful,  and  because  the 
Aztec  troops,  gathered  as  they  were  to  a great  extent 
from  subject  provinces,  fought  with  less  spirit.48 

46  In  order  to  obtain  by  them  a race  of  heroes.  Most  writers,  following 
Bernal  Diaz  and  the  less  explicit  chroniclers,  allow  Xicotencatl  to  give  only 
one  daughter,  but  Ixtlilxocliitl  names  two,  Hist.  Chick. , 294,  and  Juarros,  in  his 
biography  of  the  Alvarados,  enumerates  their  different  wives,  and  among  them 
the  two  sisters,  with  their  full  names  and  their  descendants.  Pedro  de  Alva- 
rado’s only  surviving  issue,  he  says,  was  a daughter  Leonor,  by  Luisa,  who 
married  first  Pedro  Puertocarrero  and  afterward  Francisco  de  la  Cueva, 
nephew  of  the  Duke  of  Alburquerque.  The  other  sister  also  left  a daughter. 
Hist.  Guat  , 347-8.  Bernal  Diaz  mentions  also  a son,  Pedro,  by  Luisa.  Hist. 
Verdad.,  54;  C/avigero,  Storia  Mess.,  iii.  54.  According  to  Camargo,  300 
young  and  pretty  slave  girls,  destined  for  the  sacrifices,  were  the  first  women 
offered.  They  were  at  first  declined,  but  finally  accepted  for  the  suite  of 
Marina.  Finding  that  they  wrere  well  treated,  the  lords  offered  their  own 
daughters  in  marriage.  Hist.  Tlax.,  148-50.  A number  of  women  were  added 
to  the  suite  of  Marina  and  of  the  new  wives,  from  the  first  families  in  the  state, 
another  authority  intimates.  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex. , 86 ; Hei'rera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  vi. 
cap.  xi. 

47  Camargo,  Hist.  Tlax.,  150-1.  They  opened  a road  to  Cempoala,  and 
brought  effects  from  Villa  Rica,  including  presents  for  the  lords.  Ixtlilxochitl, 
Hist.  Chick.,  294. 

48  Tapia  writes,  ‘ Yo  que  esto  escribo  preguntd  d Muteczuma  y d otros  sus 


INVITATION  FROM  MONTEZUMA. 


231 


Cortds  had  now  a further  motive  for  going  to 
Mexico,  which  was  the  alliance  proposed  to  him  by 
Ixtlilxochitl,  the  rebellious  brother  of  Cacama,  and 
ruler  of  northern  Acolhuacan,  who  hoped  with 
Spanish  aid  to  overthrow  the  hated  Montezuma,  and 
raise  himself  to  the  throne  of  Tezcuco,  at  least,  and 
to  the  head  of  the  allied  states.  To  this  pleasing  pro- 
posal Cortes  replied  in  a manner  which  could  not  fail 
to  promote  his  own  interests  by  keeping  alive  the 
spirit  of  dissension  among  his  prey.49  Huexotzinco, 
the  ally  of  Tlascala,  sent  in  her  formal  adhesion  about 
the  same  time. 

Finding  that  the  Spaniards  could  not  be  kept  away 
from  Mexico,  Montezuma  thought  it  best  at  any  rate 
to  hasten  their  departure  from  Tlascala.  An  urgent 
invitation  to  visit  him  in  his  capital  was  accordingly 
sent  through  four  prominent  caciques,  attended  by 
followers  bearing  as  usual  a costly  present,  consisting 
of  ten  bales  of  embroidered  robes  and  a number  of 
gold  articles,  worth  fully  ten  thousand  pesos.60  A 
council  was  held  to  consider  the  departure  and  the 
route  to  be  taken.  The  lords  of  Tlascala  did  not 
relish  the  idea  of  a friendly  visit  to  Mexico  by  their 
new  allies,  to  be  won  over  perhaps  by  the  arts  of 
the  enemy.  They  sought  to  impress  upon  Cortes  that 

capitanes,’  and  was  told  that  the  Mexicans  could  readily  have  subdued  little 
Tlascala,  but  they  preferred  to  use  her  as  a means,  close  at  hand,  for  exer- 
cising their  youth  and  armies  in  wrarfare,  and  for  supplying  war  captives  for 
the  sacrifices  ! Tapia,  Rel. , in  Icazbulceta,  Col.  Doc. , ii.  57 2.  ‘ Juntaua  dozientos 
y trezientos  mil  hombres  para  vna  batalla.  ’ Gomara,  Hist.  Me x. , 89.  The  Tlas- 
caltecs  spoke  of  their  descent  from  giants,  and  produced  gigantic  bones  in 
evidence  thereof.  Some  of  these  were  sent  to  Spain  by  Cortes,  together  with 
the  report.  Bernal  Diaz,,  Hist.  Verdad. , 55. 

49  Torquemada  places  the  arrival  of  this  embassy  immediately  after  Cortes’ 
entry  into  Tlascala,  Monarq.  Ind.,  i.  433,  while  Clavigero  dates  it  at  Tecohuat- 
zinco.  Storia  Mess.,  iii.  51-2.  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  calls  it  the  second 
embassy,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  165,  for  he  accepts  the  statement  of  Ixtlilxochitl, 
Hist.  Chick.,  288,  that  the  first  envoys  saw  Cortes  at  his  camp  by  San  Juan 
de  Ulua.  For  Ixtlilxochitl’s  career,  see  Native  Races,  v.  474-7. 

50  Bernal  Diaz  relates  that  Cortes  detained  these  men  as  hostages,  while  he 
bent  Alvarado  and  Bernardino  Vazquez  de  Tapia  to  Mexico  to  communicate 
with  Montezuma,  and  to  examine  the  route  and  approaches  to  the  city.  They 
had  hardly  left  before  the  company  began  to  censure  the  rashness  of  senfling 
two  valuable  men  on  so  risky  a mission,  and  Cortes  accordingly  sent  to  recall 
them.  Tapia  having  fallen  sick  on  the  road,  they  gladly  returned,  but  left 
the  guides  to  proceed  to  Mexico. 


232 


ENTRY  INTO  TLASCALA. 


Montezuma  was  the  incarnation  of  treachery,  await- 
ing only  an  opportunity  to  get  them  into  his  power 
and  to  crush  them.  They  were  ready  to  join  in  an 
armed  descent  upon  the  tyrant,  proposing  to  spare 
neither  young  nor  old ; the  former,  because  they  might 
grow  up  to  be  avengers,  the  latter  because  of  their 
dangerous  counsel.  Cortes  suggested  that  he  might 
yet  establish  friendly  relations  between  them  and  the 
Mexicans,  and  reopen  the  trade  in  salt,  cotton,  and 
other  articles;  but  this  aroused  only  an  incredulous 
smile.  With  regard  to  the  route,  they  favored  either 
the  Calpulalpan  road,  proposed  by  Ixtlilxochitl,  or 
that  leading  through  Huexotzinco,  friendly  to  them, 
declaring  that  it  would  be  preposterous  to  pass  by  the 
way  of  Cliolula,  as  urged  by  the  Mexican  envoys, 
since  this  was  the  very  hatching -place  for  Monte- 
zuma’s plots.  The  road  to  it,  and  every  house  there, 
were  full  of  snares  and  pitfalls;  the  great  Quetzalcoatl 
temple-pyramid,  for  instance,  being  known  to  contain 
a mighty  stream  which  could  at  any  moment  be  let 
loose  upon  invaders,  and  Montezuma  having  a large 
army  hidden  near  the  saintly  city.51 

The  extraordinary  accounts  of  Cliolula  served  to 
arouse  Cortes’  curiosity,  and  the  representation  of 
dangers  made,  him  the  more  resolved  to  encounter 

O # 

them,  chiefly  because  he  did  not  wish  to  appear  in- 
timidated. This  route  was  beside  easier,  and  passed 
through  a rich  country.  He  accordingly  decided  in 

51  ‘ Me  dijeron ....  que  para  ello  habia  enviado  Muteczuma  de  su  tierra .... 
cincuenta  mil  liombres,  y que  los  tenia  en  guarnieion  4 dos  leguas  de  la  dicha 
ciudad ....  6 que  tenian  cerrado  el  camino  real  por  donde  solian  ir,  y liecho  otro 
nuevo  de  muchos  hoyos,  y palos  agudos  hineados  y encubiertos  para  que  los 
caballos  cayesen  y se  mancasen,  y que  tenian  muchas  de  las  calles  tapiadas,  y 
por  las  azoteas  de  las  casas  muchas  piedras.  ’ Cort6s,  Cartas,  70.  The  stream 
within  the  temple  was  a myth,  which  the  Cholultecs  sought  to  maintain  in 
order  to  frighten  their  enemies.  Oviedo  and  Gomara  relate  that  Xicotencatl 
junior  was  concerned  in  these  plots,  and  that,  warned  by  his  sister,  the  wife 
of  Alvarado,  Cortes  had  him  quietly  seized  and  choked  to  death,  iii.  497 ; Hist. 
Mtx. , 90.  Whoever  may  have  been  throttled,  it  certainly  was  not  the  general, 
for  lie  met  his  fate  at  a later  date.  According  to  Bernal  Diaz  the  whole  army 
was  consulted  as  to  whether  all  were  prepared  to  start  for  Mexico.  Many  of 
those  owning  estates  in  Cuba  raised  objections,  but  Cortes  firmly  declared  that 
there  was  no  other  way  open  than  the  one  to  Mexico,  and  so  they  yielded. 
Hist.  Verdad.,  56. 


INTERCOURSE  WITH  CHOLULA. 


233 


favor  of  it,  and  when  reminded  of  the  suspicious 
absence  of  any  deputation  from  that  city,  he  sent  a 
message  to  the  rulers  that  they  might  remedy  the 
omission.52 

The  Cholultec  council  was  divided  on  the  answer 
to  be  sent,  three  of  the  members  being  in  favor  of 
compliance,  and  the  other  three,  supported  by  the 
generalissimo,  opposing  any  concession.63  Finally  a 
compromise  was  effected  by  sending  three  or  four 
persons  of  no  standing,  and  without  presents,  to  say 
that  the  governors  of  the  city  were  sick  and  could  not 
come.  The  Tlascaltecs  pointed  out  the  disrespect  in 
sending  such  men  and  such  a message,  and  Cortes  at 
once  despatched  four  messengers  to  signify  his  dis- 
pleasure, and  to  announce  that  unless  the  Cholultecs 
within  three  days  sent  persons  of  authority  to  offer 
allegiance  to  the  Spanish  king,  he  would  march 
forth  and  destroy  them,  proceeding  against  them  as 
against  rebels.54 

o 

Finding  that  it  would  not  do  to  trifle  with  the 
powerful  strangers,  some  of  the  highest  nobles  in 
the  city  were  despatched  to  the  Spanish  camp,  with 
a suitable  retinue,  to  tender  excuses,  pleading  that 
they  had  dreaded  to  enter  Tlascala,  a state  hostile 
to  them. 

They  invited  Cortes  to  their  city,  where  amends 


52  ‘ Y dar  la  obediencia  (i  nuestro  Rey,  y Senor,  sino  que  los  temia  por  de 
malas  intenciones.  ’ Bernal  Diaz,  Hint.  Verdad.,  56.  According  to  Camargo, 
Patlahuatzin  of  Tlascala  was  sent  with  the  message.  The  Cholultecs  seized 
and  flayed  his  face  and  arms,  cutting  olf  the  hands,  so  that  they  were  left 
dangling  by  the  skin  from  the  neck.  In  this  guise  they  sent  him  back  with 
the  reply  that  thus  would  they  receive  the  white  gods  whose  prowess  he  had 
extolled.  The  Tlascaltecs  demanded  that  Cortes  should  avenge  the  cruelty  and 
the  insult,  and  he  did  so  in  the  massacre  of  Cholula.  This,  continues  the  nar- 
rator, is  commemorated  in  Tlascalan  song,  but  the  account  is  evidently  mixed, 
and  probably  refers  chiefly  to  some  earlier  occurrence.  Hist.  Tlax.,  161  -2' 
Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  assumes  that  Patlahuatzin  is  merely  insulted  and  ill- 
treated.  The  two  peoples  had  once  been  friends  and' allies,  but  during  the 
last  battle  which  they  fought  against  their  common  enemy,  the  Aztecs,  the 
Cholultecs  had  suddenly  changed  sides  and  fallen  on  the  rear  of  their  unsus- 
pecting allies,  inflicting  great  slaughter.  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  vi.  cap.  xviii. 

Three  of  the  members  are  imprisoned  for  favoring  an  alliance  with  the 
Spaniards,  but  they  escape  and  come  to  Cortes,  says  Herrera,  id. 

54  Cortes,  Cartas,  71,  says  that  he  sent  this  message  by  the  Cholultec  mes- 


234 


ENTRY  INTO  TLASCALA. 


would  be  made  by  rendering  the  obedience  and  tribute 
which  was  considered  due  from  them  as  vassals  of  his 
king.65 

55  ‘ E asi  lo  asentb  un  escribano.  ’ Id.  ,72.  ‘ Otro  dia  vinieron  muchos  senores 
y capitanes  de  Chololla.’  Gomara,  Hisl.  Mex.,  91.  According  to  Brasseur  de 
Bourbourg,  Cortes  is  already  en  route  for  Cholula  when  the  friendly  council 
members  appear  to  bring  excuses  and  invitations.  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  169-70. 
Bernal  Diaz,  indeed,  appears  to  say  that  the  Cholultecs  sent  to  excuse  them- 
selves from  appearing  before  Cort<5s  so  long  as  he  remained  in  hostile  territory. 
Hist.  Verdad.,  57. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 


SUBJUGATION  OF  CHOLULA. 

October,  1519. 

Departure  from  Tlascala — Description  of  Cholula — The  Welcome — 
Army  Quarters  in  the  City — Intimations  of  a Conspiracy  between 
the  Mexicans  and  Cholultecs — Cortes  Asks  for  Provisions  and 
Warriors — He  Holds  a Council — Preparations  for  an  Attack  — 
The  Lords  Enter  the  Court  with  the  Required  Supplies — Cortes 
Reprimands  them  in  an  Address — The  Slaughter  Begins — Destruc- 
tion of  the  City — Butchery  and  Pillage — Amnesty  finally  Pro- 
claimed— XlCOTENCATL  RETURNS  TO  TLASCALA  — RECONCILIATION  OF 

the  Cholultecs  and  Tlascaltecs — Dedication  of  a Temple  to  the 
Virgin — Reflections  on  the  Massacre  of  Cholula. 


The  Spaniards  had  been  three  weeks  beneath  the 
hospitable  roofs  of  the  Tlascaltecs,  and  now  they  de- 
parted amid  expressions  of  good-will  mingled  with 
grief.1  A crowd  as  large  as  that  which  had  welcomed 
their  arrival  followed  them  for  a considerable  distance, 
and  this  included  all  the  available  warriors  of  the 
districts,2  who  would  gladly  have  joined  the  handful  of 
heroes  in  their  quest  for  wealth  and  glory  amongst 
the  hated  Aztecs.  Cortes  did  not  think  it  well,  how- 
ever, to  trammel  his  movements,  or  to  intrude  on  his 
various  hosts  with  too  large  a force  of  undisciplined 
and  unmanageable  men,  whom  he  had  not  learned  to 
trust,  and  only  about  five  thousand  were  allowed  to 
attach  themselves  to  his  army.3 

1 ‘ Higo  sacrificar  treynta  muchaclios  el  dia.  que  se  partieron.’  Oviedo, 
iii.  497. 

2 Estimated  by  Cortes  at  a round  100,000.  Others  say  he  was  offered 
10,000  to  20,000  men. 

3 This  is  the  figure  deduced  from  later  references.  ‘ Quedaron  en  mi  co:n- 
pafiia  hasta  cinco  o seis  mil.’  Cortes , Cartas,  72.  Dismissing  the  100,000  with 
presents,  he  retained  only  3000.  ‘ Por  no  ponerse  en  manos  de  gente  barbara.  ’ 

1235) 


236 


SUBJUGATION  OF  CHOLULA. 


Late  in  the  afternoon  the  army  reached  the  southern 
border  of  Tlascala,  and  camped  by  a river  two  leagues 
from  Cholula.  The  city  stood  in  a vast  fertile  plain, 
so  thickly  covered  with  plantations  and  gardens  “that 
not  a span  of  land  remained  uncultivated.”  A net- 
work of  ditches  irrigated  the  fields  wherein  maize 
and  agave,  cochineal  and  chile,  swelled  the  resources 
of  the  owners.  “No  city  in  Spain,”  exclaims  Cortes, 
“presents  a more  beautiful  exterior,  with  its  even 
surface  and  mass  of  towers,”  interspersed  with  charm- 
ing gardens  and  fringed  with  alluring  groves.  Its 
six  sections  were  marked  by  fine,  straight  streets, 
lined  with  buildings,  the  neatness  and  substantial  ap- 
pearance of  which  fully  corresponded  to  the  reputed 
wealth  of  the  occupants.  Cortes  estimates  the  num- 
ber of  houses  at  twenty  thousand,  with  as  many  more 
in  the  suburbs,  which  implies  a population  of  two 
hundred  thousand.4 

Cholula  was  one  of  the  most  ancient  settlements  in 
the  country,  with  traditions  reaching  far  back  into  the 
misty  past.  It  was  here  that  Quetzalcoatl  had  left 
the  final  impress  of  his  golden  age  as  ruler  and  prophet, 
and  here  that  a grateful  people  had  raised  to  him  the 
grandest  of  his  many  temples,  erected  upon  the  ruins 
of  a tower  of  Babel  which  had  been  stayed  in  its 
growth  by  divine  interference.  Notwithstanding  the 
vicissitudes  of  war,  during  which  the  frenzy  of  the 
moment  had  overcome  religious  scruples  to  wreak 
destruction,  or  during  which  reckless  invaders  less 
imbued  with  veneration  came  to  desecrate  this  western 
Rome,  she  had  maintained  herself,  ever  rising  from 
the  ashes  with  renewed  vigor  and  fresh  splendor, 
and  she  was  at  this  time  the  commercial  centre  for 

Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  vii.  cap.  i.  ‘Six  thousand  warrioi-s,’  says  Ixtlilxochitl, 
Hist.  Chick.,  294.  He  gives  the  names  of  their  chiefs,  which  differ  wholly 
from  those  mentioned  in  Camarno,  Hist.  Tlax.,  160.  1 Fueron  tabien  con  el 

muchos  mercaderes  a rescatar  sal  y mantas.’  Gomara,  Hist.  Hex.,  91. 

* Cartas,  74-5.  ‘ En  el  tiempo  de  la  guerra  salian  en  campo  ochenta  6 
noventa  mill  hombres  de  guerra.  ’ Oviedo,  iii.  49S.  ‘ Ultra  triginta  millia 

familiarum  capiebat.  ’ Las  Casas,  Itegio.  Ind.  Devastat.,  26.  ‘ Parecio . . . . en 
el  assiento,  y prospetiua  a Valladolid.’  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  vii.  cap.  i. 


THE  nOLY  CITY. 


237 


the  great  Huitzilapan  plateau,  famous  beside  for  her 
pottery  and  delicate  fabrics.  The  warlike  Tlascaltecs 
referred  to  her  contemptuously  as  a city  of  cunning 
and  effeminate  traders,  and  there  was  doubtless  a 
good  deal  of  truth  in  this;  but  then  her  merchants 
rivalled  those  of  Mexico  in  wealth,  while  her  citizens 
were  not  behind  the  dwellers  on  the  lake  in  refine- 
ment. 

But  the  chief  renown  of  Cliolula  consisted  in  being 
the  holy  city  of  Anahuac,  unequalled  for  the  frequency 
and  pomp  of  her  festivals  and  sacred  pageantry;  in 
being  the  religious  centre  for  countless  pilgrims  who 
journeyed  from  afar  to  worship  at  the  shrines  here 
maintained,  not  only  by  the  citizens,  but  by  princes  of 
different  countries.  Her  temples  were  estimated  to 
equal  the  number  of  days  in  the  year,  and  as  some 
possessed  more  than  one  chapel,  fully  four  hundred 
towers  rose  to  bewilder  the  eye  with  their  gleaming 
ornamentation.  Chief  amoncj  them  was  the  semi- 
spherical  temple,  with  its  vestal  fire,  devoted  to 
Quetzalcoatl,  which  stood  upon  a quadrilateral  mound 
of  nearly  two  hundred  feet  in  height,  ascended  by  one 
hundred  and  twenty  steps,  and  with  a larger  base 
than  any  old-world  pyramid.5 

The  government  was  aristocratic  republican,  directed 
by  a council  of  six  nobles,  elected  in  the  six  wards.  At 
their  head  sat  two  supreme  magistrates,  the  tlachicich 
and  aquiach,  chosen  respectively  from  the  priesthood 
and  nobility,  and  corresponding  to  pontiff  and  captain- 
general,6  the  latter  office  held  at  this  time  by  Tecuan- 
huehuetzin.7 

’ See  Native  Races,  iii.  iv. 

6 Native  Races,  v.  264;  Camarrjo,  Hist.  Tlax.,  160.  ‘Gouernauase  por  vn 
capitan  general,  eligido  por  la  republica,  con  el  consejo  de  seys  nobles,  assist- 
ian  en  el  sacerdotes.  ’ Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  vii.  cap.  ii.  Gomara  mentions  only 
a captain-general  or  governor.  Mex.,  95.  Torquemada  gives  the  city 

four  lords,  who  divided  between  them  the  territory,  ii.  350-1.  The  govern- 
ment appears  to  have  undergone  several  changes  since  the  age  of  Quetzal- 
coatl, and  at  one  period  four  nobles  appear  to  have  represented  the  wards, 
but  these  increased  in  course  of  time  to  six,  and  the  council  appears  also  to 
have  been  increased  by  the  attendance  of  other  priests  beside  the  pontiff. 

1 < liimal/iaiii,  His '.  Conq.,  100,  107-8.  For  history  and  description  of  city 
and  temples,  see  Native  Races,  ii.-v. 


238 


SUBJUGATION  OF  CHOLULA. 


At  the  command  of  these  chiefs  a number  of  Cho- 
lultec  nobles  appeared  at  the  camp  to  offer  welcome 
and  to  bring  provisions.8  In  the  morning  the  army 
advanced  toward  the  city  and  was  met  by  a crowd 
of  fully  ten  thousand  people,  preceded  by  a stately 
procession,  at  the  head  of  which  appeared  the  lords. 
They  showed  themselves  most  obsequious,  but  re- 
quested that  the  Tlascaltecs,  as  their  enemies,  should 
not  be  allowed  to  enter  the  city,  and  Cortes  ac- 
cordingly persuaded  these  warriors  to  camp  outside. 
Some  of  their  carriers  alone  entered  with  the 
Cempoalans  and  Spaniards  to  receive  a share  in  the 
proffered  hospitality.  If  the  troops ' found  no  arches 
and  floral  festoons,  as  at  Tlascala,  to  honor  them,  nor 
the  same  jubilant  shouts  of  welcome,  they  were  at 
least  heralded  by  clashing  music,  and  dense  crowds  of 
spectators  lined  the  streets  and  roofs,  while  priests 
in  white  robes  went  chanting  by  their  side,  swinging 
the  censers  whence  the  copal  rose  to  shed  a halo  on 
the  heroes.  Cortes  was  struck  with  the  superior 
quality  and  quantity  of  dresses  worn,  the  higher 
classes  being  noticeable  in  their  embroidered  mantles, 
not  unlike  the  Moorish  cloak.  He  also  observed  that 
beggars  abounded,  as  they  did  in  “Spain  and  other 
parts  inhabited  by  civilized  people.” 

The  courts  of  one  of  the  temples9  were  offered  as 
quarters  for  the  army,  and  presently  servants  ap- 
peared with  provisions,  which,  if  not  abundant,  were 
at  least  good.10  Cortes  did  not  omit  to  vaunt  the 
grandeur  of  his  king  and  to  impress  the  advantages 
of  the  true  faith,  but  although  the  lords  bowed  ad- 
mission to  the  first  they  held  firmly  to  their  idols. 

8 From  a vague  reference  in  Camargo,  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  assumes  that 
this  party  is  headed  by  the  three  counsellors  least  friendly  to  the  Spaniards. 
A little  later  the  other  three  come  to  Cortes  for  protection,  after  escaping  from 
the  imprisonment  imposed  upon  them  by  their  colleagues.  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv. 
174.  Herrera  places  the  arrival  of  the  refugees  at  Tlascala.  dec.  ii.  lib.  vi. 
cap.  xviii.  But  there  appears  to  be  no  ground  for  these  statements. 

9 ‘ Del  gran  Cu  de  Quetzalcoatl.'  Sahagun,  Hist.  Conq.,  18. 

10  ‘Les  dieron  aquella  noche  a cada  vno  vn  gallipauo.’  Gomora,  Hist. 
Me-.,  92. 


OMINOUS  INDICATIONS. 


230 


The  following  day  they  failed  to  appear,  and  the 
supply  of  food  dwindled  perceptibly,  while  none  was 
furnished  on  the  third  day,  the  populace  even  ap- 
pearing to  avoid  the  Spanish  quarters.  Cortes  sent 
to  remind  the  chiefs  of  their  neglect,  but  received 
only  the  scantiest  provisions,  with  the  excuse  that 
the  stock  was  nearly  exhausted.11 

The  same  day  came  envoys  from  Montezuma,  un- 
provided with  the  usual  presents,  who,  after  some 
words  with  the  confreres  acting  as  guides  to  the 
Spaniards,  represented  that  to  proceed  to  Mexico 
would  be  useless,  since  the  roads  were  impassable  and 
the  food  supply  insufficient.12  Finding  that  these  and 
other  statements  had  no  effect  on  Cortes,  they  left, 
taking  with  them  the  leading  envoy  stationed  with 
the  Spaniards.13  All  this  'was  fai  from  reassuring, 
taken  in  connection  with  the  warning  of  the  Tlas- 
caltecs  still  ringing  in  their  ears,  and  with  the  report 
brought  by  Cempoalans  of  barricades,  of  stone  piles 
upon  the  roofs,  and  of  excavations  in  the  main 
street  set  with  pointed  sticks  and  loosely  covered 
over.14 

Now  came  messengers  from  the  allied  camp  to 
announce  that  women  and  children  had  been  leaving 
the  city  with  their  effects,  and  that  unusual  prepa- 
rations seemed  to  be  going  on.  Scarcely  had  this  set 
Cortes  pondering  when  Marina  appeared  with  the  still 
more  startling  information  that  a native  woman  of 
rank,  won  by  her  beauty  and  evident  wealth  no  doubt, 
had  just  been  urging  her  in  a most  mysterious  man- 
ner to  transfer  herself  and  her  effects  to  the  house 
of  the  woman,  where  she  should  be  married  to  her 

11  ‘Lo  que  traian  era  agua,  y lena,’  says  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  58. 

12  ‘Do  Muteczuma  estaba  habia  mucho  numero  de  leones  6 tigres  6 otras 
fieras,  4 que  cada  que  Muteczuma  quirie  las  hacie  soltar,  6 bastaban  para 
comernos  6 despedazamos.’  Tapia,  Bel.,  in  1 cazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  574;  Go- 
mar  a,  Hist.  Mex. , 92. 

13  Cort6s  told  them  to  wait,  for  he  would  start  for  Mexico  on  the  following 
day,  and  they  promised  to  do  so,  says  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad. , 58. 

1 1 On  his  entry  into  the  city  Cortes  also  observed  suspicious  features. 
‘Algnnas  calles  de  la  ciudad  tapiadas,  y muchas  piedras  en  todas  las  azoteas.  ’ 
C'o.rtas,  72. 


240 


SUBJUGATION  OF  CHOLULA. 


son.15  By  expressing  gratitude  and  pretending  ac- 
quiescence, Marina  elicited  that  envoys  had  been 
coming  and  going  between  Mexico  and  Cholula  for 
some  time,  and  that  Montezuma  had  prevailed  on 
the  chiefs,  by  means  of  bribes  and  promises,16  to 
attack  the  Spaniards  that  very  night  or  in  the 
morning.  Aztec  troops  were  stationed  close  to  the 
city,  to  the  number  of  twenty  or  even  fifty  thousand, 
to  aid  in  the  work  and  to  carry  the  Mexican  share  of 
the  captives  to  their  capital.17  Cortes  at  once  secured 
the  communicative  woman,  who  was  awaiting  the  re- 
turn of  Marina  with  her  valuables,  and  ascertained 
further  that  the  covered  excavations,  the  stone  piles, 
and  the  barricades  were  no  fiction. 

He  also  secured  two  apparently  friendly  priests,18 
and  by  bribing  them  with  chalchiuite  stones,  and 
showing  that  he  was  aware  of  the  plot,  obtained 
a revelation  which  agreed  substantially  with  the  ac- 
count already  given.  It  appeared  that  Montezuma 
had  proposed  to  quarter  his  troops  in  the  city,  but 
this  the  lords  had  objected  to,  fearing  that  once 
within  the  walls  the  Aztecs  would  retain  possession.19 
The  Cholultecs  intended  to  do  the  deed  themselves, 
and  it  was  only  in  case  the  Spaniards  left  the  city, 
or  escaped,  that  the  confederate  Aztecs  were  to  take 
an  active  part. 

Only  three  of  the  wards  had  consented  to  share  in 
the  treachery,20  and  the  priests  of  the  others  had  that 

15  ‘ Hermano  de  otro  moco  que  traia  la  vieja  que  la  acoinpanaua.  ’ Bernal 
Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  59.  This  is  probably  the  young  man  who,  according  to 
Peter  Martyr,  reveals  the  plot  to  Aguilar.  A ‘Cempoal  maiden’  was  also 
warned  by  a Cholultec  woman,  dec.  v.  cap.  ii. 

16  ‘Dieron  al  capitan-general  vn  atambor  de  oro.  ’ Gomara,  Hist.  Mex. , 92. 
This  official  was  the  husband  of  the  old  woman.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad. , 59. 

17  ‘Auian  de  quedar  veinte  de  nosotros  para  sacrificar  d los  idolos  de  Cho- 
lula. ’ Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad. , 59.  Others  say  half  the  captives. 

18  Marina  won  them  over.  Id.  ‘Dos  que  andauan  muy  solicitos.’  Herrera, 
dec.  ii.  lib.  vii.  cap.  i.  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  supposes  that  the  friendly 
chiefs  were  those  who  gave  the  first  intimation  of  the  plot,  Hist.  Hal.  Civ.,  iv. 
174,  and  it  is  not  unlikely  that  they  did  warn  the  Spaniards. 

Oviedo  regards  the  Cholultecs  as  having  rebelled  against  Montezuma, 
iii.  498.  But  they  stood  rather  in  the  position  of  allies.  See  Native  Races,  v. 
Bernal  Diaz  assumes  that  half  the  Aztec  troops  were  admitted. 

'■i0  ‘Los  Mexicanos. . . .trataron  con  los  Seuores  de  los  Tres  Barrios.’  Tor • 


PLAN  OF  ATTACK. 


241 


very  day  sacrificed  ten  children21  to  the  god  of  war, 
and  received  assurances  of  victory.  So  confident  were 
they  of  securing  the  encaged  guests  that  ropes  and 
stakes  had  been  prepared  to  bind  the  captives. 

Cortes  called  his  counsellors,  and  placing  before 
them  the  state  of  affairs  asked  their  views.  A few  of 
the  more  cautious  advised  retreat  to  Tlascala,  whose 
friendly  hospitality  seemed  alluring.  Others  suggested 
an  immediate  departure  by  way  of  the  friendly  Huex- 
otzinco,  while  the  majority  inclined  to  a prompt  and 
effective  chastisement  of  the  treachery  as  a warning 
to  others.  This  was  what  Cortes  had  determined  upon. 
He  showed  them  how  well  the  arrangement  of  the 
courts  would  answer, for  the  plan  he  had  evolved,  and 
how  strong  they  were  in  case  of  a siege. 

Summoning  the  lords,  he  expressed  his  displeasure 
at  the  inconsiderate  treatment  received,  and  said  that 
he  would  rid  them  of  his  presence  on  the  morrow.  He 
reminded  them  of  the  allegiance  they  had  tendered, 
and  declared  that  if  loyal  they  would  be  rewarded; 
if  not,  punishment  would  follow.  Finally  he  demanded 
provisions  for  the  journey,  and  two  thousand  warriors, 
beside  carriers,  to  accompany  the  army.22  This  ap- 
peared to  suit  their  plans,  for  they  exchanged  a look 
of  intelligence,  and  at  once  promised  compliance,  pro- 
testing; at  the  same  time  their  devotion.  “What  need 
have  these  of  food,”  they  muttered  with  a laugh, 
“when  they  themselves  are  soon  to  be  eaten  cooked 
with,  chile?”23  That  very  night  preparations  were 

quemada,  i.  438.  Herrera  has  been  even  more  explicit,  and  Bernal  Diaz  con- 
firms this  in  several  places,  without  specifying  the  number.  ‘ Otros  baiTios, 
que  no  se  hallaron  en  las  traiciones.’  Hist.  Verdad.,  60. 

21  Three  years  old,  half  males,  half  females.  Herrera , dec.  ii.  lib.  vii.  cap.  ii. 
Oviedo  supposes  the  females  to  be  young  virgins,  iii.  498.  Bernal  Diaz  says 
five  children  and  two  other  persons. 

22  Most  authors,  following  Gomara  and  Herrera,  assume  that  only  carriers 
were  asked  for,  but  Diaz  writes  warriors,  and  correctly,  no  doubt,  since  it 
could  not  be  Cor 1 6s’  plan  or  desire  to  ■wreak  vengeance  on  helpless  carriers, 
but  rather  on  the  very  men  who  proposed  to  attack  him.  According  to 
Tapia,  followed  by  Gomara,  Cortis  upbraids  the  lords  for  lying  and  plotting, 
but  they  assure  him  of  their  loyalty.  Rd. , in  IcnzbalcHa , Col.  Dor.,  ii.  57 6. 
It  is  not  likely  that  he  would  have  roused  suspicion  by  such  language. 

23  ‘Agailar  que  los  oya  hablar.’  Qriedo,  iii.  493. 

Hist.  M-X.,  Vol.  I.  IS 


242 


SUBJUGATION  OF  CHOLULA. 


made,  the  Spaniards  planting  guns  at  the  approaches 
to  the  streets  and  courts,  looking  to  the  horses  and 
accoutrements,  and  sending  a message  to  the  Tlascal- 
tecs  to  enter  the  city  and  join  them  on  hearing  the 
first  shot. 

In  the  morning,  so  early  indeed  as  to  indicate  a 
decided  eagerness,  came  the  lords  and  leading  priests, 
with  an  immense  throng.  A force  even  larger  than 
had  been  demanded  followed  them  into  the  Spanish 
quarter,  and  was  allowed  to  file  into  the  court,  which 
was  commanded  at  all  points  by  the  soldiers  and  the 
cannon,  the  latter  as  yet  innocent-looking  instruments 
to  the  Cholultecs.24  The  lords  and  leading  men,  to  the 
number  of  thirty  or  forty,  were  invited  to  Cortes’ 
rooms  to  receive  his  farewell.  He  addressed  them  in 
a severe  tone,  in  the  presence  of  the  Aztec  envoys, 
representing  that  he  had  sought  to  win  their  friend- 
ship for  himself  and  their  adhesion  for  his  king,  and 
to  further  this  he  had  treated  them  with  every  con- 
sideration. They  had  withheld  the  necessary  supplies, 
yet  he  had  respected  their  property  and  persons,  and 
for  their  sake  he  had  left  his  stanch  allies  outside 
the  city.  In  return  for  this  they  had,  under  the  mask 
of  friendship,  plotted  against  the  lives  of  his  party, 
the  invited  guests  of  themselves  and  of  Montezuma, 
with  the  intention  of  assassinating  them.  But  they 
had  been  caught  in  their  own  trap.  The  amazement 
of  the  chiefs  deepened  into  terror  as  he  concluded. 
“ Surely  it  is  a god  that  speaks,”  they  murmured,  “ since 
he  reads  our  very  thoughts.”  On  the  impulse  of  the 
moment  they  admitted  their  guilt,  but  cast  the  blame 
on  Montezuma.  This,  rejoined  Cortes,  did  not  justify 
treachery,  and  the  excuse  should  avail  them  naught. 
The  lords  who  had  been  opposed  to  the  plot,  and  a 
few  others  less  guilty  or  less  responsible  chiefs  and 
priests,  were  now  taken  aside,  and  from  them  further 

,4  Picked  warriors  were  brought,  pretending  to  be  slaves  and  carriers. 
Tapia,  Bel.,  in  Icnzbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  575.  ‘Cd  hamacas  para  lleuar  loa 
Espaiioles.’  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  93. 


THE  MASSACRE. 


243 


particulars  were  obtained,  which  implicated  the  Mexi- 
cans only  the  more. 

Returning  to  the  envoys,  who  protested  that  their 
emperor  was  wholly  blameless,  he  reassured  them  by 
saying  that  he  believed  not  a word  of  the  accusation. 
Montezuma  was  too  great  a prince,  he  continued,  to 
stoop  to  such  baseness,  and  had  beside,  by  means  of 
presents  and  messages,  shown  himself  to  be  his  friend. 
The  Cliolultecs  should  suffer  the  penalty  not  only  of 
their  treason  but  of  their  falsehood.  The  fact  was 
that  it  did  not  suit  Cortes  to  quarrel  with  Montezuma 
for  the  present,  but  rather  to  lull  him  into  fancied 
security.25  A terrible  punishment  was  now  in  store 
for  the  Cholultecs. 

The  signal  being  given,  volleys  poured  from  cannon, 
arquebuses,  and  cross-bows  upon  the  warriors  con- 
fined in  the  court,  and  then  the  Spaniards  rushed  in 
with  sword  and  lance  thrusting  and  slashing  at  the 
packed  masses.  The  high  walls  permitted  no  escape, 
and  at  the  gates  gleamed  a line  of  lances  above  the 
smoking  mouths  of  the  guns.  Pressing  one  upon 
another,  the  victims  offered  only  a better  mark  for  the 
ruthless  slayers,  and  fell  in  heaps,  dead  and  dying 
intermingled,  while  many  were  trampled  underfoot. 
Not  one  of  those  who  had  entered  the  court  remained 
standing.  Among  the  slain  were  the  captain-general 
and  the  most  inimical  of  the  lords  and  leading  men.26 

Meanwhile  other  guns  had  belched  destruction 
along  the  approaches  from  the  streets,  as  the  crowd 
rushed  forward  in  response  to  the  cries  and  groans 


25  According  to  Bernal  Diaz  the  envoys  are  told  of  this  on  the  preceding 
evening,  and  are  thereupon  placed  under  guard.  Hist.  Verdad. , 59. 

20  Tapia  states  that  most  of  the  lords  and  chiefs  whom  Cortes  addressed 
were  killed.  Bel.,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  575.  ‘Some  of  them,’  say  Ixtlil- 
xochitl  and  Gomara,  while  Clavigero,  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  and  others 
suppose  that  all  these  leaders  were  pardoned,  which  is  not  likely,  since  so 
many  less  guilty  men  fell.  ‘El  que  solia  madar,  fue  vno  de  los  que  murieron 
en  el  patio.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  60.  He  intimates  that  the  real 
carriers  were  allowed  to  leave  the  court,  the  warriors  alone  being  detained  for 
slaughter.  The  two  friendly  priests  were  sent  home  to  be  out  of  harm’s  way. 
This  leads  to  the  supposition  that  all  the  rest  of  the  leading  men  fell.  ‘ Los 
otros  senores  naturales  todos  murieron.’  Ociedo,  iii.  499. 


244 


SUBJUGATION  OF  CHOLULA. 


of  their  butchered  friends.  Terrified  by  the  fiery 
thunder  and  its  mysterious  missiles,  they  fell  back; 
and  now  the  cavalry  charged,  trampling  them  under- 
foot, and  opening  a way  for  the  infantry  and  allies, 
who  pressed  onward  to  take  advantage  of  the  con- 
fusion and  to  repeat  the  scene  enacted  within.  Panic- 
stricken  as  the  natives  were  by  the  strange  arms 
and  tactics  of  the  Spaniards,  they  offered  little  or 
no  resistance,  though  armed  with  intent  to  attack. 
Being  also  without  leaders,  they  had  none  to  restrain 
their  flight,  but  pressed  one  on  the  other,  down  the 
streets  and  into  buildings,  anywhere  out  of  the  reach  of 
the  cutting  blades  and  fierce-tramping  horses.  The 
Tlascaltecs27  were  at  the  same  time  falling  on  their 
flanks,  glorying  in  the  opportunity  to  repay  their 
enemies  the  treachery  of  years  ago.  A bloody  track 
they  left.  Unprepared  for  such  an  onslaught  the 
people  of  Cholula  found  little  opportunity  to  make 
use  of  the  barricades  and  the  stone  piles,  and  where 
they  attempted  it  the  fire-arm  and  cross-bow  aided 
the  fire-brand.  The  strongest  resistance  was  met  at 
the  temples,  wherein  the  fugitives  mostly  gathered, 
but  even'  these  did  not  hold  out  long,  for  stones  and 
arrows  availed  little  against  armor. 

All  who  could  sought  to  gain  the -great  temple  of 
Quetzalcoatl,  which  offered  not  only  the  best  defence 
from  its  height,  but  was  held  to  be  impregnable 
through  the  special  protection  extended  over  it  by 
the  deity.  Within  its  walls  lay  confined  a mighty 
stream,  so  it  was  said,  which  by  the  removal  of  a 
few  stones  could  be  let  loose  to  overwhelm  invaders. 
N o w,  if  ever,  in  the  name  of  all  the  gods,  let  it  be 
done!  Reverently  were  removed,  one  by  one,  the 
stones  of  the  sacred  wall,  but  no  flood  appeared,  not 
even  a drop  of  water.  In  their  despair  the  besieged 
hastened  to  hurl  the  stones,  and  arrows,  and  darts28 


27  Wearing  crowns  of  rushes  to  be  distinguished  from  their  Enemies.  C'a- 
marrjo,  Hitt.  Ttax .,  104. 

28  Zainacois  enters  into  an  elaborate  argument  to  disprove  the  unimportant 


SIX  THOUSAND  BUTCHERED. 


245 


upon  the  enemy  as  they  climbed'  the  sides  of  the  pyra- 
mid. But  there  was  little  use  in  this.  Quickly  they 
were  driven  by  the  sword  from  the  platform  into  the 
chapel  tower.  Not  caring  to  lose  time  in  a siege,  the 
Spaniards  offered  them  their  lives.  One  alone  is  said 
to  have  surrendered.  The  rest,  inspired  by  the  pres- 
ence of  the  idols,  spat  defiance.  It  was  their  last 
effort,  for  the  next  moment  the  torch  was  applied, 
and  enfolding  the  building,  the  flames  drove  the 
besieged,  frenzied  with  terror  and  excitement,  upon 
the  line  of  pikes  inclosing  them,  or  head -foremost 
down  the  dizzy  heights.  To  the  last  could  be  seen  a 
priest  upon  the  highest  pinnacle,  enveloped  in  smoke 
and  glare,  declaiming  against  the  idols  for  having 
abandoned  them,  and  shouting:  “Now,  Tlascala,  thy 
heart  has  its  revenge!  Speedily  shall  Montezuma 
have  his!”29 

During  the  first  two  hours  of  the  slaughter  over 
three  thousand  men  perished,  if  we  may  believe 
Cortds,  and  for  three  hours  more  he  continued  the 
carnage,  raising  the  number  of  deaths  according  to 
different  estimates  to  six  thousand  or  more.30  The 
less  of  life  would  have  been  still  greater  but  for  the 
strict  orders  issued  to  spare  the  women  and  children, 
and  also  the  less  hostile  wards,31  and  for  the  eagerness 
of  the  Tlascaltecs  to  secure  captives  as  well  as  spoils, 
and  of  the  Spaniards  to  hunt  for  treasures.  The 
hostile  wards  had  besides  been  pretty  well  cleared  of 
inhabitants  by  the  time  Cortes  returned  to  his  quarters 

statement  that  burning  arrows  were  showered  on  the  besiegers.  Hist.  M6j., 
ii.  707.  This  author  has  a decided  faculty  for  singling  out  trifles,  apparently 
under  the  impression  that  important  questions  can  take  care  of  themselves. 

Camargo,  Hist.  Tlax.,  1G3-4;  Torquemada,  i.  440.  ‘Se  dejaron  alii 
quemar.’  Tapia,  Bel.,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  576. 

30  Cortts,  Cartas,  73-4;  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  94;  6000  and  more  within  two 
hours.  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chick.,  294.  Las  Casas  lets  him  first  kill  6000 
unarmed  carriers  and  then  proceed  to  devastate  the  city.  Begio.  Ind.  De- 
vastate 27. 

31  ‘ Eeh<5  toda  la  gente  fuera  de  la  ciudad  por  muchas  partes  della.  ’ CortAs, 
Cartas,  74.  The  statement  of  Bernal  Diaz  that  the  friendly  priests  were  sent 
home,  to  be  out  of  harm’s  way,  shows  also  that  parts  of  the  city  were  respected. 
See  notes  17  and  23.  ‘El  marques  mandaba  que  se  guardasen  de  no  matar 
mujeres  ni  ninos.’  Tapia,  Bel.,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  576. 


246 


SUBJUGATION  OF  CHOLULA. 


forbidding  further  butchery.  When  the  amnesty  was 
proclaimed,  however,  numbers  appeared  from  hiding- 
places,  even  from  beneath  the  heaps  of  slain,  while 
many  who  had  pretended  death,  to  escape  the  sword, 
arose  and  fled. 

The  pillage  was  continued  for  some  time  longer,32 
and  as  the  Tlascaltecs  cared  chiefly  for  fabrics,  feathers, 
and  provisions,  particularly  salt,  the  Spaniards  were 
allowed  to  secure  all  the  gold  and  trinkets  they  could, 
though  these  were  far  less  in  amount  than  had  been 
expected.33  When  the  real  work  was  over,  Xicoten- 
catl  appeared  with  twenty  thousand  men  and  tendered 
his  services;  but  Cortes  could  offer  him  only  a share 
in  the  booty  for  his  attention,  and  with  this  he  re- 
turned to  Tlascala  to  celebrate  the  downfall  of  the 
hated  and  boastful  neighbor.34 

The  prayers  of  the  chiefs  who  had  been  spared, 
supported  by  the  neighboring  caciques,  and  even  by 
the  Tlascalan  lords,-  prevailed  on  Cortes  to  stop  the 
pillage  after  the  second  day,  and  to  issue  a pardon, 
although  not  till  everything  of  value  had  been 
secured.  Some  of  the  chiefs  were  thereupon  sent 
forth  to  recall  the  fugitive  inhabitants,  and  with  such 
good  effect  that  within  a few  days  the  city  was  again 
peopled.  The  debris  and  gore  being  removed,  the 
streets  speedily  resumed  their  accustomed  appearance, 
and  the  shops  and  markets  were  busy  as  before, 
though  blackened  ruins  and  desolated  homes  long 
remained  a testimony  of  the  fearful  blow.35  Im- 


32  For  two  days,  says  Tapia,  id.,  and  Bernal  Diaz  intimates  that  it  ended 
with  the  second  day.  Hist.  Verdad.,  60. 

33  ‘ Tomaron  los  Castellanos  el  oro,  y pluma,  auque  se  hallb  poco.’  Herrera, 
dec.  ii.  lib.  vii.  cap.  ii.  ‘Ovo  mucho  despojo  de  oro  6 plata,’  says  Oviedo, 
iii.  499,  probably  because  he  knew  Cholula  to  be  rich;  but  a great  deal  of  pri- 
vate treasure  at  least  must  have  been  taken  out  of  the  city  when  the  women 
were  sent  away.  The  Tlascaltecs  carried  off  20,000  captives,  he  adds. 

31  Herrera,  ubi  sup.  Oviedo  allows  a reinforcement  of  40,000  Tlascaltecs 
to  join  in  the  massacre  and  pillage,  iii.  498,  and  Bemal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad. , 60, 
says  the  late  comers  joined  in  the  pillage  on  the  second  day.  The  Tlascaltecs 
brought  the  Spaniards  food,  of  which  they  had  fallen  short.  Ixtlilxochitl. 
Hist.  Chich. , 295. 

33  A very  similar  massacre  and  raid  was  perpetrated  by  the  Chichimeo 
Toltecs  at  the  close  of  the  thirteenth  century.  Native  Races,  v.  484-7. 


RECONCILIATIONS. 


247 


pressed  no  less  by  the  supposed  divine  penetration  of 
the  white  conquerors  than  by  their  irresistible  prowess 
and  terrible  revenge,  the  natives  were  only  too  ready 
to  kiss  with  veneration  the  hand  red  with  the  blood 
of  their  kindred.  To  this  they  were  also  impelled  by 
finding  that  the  Spaniards  not  only  allowed  no  sacri- 
fice of  captives,  but  ordered  the  Tlascaltecs  to  release 
the  prisoners  they  had  hoped  to  carry  into  slavery. 
This  was  a most  trying  requirement  to  the  allies,  but 
at  the  instance  of  Maxixcatzin  and  other  lords  they 
obeyed  in  so  far  as  to  restore  the  greater  proportion 
of  the  thousands  who  had  been  secured. 

The  intervention  of  the  Tlascaltec  lords  and  chiefs 
in  behalf  of  the  Cholultecs  tended  to  promote  a more 
friendly  feeling  between  the  two  peoples,  particularly 
since  the  one  had  been  satiated  with  revenge  and  the 
other  humbled,  and  Cortes  took  advantage  of  this  to 
formally  reconcile  them.  Whatever  may  have  been 
their  sincerity  in  the  matter,  they  certainly  found  no 
opportunity  to -renew  their  feud. 

The  captain-general  having  fallen,  the  people,  with 
Cortes’  approval,  chose  a successor  from  the  ranks  of 
the  friendly  chiefs.36  Cortes  assured  them  of  his  good- 
will and  protection  so  long  as  they  remained  the  loyal 
subjects  they  now  promised  to  be,  and  he  hoped  that 
nothing  would  occur  hereafter  to  mar  their  friendly 
intercourse.  He  explained  to  them  the  mysteries  of 
his  faith,  and  its  superiority  over  the  superstitious 
worship  of  the  idols  which  had  played  them  false 
during  the  late  conflict,  counselling  them  to  cast  aside 
such  images,  and  let  their  place  be  occupied  by  the 
redeeming  emblems  of  Christianity.  The  terrified 
natives  could  only  promise  obedience,  and  hasten  to 
aid  in  erecting  crosses,  but  the  idols  nevertheless  re- 
tained their  places.  Cortes  was  quite  prepared  to 
take  advantage  of  his  power  as  conqueror  to  compel 

36  Gomara,  'list.  Mex. , 95.  Finding  that  the  brother  of  the  deceased  was, 
according  to  custom,  entitled  to  the  office,  Cortds  appointed  him.  Bernal  Diaz, 
Hist.  Vertlad.,  GO.  Oviedo  intimates  that  one  governor  was  chosen  to  take 
the  p.aee  of  all  Uie  other  ruling  men.  iii.  409. 


248 


SUBJUGATION  OF  CHOLULA. 


the  acceptance  of  his  doctrines  by  the  now-  humbled 
people,  but  Padre  Olmedo  representing  the  futility  of 
enforced  conversion,  he  contented  himself  with  break- 
ing the  sacrificial  cages  and  forbidding  the  offering  of 
human  victims.  As  it  was,  idolatry  had  suffered  a 
heavy  blow  in  this  terrible  chastisement  of  the  holy 
city,  rich  as  she  was  in  her  sanctuaries  and  profound 
in  her  devotion.  The  gods  had  proved  powerless  I 
Although  a number  of  temples  were  speedity  restored 
to  their  worship,  the  great  pyramid  was  never  again 
to  be  graced  by  pagan  rites.  Twice  had  this  temple 
shared  in  the  destruction  of  the  city,  only  to  rise 
more  beautiful  than  ever  in  its  delusive  attractions; 
now  a simple  stone  cross  stood  upon  the  summit, 
erected  by  Cortfis  to  guard  the  site  on  behalf  of  the 
church  which  was  there  to  rise  a few  years  later. 
This  was  dedicated  to  the  Vfrgen  <ie  los  Remedios, 
whose  image  is  said  to  have  been  left  in  the  city  by 
her  conquerors.37 

The  massacre  of  Cholula  forms  one  of  the  darkest 
pages  in  the  annals  of  the  conquest,  and  has  afforded 
much  ground  for  reproach  against  Cortes,  but  it  is 
to  be  regarded  from  different  stand-points.  The  dia- 
bolical doctrines  of  the  day  may  be  said  to  have 
forced  on  adventurers  in  America  the  conquest  of 
her  nations,  and  cruel  deeds  were  but  the  natural  re- 
sult, particularly  when  the  task  was  undertaken  with 
insufficient  forces.  According  to  their  own  admission, 
made  also  before  the  later  investigating  committee, 
the  Cholultecs  had  plotted  to  destroy  their  invited 
guests,  whom  they  sought  first  to  lull  into  fancied 
security,  and  in  this  they  acted  as  treacherously  and 
plotted  as  cruelly  as  did  their  intended  victims  in  re- 


37  It  is  also  said  ‘que  la  trajo  un  religioso  franciscano  & quien  se  le  aparecid 
en  Roma.’  Vcytin,  Hist.  Ant.  Mej.,  i.  156.  ‘Disgusted  with  the  idol  which 
had  played  them  false,  they  installed  another  in  its  place,’  says  Bernal  Diaz, 
Hist.  Verdad.,  61.  The  disregard  shown  by  Spaniards  even  for  the  temples 
and  relics  of  Quetzalcoatl  might  have  struck  the  natives  as  peculiar  in  men 
whom  rumor  pointed  out  as  his  descendants,  yet  no  chronicle  refers  to  it. 


EXCUSES  FOR  TREACHERY  AXD  MURDER. 


249 


taliating.  True,  they  had  been  forced  by  threats,  and 
by  the  exhibition  of  an  apparently  superior  force,  into 
a submission  which  they  could  ill  brook,  and  were 
justified  in  striking  a blow  for  liberty,  especially  when 
encouraged,  or  bidden,  by  the  great  monarch;  but 
they  had  no  right  to  complain  if  they  suffered  the 
penalty  everywhere  affixed  to  treachery;  and  the 
Cholultecs  did  bear  an  unenviable  reputation  in  this 
respect.  The  native  records  naturally  assert  their 
innocence;  but  even  if  we  ignore  the  confession  of 
the  Indians,  as  prompted  by  fear  of  their  judges'  and 
masters,  or  as  colored  by  Franciscans  whose  patron 
Cortes  was,  and  if  we  disregard  all  official  testimony, 
we  must  still  admit  that  there  was  evidence  enough 
to  justify  the  general  in  a measure  which  he  regarded 
as  necessary  for  the  safety  of  his  men.38 

38  Spanish  chroniclers  as  a rule  approve  the  deed  as  necessary  and  just, 
either  in  tacit  or  open  comment,  and  a few  devout  missionaries,  who  have  as- 
sumed the  rank  of  Indian  apostles,  are  the  only  ones  to  take  exception.  Chief 
among  these  stands  Las  Casas,  as  might  be  expected  from  his  sympathy  with 
Velazquez,  and  from  his  character  as  Indian  protector.  He  condemns  it  in  the 
most  unmeasured  terms  as  a base  murder  of  innocent  and  defenceless  people, 
committed  merely  with  a view  to  spread  terror.  Six  thousand  carriers,  he 
writes,  were  shut  up  in  a court  and  put  to  the  sword,  while  the  many  dis- 
covered alive  on  the  following  days  were  thrust  through  and  through.  The 
chiefs  of  the  city  and  neighborhood,  to  the  number  of  over  100,  were  chained 
together  to  a circle  of  poles  and  burned  alive,  and  the  king,  who  fled  with  30 
or  40  followers  to  a temple, met  the  same  fate  there.  While  the  soldiers  were 
butchering  and  roasting  the  captives,  ‘ eorum  Capitaneum  sununa  laetitia  per- 
fusum  in  hunc  cantum  prorupisse : 

Monte  ex  Tarpeio  Romans  incendia  speetans 

Ipse  Nero  planctua  vidit,  nee  corde  movetur.’ 

Las  Casas,  Reg.  Ind.  Devastat.,  20-8.  A number  of  finely  executed  copper 
plates  are  appended  to  illustrate  these  deeds. 

Bemal  Diaz  expresses  himself  hotly  against  this  version,  and  states  that 
several  of  the  first  Franciscans  who  came  to  Mexico  held  an  investigation  at 
Cholula  of  the  massacre.  After  examining  the  leaders,  and  other  persons 
who  had  witnessed  it,  they  came  to  the  conclusion  that  the  story  of  the 
conquerors  was  true,  and  that  the  slaughter  was  a well  merited  punishment 
for  a plot  which  involved  the  lives  of  Cortes’  soldiers,  and  would,  if  success-  > 
f ul,  have  stayed  the  conquest  for  God  and  the  king.  Diaz  had  heard  the  pious 
Motolinia  say  that  although  he  grieved  over  the  deed,  yef,  being  done,  it  was 
best  so,  since  it  exposed  the  lies  and  wickedness  of  the  idols.  Hist.  Verdad., 

C 1 . The  Franciscans  did  not  probably  care  to  weigh  carefully  the  value  of 
testimony  from  new  converts  given  before  a tribunal  composed  of  their  re- 
ligious and  political  masters,  nor  were  they  likely  to  favor  a Dominican  friar 
like  1 as  Casas  when  the  interest  of  their  patron  Cortes  was  at  stake.  In  awe 
of  the  friars,  and  in  terror  of  the  conquerors  whose  encomienda  slaves  they 
were,  the  Indians  hardly  dared  to  say  aught  to  implicate  the  latter.  This  is 


250 


SUBJUGATION  OF  CHOLULA. 


It  might  be  claimed  that  by  bolding  captive  the 
chiefs  their  safety  would  have  been  assured;  but 
treason  was  rife  everywhere,  and  a lesson  was  needed. 


doubtless  the  view  Las  Casas  would  have  taken.  Intent  on  pleading  the 
cause  of  his  dusky  prot6g6s,  he  cared  not  to  sift  statements  that  might  create 
sympathy  for  them.  Yet,  had  he  foreseen  how  widely  hi3  accusations  would 
be  used  to  sully  Spanish  fame,  he  might  have  been  more  circumspect.  4 E’  vero, 
che  fu  troppo  rigorosa  la  vendetta,  ed  orribile  la  strage,  ’ says  Clavigero ; yet 
he  severely  condemns  Las  Casas  for  his  distorted  account.  Storia  Mess. , iii.  03-4. 
According  to  Sahagun’s  native  record,  the  Tlascaltecs  persuaded  Cortds  to 
avenge  them  on  the  Cholultecs,  and  as  the  latter  received  him  coldly,  he 
began  to  believe  the  accusations  of  his  allies.  Assembling  the  chiefs  and 
soldiers,  together  with  citizens,  in  the  temple  court,  he  slaughtered  them,  de- 
fenceless as  they  were.  Hist.  Com/.,  18.  Bustamante  comments  on  this  ver- 
sion, and  denounces  the  conquerors  as  atrociously  cruel.  LI.  (ed.  1840),  56-03. 
Duran’s  version  is  a little  milder.  His  main  object  being  to  give  the  life 
of  Montezuma,  he  lias  passed  by  many  events  connected  with  the  Spaniards, 
and  has  suppressed  many  accounts  of  their  cruelties.  He  accordingly  refers 
but  briefly  to  the  Cholula  massacre,  saying  that  ‘the  Indians,  in  their  eagerness 
to  serve  the  Spaniards,  came  in  such  large  numbers  to  their  quarters  with 
provisions,  grass,  etc. , that  Cortes  suspected  treasonable  designs,  and  put  them 
to  the  sword.’  Hist.  I ml.,  MS.,  ii.  438-9.  Ixtlilxoehitl  evidently  struggles 
between  his  fear  of  the  Spanish  rulers  and  the  desire  to  tell  what  he  regards 
as  the  truth.  He  intimates  that  the  only  ground  for  suspicion  against  the 
Cholultecs  was  the  effort  to  dissuade  Cortes  from  going  to  Mexico.  The  chiefs 
and  the  citizens  were  assembled  on  the  pretence  of  selecting  carriers,  and 
over  5000  fell  beneath  the  sword.  Hist.  Chick. , 294.  An  antagonistic  view  of 
the  affair  is  offered  by  Juan  Cano,  of  Narvaez’  expedition,  who  gave  Oviedo 
the  hearsay  statement  that  Cortes  had  asked  for  3000  carriers,  and  wantonly 
killed  them.  iii.  552.  Carbajal  Espinosa,  a Mexican  historian,  like  Busta- 
mante, regards  the  victims  as  innocent  and  the  deed  as  barbarous.  Hist.  Mex. , 
ii.  182.  Robertson  considers  that  Cortes  had  good  reasons  for  it,  yet  ‘the 
punishment  was  certainly  excessive  and  atrocious.’  Hist.  Am.,  ii.  452.  Solis 
condemns  those  who  seek  to  accuse  the  Spaniards  of  cruelty  and  to  pity  the 
Indians — ‘maligna  compasion,  hija  del  odio  y de  laenvidia.’  The  conquerors 
gave  religion  to  them,  and  that  he  regards  as  sufficient  compensation.  Ilist. 
Mex. , i.  345.  ‘ Cortez  felt  but  doubtful  of  their  fidelity,  and  feared  to  leave 
his  rear  to  a people  who  might  ruin  his  enterprise,’  says  Wilson,  Conq.,  Mex., 
383,  in  explanation  of  the  motive ; but  lie  forgets  that  a few  hostages,  as  taken 
from  other  peoples  on  the  route,  would  have  secured  Cortiis  far  more  than  the 
murder  of  a small  percentage  of  this  population.  Prescott  compares  the  deed 
with  European  cruelties,  and,  considering  the  danger  threatening  the  Span- 
iards, he  excuses  it.  He  prefaces  his  comments  by  a consideration  of  the 
right  of  conquest.  Mex.,  ii.  29-39.  Alas  for  honesty,  humanity,  decency, 
when  talented  American  authors  talk  of  the  right  of  one  people  to  rob  and 
murder  another  people!  See  also  Veytia,  Hist.  Ant.  M6j.,  iii.  381-2;  Pi- 
zarro  y Oreilano,  Varones  Ilvstres,  86-9;  Peralta,  Not.  Hist.,  112-13,  313-14; 
Pimentel,  Mem.  Sit.,  90-2.  Although  some  of  the  early  Dutch  writers  eagerly 
copy  and  even  exaggerate  Las  Casas’  version,  the  contemporary  German 
writers  are  quite  moderate.  Cortes’  version  is  given  in  the  Weltbuch  Spicy  el 
unit  bildtnis  ties  gavtz' n E 'rdtbodens  von  Sebastiano  Franco  Wordensi,  Tubingen, 
1534,  ccxxxvii  leaves,  beside  preface  and  register.  This  book  was  much  sought 
after  in  its  day,  and  received  several  editions,  in  German  and  Dutch,  as  late  as 
the  seventeenth  century.  The  earliest-mentioned  by  Harrisse  is  dated  1533. 
The  new  continent  was  gradually  receiving  a larger  space  in  the  cosmographies 
at  this  period,  and  Franck  actually  assigns  it  a whole  section,  as  one  cf  the  four 
parts  of  tiie  world.  The  historic  and  geographic  description  of  Africa  occupies 


SEBASTIANO  FRANCO  WORDENSI. 


251 


Here  among  the  greatest  plotters,  and  in  the  holy 
city,  the  lesson  would  be  most  effective.  It  might 
also  be  claimed  that  the  chiefs  were  the  guilty  ones, 
and  should  alone  have  suffered,  not  the  citizens  and 
soldiers;  but  they  were  also  in  arms,  even  if  sub- 
ordinate, and  such  discrimination  is  not  observed  in 
our  own  age. 

Outrages  equally  as  cruel  are  to-day  exculpated 
throughout  Christendom  as  exigencies  of  war.  If 
we,  then,  overlook  such  deeds,  how  much  more  ex- 
cusable are  they  in  the  more  bloody  times  of  Cortes? 
But  neither  now  nor  then  can  war,  wTith  any  of  its 
attendant  atrocities,  be  regarded  by  right-thinking, 
humane  men  as  aught  but  beastly,  horrible,  diabolical. 


the  first  and  smallest  section;  Europe  follows  and  absorbs  about  half  the 
pages,  while  Asia  receives  100  folios,  and  America  the  remainder,  beginning 
at  folio  210.  The  heading  reads:  Von  America  dem  vierdten  teyl  der  welt, 
Anno  M.CCCC.XCVII.  erfunden;  but  after  this  chapter  follow  several  pages 
on  Portuguese  discoveries  in  Africa  and  eastward,  till  folio  220,  when  begins 
the  voyage  of  Columbus,  ‘sunst  Dauber  genant,’  the  German  translation  of 
the  admiral’s  name.  After  several  chapters  on  the  physical  features,  natural 
resources,  and  inhabitants  of  the  new  discoveries,  comes  one  relating  how 
Americus  Vespucius  found  the  fourth  part  of  the  world.  This  is  followed  by 
three  pages  of  matter  on  Asia,  as  if  the  author,  fearful  of  forgetting  it,  there 
and  then  gave  his  story.  Several  interpolations  occur,  but  the  chief  portion 
of  the  remaining  folios  relates  to  Cortes’  conquest  of  Mexico.  The  carelessly 
compiled  and  badly  arranged  material  of  the  volume  claims  to  be  based  on  over 
sixty  authorities,  among  which  figure  Apianus,  Munster,  Vespucci,  Columbus, 
and  Cortes.  The  affix  Wordensi  indicates  that  Franck  was  a Hollander, 
although  he  is  often  referred  to  as  a German,  probably  because  his  life  was 
passed  chiefly  in  Germany.  Here  he  issued,  among  other  works,  a not  very 
orthodox  chronicle,  which  was  excommunicated  at  Strasburg.  Franck  was 
chased  from  more  than  one  place,  but  enjoys  the  honor  of  standing  in  the  first 
class  among  authors  condemned  by  the  Roman  Church,  and  of  having  been 
deemed  worthy  of  special  refutation  by  Luther  and  Melancthon.  Even  the 
liberal-minded  Bayle,  after  applying  the  term  Anabaptist,  refers  to  him  as  ‘ un 
vrai  fanatique.’  Diet.  Hist.,  ii.  1216. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

FROM  CHOLULA  TO  IZTAPALAPAN. 

October-November,  1519. 

Montezuma  Consults  the  Gods — He  again  Begs  the  Strangers  not  to 
Come  to  Him — Popocatepetl  and  Iztaccihuatl — News  from  Villa 
Rica — Death  of  Escalante — Return  of  the  Cempoalan  Allies — 
Again  en  route  for  Mexico — Reception  at  Huexotzinco — First 
View  of  the  Mexican  Valley — Exultations  and  Misgivings — Rest- 
ing at  Quauhtechcatl — The  Counterfeit  Montezuma — Munificent 
Presents — The  Emperor  Attempts  to  Annihilate  the  Army  by 
Means  of  Sorcerers — Through  Quauhtechcatl,  Amaquemecan,  and 
Tlalmanalco — A Brilliant  Procession  Heralds  the  Coming  of 
Cacama,  King  of  Tezcuco — At  Cuitlahuac — Met  by  Ixtlilxochitl — 
The  Hospitality  of  Iztapalapan. 

Elated  by  his  success,  Cortes  again  spoke  to  the 
Aztec  embassadors,  telling  them  in  an  aggrieved 
tone  that  proofs  existed  connecting  Mexican  troops 
with  the  recent  plot,  and  that  it  would  be  only  just 
for  him  to  enter  and  desolate  the  country  for  such 
perfidy.  The  envoys  protested  their  ignorance  of  any 
such  complicity,  and  offered  to  send  one  of  their  num- 
ber to  Mexico  to  ascertain  what  ground  there  was 
for  the  charge.  This  Cortes  agreed  to,  expressing  at 
the  same  time  the  opinion  that  Montezuma,  after  all 
his  friendly  demeanor,  could  hardly  have  favored  the 
treachery.  He  regarded  him  as  a friend,  both  for  the 
sake  of  his  king  and  for  himself,  and  it  was  out  of 
deference  to  him  that  he  had  spared  the  Cholultecs 
from  total  extermination.1 

When  the  envoy  reached  Mexico  he  found  that  his 
master  had  retired  to  grieve  over  the  fate  of  the  holy 

1 Cortes,  Carlas,  75-6;  Gomara,  Hist.  Hex.,  96-7. 


ANOTHER  MIRACLE. 


253 


city,  or  more  probably  over  the  defeat  of  his  plans, 
and  to  appeal  to  the  incensed  gods  by  prayers  and 
fastings,  while  the  priests  supported  the  invocations 
with  reeking  human  hearts.2  But  the  holocaust  was 
in  vain,  for  a miraculous  incident  frightened  the  idols 
into  silence.  Among  the  victims,  says  a sacred 
chronicle,  was  a Tlascaltec,  who,  while  stretched  on 
the  sacrificial  stone,  called  loudly  on  the  God  of  the 
advancing  Spaniards  to  deliver  him.  The  words  were 
yet  on  his  lips  when  a dazzling  light  enveloped  the 
place,  revealing  a bright -clad  being  with  diadem  and 
large  wings.  The  priests  fell  awe-stricken  to  the 
ground,  while  the  angel  advanced  to  cheer  their 
victim  with  hopeful  words  of  a happy  future.  He 
was  told  to  announce  to  the  priests  that  soon  the 
shedding  of  human  blood  would  cease,  for  those 
destined  to  rule  the  land  were  at  hand.  This  the 
'victim  did,  when  the  sacrifices  were  resumed,  and 
with  the  name  of  God  the  last  upon  his  lips  his  spirit 
rose  to  a brighter  world.3 

The  downfall  of  Cholula  resounded  throughout  the 
land,  and  the  Spaniards  were  now  almost  universally 
confirmed  as  divine  beings,  from  whom  nothing  could 
be  kept  secret,  and  whose  anger  was  fierce  and  de- 
vastating. One  effect  was  the  arrival  of  envoys  from 
quite  a number  of  surrounding  chieftains,  bearing  pres- 
ents, partly  with  a view  of  gaining  the  good-will  of  the 
dreaded  strangers,  partly  to  offer  congratulations.4  As 
for  Montezuma,  his  awe  deepened  into  terror  as  the 
reports  came  in  and  the  half  threatening  message  of 

2 ‘ Sacrificassen  finco  mill  personas  para  festejar  6 aplacar  sus  dioses. 

Oviedo,  iii.  499.  ' Estuuo  cncerrado  en  sus  deuociones,  y sacrificios  dos  dias 

juntameutc  con  diez  Papas.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hint.  Verdad.,  61.  ‘Estuuo  en 
oracion,  y ayuno  oclio  dias.’  Gomara,  Wat.  Mcx. , 97.  ‘Si  ritird  al  palazzo 
Uillanealmecull,  destinato  pel  tempo  di  duolo.’  Clavigero,  Storia  Mens. , iii.  09. 

3 Mendicta,  Hist.  L'elen.,  1S2;  Ilemesal,  Hist.  Chyapa,  304.  According  to 
Arias  de  Villalobos,  the  idol  was  already  stricken  mute  by  the  shadow  of 
the  approaching  cross;  the  angel  released  the  captive,  one  of  500  destined  for 
slaughter,  and  he  set  forth  to  join  the  Spaniards.  Vetancvrt,  Teatro  Mcx.,  pt. 
iii.  126. 

4 From  the  lord  of  Tepeaca  came  30  female  slaves  and  some  gold,  and 
from  Huoxotzinco  a wooden  box.  bordered  with  gold  and  silver,  containing 
jewels  worth  400  pesos  de  oro.  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  vii.  cap.  iii. 


254 


FROM  CHOLULA  TO  IZTAPALAPAN. 


the  invader  was  delivered  him.  It  would  be  dangerous 
indeed  to  admit  these  beings;  but  how  prevent  it? 
Thus  revolving  the  matter,  Montezuma  had  recourse 
once  more  to  timid  entreaties.  His  envoy  returned 
to  Cholula  within  a week,  accompanied  by  the  former 
chief  of  the  commission,  and  brought  ten  plates  of 
gold,5  fifteen  hundred  robes,  and  a quantity  of  fowl 
and  delicacies,  together  with  the  assurance  that  he 
not  only  had  had  no  share  in  the  plot,  but  desired  to 
see  the  Cholultecs  further  chastised  for  their  treach- 
ery. The  Mexican  troops  near  Cholula  belonged  to 
the  garrisons  of  Acatzingo  and  Itzucan  provinces, 
and  had  marched  to  the  aid  of  that  city  without  his 
knowledge,  prompted  wholly  by  neighborly  friend- 
ship. He  begged  the  Spanish  leader  not  to  proceed 
to  Mexico,  where  want  would  stare  him  in  the  face, 
but  to  present  his  demands  by  messengers,  so  that 
they  might  be  complied  with.  Cortes  replied  that 
he  must  obey  the  orders  of  his  king,  which  were  to 
deliver  to  the  emperor  in  person6  the  friendly  com- 
munications with  which  he  had  been  intrusted.  With 
this  object  he  had  crossed  vast  oceans  and  fought  his 
way  through  hosts  of  enemies.  The  privations  and 
dangers  depicted  could  not  deter  him,  for  naught 
availed  against  his  forces,  in  field  or  in  town,  by  day 
or  by  night. 

Finding  objections  futile,  Montezuma  again  con- 
sulted the  idols.  Their  ruffled  spirit  had  evidently  been 
soothed  by  this  time,  for  now  came  the  oracle  to  in- 
vite the  strangers  to  Mexico.  Once  there,  it  was 
added,  retreat  should  be  cut  off,  and  their  lives  offered 
on  the  altar.7  This  utterance  was  favored  by  the 
counsellors  on  the  ground  that  if  the  Spaniards  were 

5 ‘Ten  thousand  pesos  de  oro,’  says  Torquemada,  i.  442. 

6 Cortes , Cartas,  75-6;  Torquemada,  i.  442.  Gomara  is  confused  about 
these  messages  between  Cholula  and  Mexico,  while  Bernal  Diaz  ignores  this 
attempt  to  keep  back  the  Spaniards. 

7 ‘ Quitarnos  la  comida,  6 agua,  6 alcar  qualquiera  de  las  puentes,  nos  ma- 
taria,  y que  eu  vn  dia,  si  nos  daua  guerra,  no  quedaria  ninguno  de  nosotros  <4 
vida.  ’ This  oracle  came  from  Huitzilopochtli.  The  bodies  should  be  eaten. 
Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  61;  Oviedo,  iii.  499;  Gomara,  Hist.  Alex.,  97. 


POPOCATEPETL  AND  IZTACCIHUATL. 


255 


opposed  they  and  their  allies  might  ravage  the  coun- 
try. The  emperor  accordingly  sent  an  invitation, 
promising  that,  although  the  situation  of  the  capital 
made  it  difficult  to  provide  food,  he  would  do  his  best 
to  entertain  them  and  give  proofs  of  his  friendship. 
The  towns  en  route  had  orders  to  supply  all  their 
wants.8 

The  story  is  not  without  a parallel  in  classic  litera- 
ture. As  Montezuma  awaited  the  approach  of  Cortes, 
so  old  King  Latinus  awaited  the  arrival  of  .zEneas 
and  his  Trojan  warriors;  refusing  to  give  battle,  or  to 
fight  the  destinies,  and  curbing  his  impetuous  people 
by  quoting  the  oracle. 

Along  the  western  horizon  of  Cholula,  at  a distance 
of  eight  leagues,  runs  the  mountain  range  which 
separates  the  plain  of  Huitzilapan  from  the  valley  of 
Mexico.  And  like  sentinels  upon  it  stand,  in  close 
proximity,  the  two  volcanic  peaks  of  Popocatepetl 
and  Iztaccihuatl,  terms  signifying  respectively  ‘the 
smoking  mountain’  and  ‘the  white  woman,’  and  indeed 
most  apt,  the  former  being  suggested  by  the  frequent 
eruptions,  the  latter  by  the  snowy  covering  which  falls 
like  a tilmatli  mantle  from  a woman’s  shoulders.  Tra- 
dition has  it  that  Iztaccihuatl  was  the  wife  of  her 
neighbor,  whose  noise  and  fumes  were  caused  by  the 
agonies  of  tyrants  who  there  underwent  purification 
ere  they  could  enter  final  rest.9  While  the  Spaniards 
were  at  Cholula,  Popocatepetl  was  in  eruption,  an 
evil  omen  with  the  Indians,  foreshadowing  the  dis- 
turbances soon  to  overwhelm  the  country.  Interested 
by  a sight  so  curious  and  novel,  and  desirous  of 
ascertaining  for  himself  and  the  king  the  “secret 
of  this  smoke,”  Cortes  consented  to  let  Ordaz  ascend 
the  volcano.  The  Indians  sought  to  dissuade  him 

O 

8 Cortes,  Cartas,  77.  Bernal  Diaz  relates  that  six  chiefs  brought  this  mes- 
sage, together  with  a number  of  gold  jewels,  worth  upward  of  2000  pesos, 
and  some  loads  of  robes.  Hist.  Verdad. , 62.  Most  authors  are,  like  Gomara, 
somewhat  confused  about  these  messages. 

a Gomara,  Hist.  Mcx.,  96.  ‘Alguuos  querian  decir  que  era  boca  del  in- 
fiemo.’  Motolinia,  Hist.  Itid.,  180;  Torquemada,  i.  436-7. 


256 


FROM  CHOLULA  TO  IZTAPALAPAN. 


from  an  undertaking  which  had  never  been  attempted, 
and  which  would  in  their  opinion  surely  involve  the 
life  of  him  who  ventured  on  it.  This  made  Ordaz  only 
more  eager  to  exhibit  his  daring,  and  joined  by  nine 
men  he  set  out  under  the  guidance  of  some  citizens 
and  carriers  who  had  been  persuaded  to  go  part  of 
the  way.  They  had  not  climbed  far  into  the  cooler 
region  before  the  quaking  ground  and  ash-rain  caused 
the  party  to  halt.  Ordaz  and  two  of  his  men  con- 
tinued, however,  beyond  the  limits  of  vegetation,  and 
over  the  stones  and  bowlders  which  covered  the  sandy 
expanse  fringing  the  region  of  perpetual  snow.  At 
one  time  the  outburst  of  ashes  and  heated  stones 
obliged  them  to  seek  shelter  for  an  hour,  after  which 
they  sturdily  climbed  onward,  turning  from  their  path 
for  a while  by  the  projecting  rock  now  known  as  Pico 
del  Fraile,  and  almost  losing  themselves  in  the  ash- 
covered  snow.  One  more  effort  they  made,  despite  the 
difficulties  encountered  in  the  rarefied  atmosphere  of 
this  altitude,  and  finally  they  reached  the  summit, 
more  than  seventeen  thousand  seven  hundred  feet 
above  the  level  of  the  sea.  A short  distance  to  the 
north  rose  the  consort  peak,  three  thousand  feet  less 
in  height,  and  at  their  feet  extended  the  field  of  their 
future  campaign,  in  the  valley  to  the  east.  The  crater 
was  nearly  half  a league  in  width,  though  not  deep, 
and  presented  the  appearance  of  a caldron  of  boiling 
glass,  as  says  Gomara.  The  situation  was  too  op- 
pressive to  permit  of  further  observations,  and  after 
securing  some  snow  and  icicles  as  trophies,  the  men 
hastened  to  retrace  their  steps  by  the  already  trodden 
path.  On  their  return  they  were  received  with  great 
demonstration,  the  natives  in  particular  extolling  their 
deed  as  something  superhuman.10 

10  ‘ Vinieron  muchos  Indios  abesarles  la  ropa,  y a verlos,  como  por  milagro, 
6 como  a dioses.’  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex. , 96.  According  to  Cortes  they  failed 
to  reach  the  summit,  although  coming  very  near  to  it.  But  this  statement  is 
open  to  doubt,  for  Cortes  is  not  liberal  in  according  credit  to  others  where  it 
might  tend  to  call  attention  from  himself,  particularly  to  a man  like  Ordaz, 
who  had,  until  quite  lately,  been  his  most  bitter  opponent.  Gomara  had 
evidently  good  authority  for  his  statement,  since  he  in  this  case  failed  to  fol- 


SEBASTIAN  MUNSTER. 


257 


While  preparing  to  leave  Cholula,  Cortds  was 
startled  by  news  from  Villa  Rica  of  a conflict  with 
Mexicans,  resulting  in  the  death  of  Escalante  and 

low  his  patron’s  version;  and  Bernal  Diaz,  who  is  always  ready  to  contradict 
him,  and  who  was  no  friend  of  Ordaz,  does  also  admit  that  he  reached  the 
summit.  He  gives  him  only  two  companions,  however,  and  starts  them  from 
Tlascala.  Hist.  Verdad.,  55.  Leading  modern  authors  are  inclined  to  doubt 
their  success.  Prescott,  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  and  others,  from  a misin- 
terpretation of  Cortes’  text,  allow  the  ascent  to  be  made  while  the  army  was 
camped  on  the  summit  of  the  range,  en  route  for  Mexico. 

Ordaz  no  doubt  claimed  to  have  reached  the  summit,  since  the  emperor 
granted  him  a coat  of  arms,  wherein  the  achievement  is  commemorated  by  a 
blazing  mountain.  Had  he  not  merited  it,  his  many  jealous  companions  would 
surely  have  raised  a clamor.  He  became  also  a knight  of  Santiago,  in  acknowl- 
edgment of  his  services  during  the  conquest.  Having  beside  acquired  great 
wealth,  he  might  have  rested  on  his  laurels;  but  eager  to  emulate  his  late  chief, 
he  in  1530  petitioned  for  and  obtained  the  governorship  of  the  tract  between 
Rio  Marauon  and  Cabo  de  la  Vela,  in  South  America,  with  a right  to  ex- 
tend the  conquest.  After  suffering  great  hardship  there  he  set  out  for 
Spain,  two  years  later,  to  recruit  his  health  and  seek  redress  against  rival  con- 
querors. He  died  on  the  way.  Oviedo,  ii.  211-24;  Herrera,  dec.  iv.  lib.  x. 
cap.  ix. ; dec.  v.  lib.  i.  cap.  xi.  Simon  has  him  arraigned  at  Espanola  for 
cruelty  to  his  men,  etc.  Ordaz  insists  on  going  to  Spain  for  justice,  and 
fearing  the  result,  since  he  stood  in  high  favor  there,  his  enemies  poisoned  him 
during  the  voyage.  Conq.  Tierra  Firme,  104-35.  His  portrait  is  given  in  Car 
bajat  Espinosa,  Hist.  Mex  . ii.  192,  and  Prescott’s  Mex.  (Gondra  ed.  of  Mex. ), 
iii.  221.  ‘Su  familia  establecida  en  Puebla,  en  donde  creo  que  todavia  quedan 
descendientes  suyos.’  Alanian,  Disert.,  i.  101.'  Montano,  among  other  con- 
querors, made  the  ascent  of  the  volcano  not  long  after  this,  and  he  is  even 
said  to  have  descended  into  the  crater.  Padre  Sahagun  also  reached  the  sum- 
mit. Hist.  Gen.,  iii.  317;  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  vi.  cap.  xviii.;  Torquemada,  i. 
43G-7  ; Peter  Martyr,  dec.  v.  cap.  ii.  The  next  successful  ascent  was  not  made 
till  1827,  by  Messrs  Glennie.  Sonneschmidt  had  explored  Popocatepetl  par- 
tially only  in  1772,  but  had  reached  the  summit  of  the  consort  peak.  Berkbeek 
explored  in  the  same  year  as  the  Glennies.  Gerolt  and  Gros  attempted  the 
ascent  in  1833  and  1834,  and  succeeded  in  reaching  the  summit  on  the  second 
occasion.  The  record  is  given  in  Revista  Mex. , i.  461-82.  In  1857  the  Mexican 
government  sent  up  a successful  exploring  expedition  under  Sonntag  and  La- 
verrihre,  whose  report,  with  drawings,  is  given  in  ■Soc.  Mex.  Geoj.,  Boletin,  vi. 
218-45.  Meanwhile  the  observations  of  Gerolt  and  Gros  had  led  to  the 
examination  of  the  crater  for  sulphur,  an  industry  carried  on  pretty  regularly 
since  1836.  The  volcano  was  in  frequent  eruption  about  the  conquest  period, 
as  if  in  sympathy  with  the  political  turmoils  around  it.  One  of  the  heaviest 
discharges  recorded  took  place  in  1539-40,  which  covered  the  neighboring 
towns,  as  far  as  Tlascala,  with  ashes.  Since  then  it  has  been  comparatively 
silent,  the  last  two  outbreaks  being  in  1G63-4  and  1697.  ubi  sup.,  204—5; 
Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  55;  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  vi.  cap.  xviii.  The  erup- 
tion of  16G3-4  created  great  terror  in  Puebla,  as  Vetancurt  relates.  Teatro 
Mex.,  pt.  i.  26.  Bustamante  extends  this  activity  to  1665.  Sahagun,  Hist.  Conq. 
(ed.  1840),  75. 

Rude  cuts  of  the  volcanic  eruption  of  1519  are  to  be  seen  in  the  old  and 
curious  cosmographies  of  Sebastian  Munster.  This  learned  man,  famous  as  a 
Hebrew  scholar,  as  mathematician  and  cartographer,  was  the  author  of  some 
forty  printed  works,  and  would  probably  have  issued  as  many  more  had  not 
the  plague  cut  him  off  at  Basle,  in  1552,  at  the  age  of  63.  His  editions  of 
Ptolemy's  Geography  began  in  1540,  and  in  the  following  year,  according 
to  Liban  tPs  Cafalo/ve , appeared  the  first  edition  of  his  Cosmograp/da  Be- 
Hisr.  Mex.,  Vol.  I.  17 


258 


FROM  CHOLULA  TO  IZTAPALAPAN. 


several  soldiers.  On  the  northern  border  of  the 
Totonac  territory,  bathed  by  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  lay 
the  town  and  district  of  Nautla,  which  together  with 


s chreibung;  but  this  date,  accepted  by  several  bibliographers,  as  well  as  that 
of  1543  for  a Latin  edition,  are  evidently  wrong,  since  Munster  in  his  dedi- 
cation of  1550,  to  King  Gustavus  I.  of  Sweden,  remarks  that  ‘ Inn  dise  dritt 
edition  ’ he  had  hoped  to  include  a description  of  Stockholm  and  other  towns 
under  the  king,  but  had  not  received  a reply  to  his  demands  therefor.  A 
few  lines  above  this  he  writes  equally  to  the  point : ‘ Als  iclx  aber  vor  sechs 
jaren  noch  mit  diser  arbeit  vmbgieng,  ist  zu  mir  kommen  E.  K.  M.  dien§r, 
der  hochgelert  herr,  herr  Georgius  Normannus,  dem  ich  vorhin  auss  etliclien 
biickem  vnder  meinem  namen  aussgangen,  bekat  wz,  vnd  als  er  besichtiget 
dise  fiirgenomen  arbeit,  schetzet  er  sie  wol  wirdig,  das  sie  vnd  dem  kiinig- 
liche  schirm  E.  M.  an  tag  kiime.  ’ Nothing  could  more  conclusively  show  that 
the  work  had  not  appeared  in  print  before  1544.  The  second  edition  appeared 
in  1545.  The  title  of  the  first  reads : Cosmographia.  Beschreibug  aller  Lewder 
Durch  Sebastianum  Munsterum.  Getruclct  zii  Basel  durch  Henrichum  Petri. 
Anno  MDxliiij.  The  Gothic  text  is  accompanied  by  marginals  in  Italics, 
and  illustrated  with  numerous  small  wood-cuts,  some  being  of  the  charac- 
ter which  permits  their  reproduction  in  different  chapters  and  for  different 
countries.  In  the  African  division  we  find  beings  of  the  Anubis  and  Poly- 
phemus type,  and  animal  monsters  of  different  form.  In  the  dedication  to 
Gustavus,  Munster  speaks  of  having  spent  eighteen  years  in  collecting  and 
arranging  his  material,  on  the  plan  of  ‘de  hochgelerten  man  Straboi,  ’ which  is 
not  very  flattering  to  that  geographer,  if  the  method  before  us  be  accepted  as 
a specimen.  He  divides  the  volume  into  six  books — the  first  devoted  to  mathe- 
matical geography,  the  next  three  to  a general  rambling  description  of  Europe, 
chiefly  with  reference  to  the  natural  resources  and  settlements  of  the  different 
countries.  In  the  third  book,  covering  two  thirds  of  the  text,  and  relating  to 
Germany,  each  little  province  receives  a historic  notice,  and  every  town  and 
castle  of  any  note  its  description,  with  rude  wood-cuts  attached.  The  next 
division  given  at  some  length  is  Asia,  to  which  is  appended  half  a dozen 
pages  on  America,  while  Africa  closes  with  the  sixth  book  and  about  three 
times  that  amount  of  text.  The  one  chapter  relating  to  our  continent  is 
headed,  Von  den  neuwen  inseln,  and  gives  a vague  account  of  the  discovery,  the 
physical  features  and  natural  products  of  the  land,  the  inhabitants  and  their 
customs,  illustrated  with  several  cuts,  among  them  a volcano  in  eruption  and 
two  cannibal  scenes.  The  regular  maps  are  grouped  at  the  beginning  of  the 
volume,  each  on  the  verso  and  recto  of  two  leaves,  bearing  on  the  first  recto 
the  title,  inclosed  in  a border  more  or  less  ornamented  with  portraits,  symbols, 
and  arabesque.  The  mappemonde  shows  Terra  Florida  and  Francisia  on  each 
side  of  a bay.  Above  this  runs  a wide  strait  marked  Per  hoc  fretii  iter  patit 
ad  Molucas,  which  issues  between  Cathay  regio  and  Temistitan.  Below  this 
land  are  placed  Hispaniola  and  Cuba,  at  the  mouth  of  another  wide  strait, 
bounded  on  the  south  by  the  large  island  of  America  sen  insula  Brasilij. 
Further  down  is  Fretti  Magaliani,  with  a large  island  to  the  south.  The  map 
for  America  bears  the  inscription  : 'Die  news  iceldt  der  grossen  vnd  vilen  Inse.len . ’ 
The  second  edition  of  1545  is  considerably  enlarged,  the  chapter  on  America 
covering  nine  pages.  In  the  third  edition,  of  1550,  the  wood-cuts  are  increased 
by  a number  of  large  plans,  views  of  towns,  and  other  scenes  by  Deutsch, 
making  this  the  most  attractive  volume  for  collectors.  A portrait  of  the  author 
in  his  sixtieth  year  is  also  given.  The  various  editions  in  different  languages, 
issued  even  in  the  following  century,  vary  considerably  in  arrangement  and 
extent,  and  that  of  1614,  although  improved  and  enlarged  to  1575  pages, 
devotes  only  ten  to  America,  while  previous  editions  coutain  more  material 
thereon.  The  binding  is  provided  with  bosses,  clasps,  and  vellum  cover, 
impressed  with  tracery,  portraits,  and  emblems. 


BATTLE  OF  NAUTLA. 


' 259 


its  river  had  received  from  Grijalva  the  name  of 
Almerla.11  This  was  occupied  by  an  Aztec  garrison 
under  Quauhpopoca, 12  whose  Aztec  pride  and  loyalty  to 
Montezuma  could  ill  brook  the  independence  achieved 
by  the  Totonacs,  and  who  probably  grieved  over  the 
loss  of  slaves  and  other  contributions  which  once 
swelled  his  income.  No  sooner  had  Cortes  disap- 
peared beyond  the  plateau  border  than  my  lord  grew 
audacious,  encouraged  no  doubt  by  the  express  or  tacit 
consent  of  his  sovereign,  and  demanded  from  the  neigh- 
boring Totonacs  the  customary  tribute,  under  penalty 
of  having  their  lands  ravaged.  They  refused,  pointing 
out  that  they  were  uow  the  subjects  of  the  great  white 
king.  Escalante  being  appealed  to  for  protection,  sent 
a message  explaining  that  the  independence  of  the 
people  had  de  facto  been  recognized  by  Montezuma, 
with  whom  he  was  on  friendly  terms.  He  would 
allow  no  interference  with  them.  Quauhpopoca  re- 
plied that  his  answer  would  be  given  on  the  battle- 
field. Escalante,  nothing  loath,  set  out  at  once  with 
fifty  men,  two  horses,  and  two  cannon,  attended  by 
several  thousand  Totonacs,13  and  reached  the  vicinity 
of  Nautla,  where  Quauhpopoca  was  already  commit- 
ting depredations.  The  armies  met,  and  a fierce  battle 
ensued.  Awed  by  the  remembrance  of  former  defeats 
at  the  hands  of  the  Aztecs,  the  Totonacs  comported 
themselves  so  poorly14  that  the  brunt  of  the  fight  had 
to  be  borne  by  the  Spaniards,  of  whom  several  were 
killed  and  wounded,  while  one  was  captured,  and  a 
horse  destroyed.  The  enemy  was  put  to  flight,  but  it 
has  been  said  as  an  excuse  for  their  defeat  the  Mexican 
officers  declared  to  Montezuma  that  the  virgin  bearing 
an  infant  led  the  Spaniards  in  their  attack  which  spread 

11  Cap.  iii.  note  1. 

,2  ‘ Quauhpopocatzin,  senor  de  Coyohuacan,  uno  de  los  grandes  del  imperio, 
que  asistia  en  Nauhtlan,  y estaba  a su  cargo  el  gobiemo  de  las  costas  del  mar 
del  norte.  ’ Ixtlilxochill,  Hist.  Chich. , 296. 

13  Bernal  Diaz  writes,  40  soldiers,  2 cannon,  2 firelocks,  3 cross-bows  and 
2000  natives ; Cortes,  50  Spaniards  and  8000  to  10,000  Indians,  ‘ y doce  tiros 
de  polyora.  ’ Cartas , 88. 

" ‘A  la  primera  refriega huyeron,  y dexaron  al  Juan  de  Escalante  pele- 

ando,’  says  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  74. 


260 


FROM  CHOLULA  TO  IZTAPALAPAN. 


terror  and  fearful  slaughter  in  their  ranks.15  Esca- 
lante laid  waste  the  district,  and  captured  Nautla  town, 
which  was  sacked  and  burned.  This  lesson  finished, 
he  hastened  back  to  Villa  Rica,  and  there  within  three 
days  succumbed  to  his  wounds  together  with  several 
soldiers,  so  that  the  campaign  cost  the  lives  of  seven 
or  nine  men.16  From  prisoners  it  was  understood  that 
Quaulipopoca  had  acted  wholly  under  orders  from 
Montezuma.  The  captured  soldier  was  Arguello,  of 
Leon,  a young  man  of  powerful  frame,  with  a large 
head  and  a curly  black  beard.  He  appears  to  have 
died  from  his  wounds  on  the  way  to  Mexico,  and  the 
head  was  presented  to  the  emperor.  Its  wild  ap- 
pearance, however,  increased  by  the  black,  curly  beard, 
made  so  bad  an  impression  upon  him  that  he  refused 
to  offer  it  to  his  idols,  ordering  it  to  be  sent  to  some 
other  town.17 


15  ‘And  Montezuma  believed  this  to  be  the  great  lady  whom  we  claimed 
for  patroness.  ’ ‘ Todos  los  soldados  que  passamos  con  Cortes,  tenemos  muy 

creido.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad. , 74. 

10  ‘ Seis  soldados  juntameute  con  <51.  ’ Bernal  Diaz,  Hint.  Verdad .,73.  ‘Nueue 
Espanoles,’  says  Gomara,  who  assumes  that  two  were  previously  assassinated 
by  Quauhpopoca.  Hist.  Mex.,  122,  129. 

1T  According  to  Bernal  Diaz,  whose  version  is  chiefly  adhered  to,  the  death 
of  so  many  soldiers  caused  the  Spaniards  to  fall  somewhat  in  the  estimation 
of  the  Indians,  who  had  looked  upon  them  as  invulnerable  beings.  ‘Y 
que  todos  los  pueblos  de  la  sierra,  y Cempoal,  y su  sujeto,  estdn  alterados.  y 
no  les  quieren  dar  comida,  ni  servir. ’ Bernal  Diaz , Hist.  Verdad.,  73-4. 
But  this  is  probably  an  exaggeration,  for  Cort6s  would  not  have  ventured  to 
send  down  a new  comandante  almost  without  escort,  or  to  have  remained 
quietly  at  Mexico  for  months,  had  his  rear  been  so  threatened.  Cortes,  who 
should  be  regarded  as  the  best  authority,  gives  a curious  motive  for  the  cam- 
paign. Qualpopoca,  as  he  calls  him,  sent  a message  to  Escalante,  offering  to 
become  a vassal  of  the  Spanish  king.  Ho  had  not  submitted  before,  fearing  to 
pass  through  the  intervening  hostile  country;  but  if  four  soldiers  were  sent  to 
escort  him,  he  would  come  with  them.  Believing  this  protestation,  Escalante 
sent  the  four  men,  two  of  whom  wounded  returned  shortly  after  with  the 
story  that  Quauhpopoca  had  sought  to  kill  them,  and  had  succeeded  in  despatch- 
ing their  comrades.  This  led  to  the  expedition  of  Escalante.  Cartas,  87-8. 
It  appears  most  unlikely  that  this  officer  should  have  so  far  forgotten  the  pru- 
dence ever  enjoined  on  his  captains  by  Cortes,  and  trusted  only  four  men 
in  an  unknown  country,  in  response  to  so  suspicious  a request.  There  was 
beside  no  need  for  Quauhpopoca  to  go  to  Villa  Rica,  since  his  submission 
through  envoys  would  be  just  as  binding.  If  he  desired  to  see  the  Spanish 
fort,  he  could  have  gone  safely  by  water,  for  large  canoes  were  used  on  the 
coast.  It  is  not  improbable  that  the  story  was  made  up  to  justify  the  ex- 
pedition sent  against  Nautla,  since  a campaign  by  a small  force,  merely  on 
behalf  of  a wretched  tribe  of  natives,  might  have  been  regarded  as  unwar- 
ranted. This  story  was  also  useful  afterward,  when  Cort6s  first  thought 


DEPARTURE  FROM  CHOLULA. 


261 


Fearing  that  these  tidings  might  dishearten  the 
men,  Cortes  said  nothing  about  the  affair;18  but  it 
had  nevertheless  a bad  effect,  for  the  Cempoalan 
allies,  who  had  learned  a few  particulars  from  the 
messengers,  requested  at  the  last  moment  to  be  dis- 
missed to  their  homes,  pleading  not  only  the  long 
absence  from  their  families,  but  the  fear  of  being 
treated  at  Mexico  as  rebels.  Cortes  sought  to  reas- 
sure them,  declaring  that  no  harm  could  reach  any 
one  under  his  protection.  Furthermore  he  would 
enrich  them.  But  the  larger  portion  still  insisted,  and 
since  they  had  served  him  well  he  did  not  wish  to 
compel  them.  Several  packs  of  the  rich  robes  ob- 
tained from  Mexico  were  accordingly  divided  among 
the  leaders,  two  packages  being  destined  for  Chico- 
macatl  and  his  nephew  Cuexco,  and  with  this  parting 
gift  all  but  a small  body  returned  to  Cempoala.19 

After  a stay  at  Cholula  of  nearly  three  weeks20  the 
Spaniards  set  out  for  Mexico,  attended  by  about  six 
thousand  natives,  chiefly  Tlascaltecs,  with  a sprink- 
ling of  Cempoalans,  Cliolultecs,  and  Huexotzincas.21 

proper  to  reveal  it,  for  rousing  his  men  to  action.  Gomara  follows  Cortes, 
with  the  difference  that  Pedro  de  Ircio,  as  he  wrongly  calls  the  captain  at 
V i?  la  Rica,  having  orders  from  Cortes  to  anticipate  Garay  by  incorporating 
Almeria,  sent  an  order  to  Quauhpopoca  to  tender  his  submission.  This  he 
agreed  to  do,  provided  the  four  Spaniards  were  sent  to  escort  him.  Gomara 
appears  to  favor  the  view  that  Quauhpopoca  acted  on  his  own  responsibility, 
for  he  says  that  this  chief  sent  to  warn  Montezuma  of  Cortes’  intention  to 
usurp  the  empire,  and  to  urge  upon  him  to  seize  the  white  captain.  Hist. 
Mex.,  122,  129.  Bernal  Diaz  stamps  this  account  as  false.  Peter  Martyr, 
dec.  v.  cap.  iii. , assumes  that  the  two  Spaniards  were  slain  by  robbers,  so 
that  Quauhpopoca  was  innocent  of  any  misdeed.  Tapia’s  version  is  incom- 
plete, but  appears  to  favor  Bernal  Diaz.  In  Duran’s  native  record,  Coatlpo- 
poca  appears  as  the  guide  of  the  Spaniards.  He  treacherously  leads  them 
along  a precipice,  over  which  two  horsemen  fall  with  their  steeds,  and  are 
killed.  For  this  he  is  tried  and  executed.  Hint.  I ml.,  MS.,  ii.  41 1—13. 

18  He  reveals  it  only  after  his  arrival  at  Mexico,  and  thus  leads  Bemal  Diaz 
to  assume  that  the  news  reached  him  there.  In  this  he  is  followed  by 
Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  viii.  cap.  i. , and  consequently  by  Torquemada,  i.  455. 

13  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  62;  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  97;  Torquemada, 
i.  442. 

20  The  estimate  varies  from  fourteen  days,  Herrera,  to  over  twenty  days, 
Gomara.  By  assuming  that  nineteen  days  were  spent  at  Cholula,  the  army 
has  a week  in  which  to  reach  Mexico,  and  this  is  about  the  time  consumed. 

21  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex. , 97.  ‘ Saliedo  acompanarle  los  senores  de  Chulula, 

y con  gran  marauilla  de  los  Emhaxadores  Mexicanos.’  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib. 
vii.  cap.  iii.  ‘Andauamos  la  barba  sohre  el  ombro,’  says  Bernal  Diaz,  in  allu- 
sion to  the  precautions  observed.  Hist.  Verdad. , 63. 


262 


FROM  CHOLULA  TO  IZTAPALAPAN. 


They  passed  through  Huexotzinco  by  a route  already 
followed  by  Ordaz,  and  recommended  as  the  best 
and  safest.  The  first  camp  was  made  at  the  Huexot- 
zinca  village  of  Izcalpan,  over  four  leagues  from  Cho- 
lula,  where  they  met  with  a most  friendly  reception, 
and  received  abundant  provisions,  together  with  some 
female  slaves  and  a little  gold.  Leaving  behind  them 
the  smiling  plain  of  Huitzilapan,  where  they  had 
overcome  so  many  dangers  and  obtained  so  many 
proofs  of  good-will,  on  the  following  day  they  ap- 
proached the  mountains  and  came  upon  the  regular 
highway  which  leads  across  the  range  to  the  valley 
of  Mexico.  The  junction  of  the  roads  was  at  the 
south-west  border  of  Huexotzinco,  where  the  Mexi- 
cans had  left  a proof  of  their  hostility  toward  this 
republic,  allied  to  Tlascala,  by  blocking  up  the  way 
with  trees  and  other  material.22  These  were  removed, 
and  the  army  began  the  steep  ascent  of  the  pass, 


22  Bernal  Diaz  relates  in  a confused  manner  that  at  Izcalpan  the  Span- 
iards were  told  of  two  wide  roads  beginning  beyond  the  first  pass.  One,  easy 
and  open,  led  to  Chaleo;  the  other,  to  Tlalmanalco,  had  been  obstructed  with 
trees  to  impede  the  horses,  and  so  induce  the  army  to  take  the  Chaleo  route, 
upon  which  the  Aztecs  lay  in  ambush,  ready  to  fall  upon  them.  Hist.  Verdad. , 63. 
This  finds  some  support  in  Sahagun,  whose  mythic  account  relates  that  Mon- 
tezuma, in  his  fear  of  the  advancing  forces,  had  blocked  the  direct  road  to 
Mexico  and  planted  maguey  upon  it,  so  as  to  direct  them  to  Tezcuco.  Hist. 
Conq. , 21.  Cortes  indicates  clearly  enough  that  the  Mexican  envoys  had  at 
Cholula  recommended  a route  leading  from  that  city  south  of  Huexotzinco 
to  the  usual  mountain  pass,  and  used  by  their  people  in  order  to  avoid  this 
inimical  territory.  Upon  it  every  accommodation  had  been  prepared  for 
the  Spaniards.  This  road  was  not  only  circuitous,  but  had  been  declared  by 
Tlasca.tecs  and  others  as  hard  and  perilous,  with  deep  ravines,  spanned  by 
narrow  and  insecure  bridges,  and  with  Aztec  armies  lying  in  ambush.  CorU-s, 
Cartas,  76-8;  Tapia,  Rel.,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  574.  Peter  Martyr,  dec. 
v.  cap.  ii.,  calls  this  route  shorter  and  easier,  though  more  dangerous.  Cer- 
tain remarks  by  Bernal  Diaz  indicate  that  the  ambush  had  been  arranged  in 
connection  with  the  plot  at  Cholula,  and  abandoned  upon  its  failure,  loc.  cit. 
There  could  hardly  have  been  more  than  one  route  across  the  range,  through 
the  pass  'wherein  the  Aztecs  had  erected  their  station  for  travellers,  and  this 
the  Spaniards  did  follow.  Here  also  accommodation  was  prepared  for  them, 
and  here  the  embassy  from  Montezuma-  appeared.  Hence  the  obstructions 
spoken  of  must  have  been  at  the  junction  of  the  Huexotzinca  road  with  the 
main  road  from  Cholula  to  the  pass,  and  intended  as  an  intimation  to  the 
Huexotzincas  or  to  the  Mexicans  not  to  trespass.  They  could  have  been  of 
no  avail  against  the  Spaniards,  who  were  beside  invited  to  enter  on  the 
main  road  then  at  hand.  These  are  facts  overlooked  by  Prescott.  Clavigero, 
and  writers  generally  who  have  lost  themselves  in  the  vague  and  confused 
utterances  of  the  chroniclers,  and  in  seeking  to  elaborate  a most  simple  affair. 
Modern  travellers  follow  the  easier  and  less  picturesque  route  north  of  Iztacci- 


THE  VALLEY  OF  MEXICO. 


263 


pressing  onward  against  the  chilling  winds  which 
swept  down  from  its  frozen  heights,  and  before  long 
they  were  tramping  through  the  snow  which  covered 
the  summit. 

Here  they  were  cheered  by  a sight  which  made 
them,  for  the  moment  at  least,  forget  their  hard- 
ships. A turn  in  the  road  disclosed  the  valley  of 
Mexico — the  object  of  their  toil  and  suffering — 
stretching  from  the  slope  of  the  forest-clad  ranges  at 
their  feet  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach,  and  presenting 
one  picturesque  intermingling  of  green  prairies,  golden 
fields,  and  blooming  gardens,  clustering  round  a series 
of  lakes.  Towns  lay  thickly  sprinkled,  revealed  by 
towering  edifices  and  gleaming  walls,  and  conspicu- 
ous above  all,  the  queen  city  herself,  placidly  reposing 
upon  the  mirrored  surface  of  the  larger  water.  Above 
her  rose  the  cypress-crowned  hill  of  Chapultepec,  with 
its  stately  palace  consecrated  to  the  glories  of  Aztec 
domination.23 

The  first  transport  over,  there  came  a revulsion 
of  feeling.  The  evidently  dense  population  of  the 
valley  and  the  many  fortified  towns  confirmed  the 
mysterious  warnings  of  the  allies  against  a pow- 
erful and  warlike  people,  and  again  the  longing  for 
the  snug  and  secure  plantations  of  Cuba  found  ex- 
pression among  the  faint-hearted,  as  they  shivered  in 
the  icy  blast  and  wrapped  themselves  the  closer  in 
the  absence  of  food  and  shelter.  In  this  frame  of 
mind  the  glistening  farm-houses  seemed  only  so  many 
troops  of  savage  warriors,  lurking  amidst  the  copses 
and  arbors  for  victims  to  grace  the  stone  of  sacrifice 
and  the  festive  board;  and  the  stately  towns  appeared 
impregnable  fortresses,  which  promised  only  to  become 
their  prisons  and  graves.  So  loud  grew  the  murmur 

huatl,  which  skirts  Mount  Telapon.  This  was  the  road  recommended  by 
Ixtlilxochitl,  leading  through  Calpulalpan,  where  he  promised  to  join  him 
with  his  army;  but  Cortes  preferred  to  trust  to  his  own  arms  and  to  his  Tlas- 
caltec  followers.  Torquemada,  i.  442. 

23  ‘ Dezian  algunos  Castellanos,  que  aquella  era  la  tierra  para  su  buena 
dichn  prometida,  y que  mientras  mas  Moros,  mas  ganancia.  ’ lJerrera , dec.  ii. 
lib.  vii.  cap.  iii. 


264 


FROM  CHOLULA  TO  IZTAPALAPAN. 


as  to  indicate  mutiny;  but  Cortes,  with  his  usual 
firm  words,  quieted  the  soldiers,  supported  as  he  was 
by  the  spirited  majority.24 

After  descending  for  a short  distance  they  came 
to  the  travellers’  station  of  Quauhtechcatl,25  whose 
commodious  edifices  afforded  room  for  the  whole  army. 
The  Mexicans  had  prepared  for  the  arrival  by  fur- 
nishing an  abundance  of  provisions,  with  fires  in  all 
the  rooms,  and  the  tired  soldiers  eagerly  gave  them- 
selves up  to  repose.26  No  less  exhausted  than  they, 
Cortes  nevertheless  could  not  think  of  rest  till  he 
had  seen  to  the  security  of  the  camp.  His  prudence 
on  this  occasion  came  near  costing  him  dearly,  for 
in  the  darkness  a sentinel  taking  him  for  a spy 
drew  his  cross-bow.  Fortunately  he  heard  the  click 
and  announced  himself.27  This  promptness  on  the 
part  of  the  guard  was  by  no  means  unnecessary; 
during  the  night  a dozen  or  more  prowling  natives 
met  the  fate  which  the  general  so  narrowly  escaped. 
They  were  supposed  to  have  been  the  spies  of  an  army 
hidden  in  the  forest,  which,  on  observing  the  watch- 
fulness of  the  Spaniards,  abandoned  the  premeditated 
attack.28 

Montezuma’s  fears  appeared  to  grow  with  the  ap- 
proach of  Cortes,  and  so  did  his  anxiety  about  the 
import  of  the  message  which  must  be  delivered  to  him 
alone.  Could  there  be  a design  upon  his  person  ? This 
must  be  ascertained  before  the  invaders  came  too 

21  Gomara,  Hist.  Max. , 97;  Oviedo,  iii.  500. 

25  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chick.,  295.  Torquemada,  followed  by  Brasseur  de 
Bourbourg  and  others,  calls  it  Ithualco,  which  appears  rather  to  have  been  a 
general  term  for  these  stations,  since  ithualli,  according  to  Molina,  signifies  a 
court.  Peter  Martyr  and  Gomara  refer  to  it  as  a summer  palace. 

20  Cortes,  Cartas,  79.  ‘ Aun  que  para  los  Tamemes  hizieron  los  de  Moteccuma 
chocas  de  paja. . . .y  aim  les  tenian  mugeres.’  Gomara,  Hist.  Hex.,  97.  ‘Los 
Indios  hizieron  de  presto  muchas  barracas,’  says  Herrera,  who  places  this 
‘casa  de  plazer’  in  the  plain  below,  dec.  ii.  lib.  vii.  cap.  iii.  Tapia  calls  the 
buildings  ‘casas  de  paja.’  Re'acion,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  578. 

2r  Martin  Lopez  was  the  watchful  sentinel.  Torquemada,  i.  443. 

28  Tapia,  Rd.,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  577;  Cortes,  Cartas,  80.  Herrera 
intimates  that  an  attack  on  the  summit,  where  the  Spaniards  were  benumbed 
with  cold,  might  have  succeeded  in  creating  confusion,  dec.  ii.  lib.  vii.  cap. 
iii.  Unless  the  naked  Indians  had  been  equally  benumbed  1 


MONTEZUMA’S  SUBTERFUGE. 


2G5 


near.  Among  his  courtiers  was  a noble  named  Tzihu- 
acpopoca,  who  greatly  resembled  him  in  person  and 
voice.  Him  he  commanded  to  proceed  to  the  Spanish 
camp,  attended  by  a large  retinue,  and  by  representing 
himself  as  the  emperor  to  ascertain  from  the  white 
chief  what  his  intentions  were,  and  to  induce  him  with 
liberal  offers  to  turn  back.  The  idea  was  based  on 
an  incident  which  had  occurred  not  many  years  before, 
wherein  one  of  the  tripartite  monarchs  saved  his  life 
by  appearing  in  proxy  at  a treacherous  court.  Monte- 
zuma hoped  to  derive  from  a similar  trick  more  than 
onr  advantage. 

Tzihuacpopoca  arrived  at  the  mountain  camp  the 
morning  after  the  Spaniards  had  entered  it,  and  created 
no  little  excitement  by  the  announcement  that  the 
emperor  was  present  in  person.  Preparations  were 
made  to  give  him  a brilliant  reception.  Unfortu- 
nately for  the  envoy,  his  secret  had  too  many  keepers 
in  the  large  suite  attending  him;  there  were  also 
many  among  the  allies  who  had  been  at  Montezuma’s 
court,  and  who  looked  on  this  sudden  arrival  as 
suspicious.  They  made  inquiries  and  soon  ascer- 
tained the  truth.  Cortes  received  the  great  man 
w>th  courtesy,  heralded  as  he  was  with  a present  of 
three  thousand  pesos  de  oro,  but  he  resolved  to  take 
advantage  of  the  discovery  to  impress  him  with  his 
penetration.  After  a few  moments’  conversation  he 
told  the  noble  with  a severe  tone  that  he  was  not 
the  monarch  he  represented  himself  to  be.29  He  also 
referred  to  the  attempts  made  during  the  night  to 
surprise  the  camp,  as  indicated  by  the  dead  spies,  and 
assured  him  that  his  men  were  always  prepared  against 
plots  and  deception,  and  any  attempts  against  them 
would  lead  only  to  the  discomfiture  and  grief  of  the 
enemy.  Awed  by  the  superior  intelligence  and  power 
of  the  general,  the  envoy  thought  no  longer  of  any- 
thing else  than  to  keep  such  a man  from  entering 

29  He  appealed  to  the  Tlascaltecs  by  his  side,  and  they  declared  that  they 
buew  him  to  be  Tzihuacpopoca.  Torqueraadci,  i.  446. 


266 


FROM  CHOLULA-  TO  IZTAPALAPAX. 


Mexico.  He  presented  among  other  reasons  that  the 
city  could  be  reached  only  in  canoes,  and  that  pro- 
visions were  difficult  to  obtain  there.  He  repeated 
the  offer  already  made  of  an  annual  tribute  payable 
in  treasures  on  the  coast,  and  promised  as  a bribe  for 
Cortes  himself  four  loads  of  gold,  and  for  each  of  his 
officers  and  men  one  load.30  Dazzling  as  the  offer 
was,  Cortes  regarded  it  as  but  a faint  reflection  of 
still  richer  treasures,  the  attainment  of  which  must 
procure  for  him  greater  glory  than  he  had  as  yet 
dreamed  of.  In  his  reply  he  accordingly  pointed  out 
how  strange  it  must  appear  to  turn  back  now  that  he 
was  within  view  of  the  goal.  Such  conduct  would 
disgrace  any  envoy.  No!  he  dared  not  disobey  the 
orders  of  his  king,  who  had  sent  him  upon  a mission 
of  great  benefit  to  Montezuma.  He  would  leave  as 
soon  as  this  was  accomplished,  if  desired.31 

Nothing  abashed  by  this  rebuff,  Montezuma  again 
had  recourse  to  the  black  art,  and  sent  a number  of 
sorcerers,  the  native  records  say,  to  cast  spells  on 
the  Spaniards.  They  soon  returned  with  the  report 
that  on  nearing  Tlalmanalco,  Tezcatlipoca  had  ap- 
peared to  them  in  the  guise  of  a drunken  peasant, 
frightening  them  greatly,  and  saying:  “ Fools,  return! 
Your  mission  is  in  vain!  Montezuma  will  lose  his 
empire  in  punishment  for  tyranny,  and  I,  I leave 
Mexico  to  her  fate  and  cast  you  off!”  The  sorcerers 
recognized  the  god,  and  prostrated  themselves  to 
adore  him,  but  he  spurned  their  devotion,  rebuking 
them,  and  finally  pointed  to  Mexico,  saying:  “Be- 
hold her  doom ! ” Looking  round  they  saw  her 
enveloped  in  flames,  and  the  inhabitants  in  conflict 

30  A load  being  at  least  50  pounds,  the  bribe  swells  to  over  $5,000,000. 

31  Cortes  and  Martyr  call  the  envoy  a brother  of  Montezuma.  Carlas,  79; 
dec.  v.  cap.  ii. ; Gomaraand  Herrera,  a relative.  Hist.  Mex. , 9S;  dec.  ii.  lib.  vii. 
cap.  iii.  According  to  Bernal  Diaz,  the  bribe  is  offered  by  four  nobles  at  Tlal- 
manalco. Hist.  Verdad. , 64.  Sahagun,  who  is  the  original  authority  for  the 
story  of  ‘ Tzioacpupuca’s  ’ attempt  to  pass  himself  off  for  Montezuma,  says  that 
Cortes  was  highly  indignant  at  the  deception,  ‘ y luego  con  afrenta  enviaron 
ii  aqucl  principal  y ii  todos  los  quo  con  <11  habian  venido.’  1 list.  Com/.,  19; 
Torqaemada,  i.  445-6. 


CACAMA’S  ADVICE. 


267 


with  white  men.  On  turning  again  to  beseech  the 
god  he  was  gone.32 

Montezuma  was  in  consultation  with  his  advisers 
when  this  report  was  brought.  As  if  pierced  by 
death’s  dart,  the  monarch  bowed  low  his  head  and 
moaned:  “We  are  lost!  We  are  lost  I”33  Less  im- 
pressed with  superstitious  fear  by  an  incident  which 
he  regarded  as  concocted  by  the  sorcerers,  Cuitla- 
huatzin  vividly  presented  the  danger  of  admitting 
such  determined  and  powerful  intruders  within  the 
city,  and  he  boldly  urged  that  they  be  forbidden  to 
enter,  by  force  of  arms  if  need  be.  Cacama  remon- 
strated that  after  inviting  them  such  a course  would 
savor  of  fear.  The  emperor  owed  it  to  his  exalted 
station  and  power  to  receive  envoys.  If  they  proved 
objectionable,  the  city  should  become  their  tomb. 
Surely  his  nobles  and  his  armies  were  able  to  over- 
come so  small  a number,  assisted  by  the  strategic 
advantages  of  the  place  in  its  approaches  and  re- 
sources. To  the  affrighted  monarch  anything  was 
acceptable  that  would  stay  prompt  action,  and  conse- 
quently defer  the  ruin  which  he  feared.  He  at  once 
inclined  to  Cacama’s  advice,  stipulating,  however, 
that  he,  king  as  he  was,  should  condescend  to  meet 
the  Spaniards  and  sound  their  intentions.  “May  the 

32  Salmgun,  Hist.  Conq.,  20-1;  Acosta,  Hist.  Ind.,  519-20;  Torquemada, 
i.  447.  Solis,  the  ‘penetrating  historian,’  repeats  and  improves  upon  this  as 
an  account  taken  from  ‘ autores  fidedignos. 1 Hist.  Hex. , i.  353.  And  with  a 
similar  belief  it  has  been  given  a prominent  place  in  West-vnnd  Ost-Indischer 
Lusti/art,  131.  Gaspar  Ens  L. , the  author,  was  one  of  the  editors  of  the  famous 
set  of  De  Bry,  from  which  he  like  so  many  others  borrowed  text,  if  not  en- 
gravings. The  narrator  of  several  individual  European  travels,  he  also  issued 
the  hidiaB  Occidental  Historia,  Coloni®,  1612.  The  German  version,  pub- 
lished at  Collen  in  1618  in  a small  quarto  form,  under  the  above  title,  has 
for  its  guiding  principle  the  appropriate  maxim  of  Horace,  Omne  tulit  punctum 
qui  mis-uit  utile  dulci.  The  first  part,  relating  to  America  in  general,  is 
divided  into  three  sections,  for  physical  and  natural  geography  and  Indian 
customs,  followed  by  discovery,  voyages,  and  conquests,  and  concluding  with 
a review  of  political  history,  and  an  appendix  on  missionary  progress.  This 
arrangement,  however,  is  nominal  rather  than  real,  and  the  confusion,  extend- 
ing into  chapters  as  well  as  sections,  is  increased  by  the  incomplete  and 
undigested  form  of  the  material,  enlivened,  however,  by  an  admixture  of  the 
quaint  and  wonderful. 

33  1 Ya  estamos  para  perdemos mexicanos  somos,  ponemos  hemos  d lo 

que  viniese  por  la  lionra  de  la  ganeracion ....  Nacidos  somos,  venga  lo  que 
v'niere. ’ Sahwjun,  Hist.  Conq.,  21. 


268 


FROM  CIIOLULA  TO  IZTAPALAPAN. 


gods  not  place  within  your  house,  my  lord,  one  who 
shall  cast  you  forth  and  usurp  the  empire,”  was  the 
solemn  warning  of  Cuitlahuatzin,  as  he  heard  this 
resolution.34 

The  Spaniards  had  meanwhile  descended  the  wooded 
slope  from  Quauhtechcatl  to  the  cultivated  district 
round  Amaquemecan,  a city  which,  together  with  its 
suburban  villages  for  two  leagues  around,  numbered 
over  twenty  thousand  families.35  The  lord,  Cacamatzin 
Teotlateuchtli,  received  them  in  his  own  palace,  and 
entertained  them  most  liberally  during  their  two  days’ 
stay,  presenting  them  gifts  of  forty  female  slaves  and 
three  thousand  Castellanos  in  gold.  The  chiefs  of 
Tlalmanalco  and  other  neighboring  towns  came  to 
tender  their  respects,  and  encouraged  by  the  reports 
of  Spanish  prowess  they  hesitated  not  to  lay  bare 
their  grievances  against  the  Aztecs,  who  oppressed 
them  with  heavy  taxes,  robbed  them  of  wives  and 
daughters,  and  carried  the  men  into  slavery.  Cortes 
encouraged  the  chiefs  with  fair  promises,  and  was  not 
a little  delighted  at  finding  disaffection  in  the  very 
heart  of  the  empire,  whose  power  had  been  so  much 
extolled.36 

Passing  by  way  of  Tlalmanalco  through  a succession 
of  flourishing  maize  and  maguey  fields,  the  Spaniards 
reached  Ayotzinco,  a town  at  the  south  end  of  Chaleo 
lake.37  Here  was  seen  the  first  specimen  of  the  peculiar 

3i  ‘ Este  parecer  <le  Cuitlahuac,  abra9aron  muchos  de  los  Presentes.  ’ Tor- 
quemaila,  i.  444-5. 

30  With  seven  towns  and  over  25,000  families,  says  Chimalpain,  Hist. 
Com/.,  115.  Herrera  states  that  at  the  foot  of  the  descent  from  the  range 
felled  trees  obstructed  the  road,  and  appearances  indicated  that  an  ambush 
had  been  intended.  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  vii.  cap.  iii. 

30  Cortes,  Cartas,  80-1.  Bernal  Diaz  places  this  occurrence  at  Tlalmanalco, 
where  the  chiefs  jointly  offer  eight  female  slaves,  two  packs  of  I'obes,  and  150 
pesos’  worth  of  gold.  They  urge  Cortes  to  remain  with  them  rather  than 
trust  himself  within  Mexico.  This  being  declined,  twenty  chiefs  go  with 
him  to  receive  justice  from  the  emperor  at  his  intercession.  Hist.  Ve.rdad,.,  63. 

‘ Se  dieron  por  sus  confederados.’  Saharjun,  Hist-  Con//,  (ed.  1840),  74. 

37  For  map  of  route  see,  beside  those  contained  in  this  volume,  Carhajal 
Espinosa,  Hist.  /Hex.,  ii.  201,  53S,  and  Ataman,  hi  Prescott’s  Hist.  Conq. 
(ed.  Mex.  1S44),  i.  337,  3S4.  The  last  maps  in  these  books  illustrate  the  later 
siege  operations  round  Mexico,  and  so  does  Orozco  y Befra’s,  in  Ciudad  Mexico, 
Eo'icias,  233.  Prescott’s  route  map,  in  Mex. , i.  p.  xxxih. , claims  to  be  based 
on  Humboldt’s,  with  corrections  from  the  chroniclers. 


CACAMA’S  VISIT. 


209 


aquatic  cities  of  the  lake  region.  Half  of  the  town 
stood  on  piles,  and  was  intersected  by  canals,  wherein 
the  traffic,  with  canoes,  was  far  livelier  than  in  the 
streets.  The  other  half  la}^  at  the  foot  of  steep  hills, 
upon  one  of  which  the  Spaniards  were  encamped. 
Prompted  either  by  curiosity  or  by  evil  purposes,  a 
number  of  Indians  attempted  during  the  night  to 
enter  the  Spanish  quarter,  only  to  pay  with  their  lives 
for  the  indiscretion.38 

In  the  morning  messengers  arrived  requesting  the 
Spaniards  to  await  the  coming  of  Cacama.  Shortly 
after  appeared  a procession  more  brilliant  than  any 
yet  seen.  In  a litter  profusely  ornamented  with  gold, 
silver,  and  feather  ornaments,  and  even  inlaid  with 
precious  stones,  sat  the  king  of  Tezcuco,  a young  man 
of  about  twenty-five,  carried  by  eight  powerful  caciques. 
As  he  stepped  out,  attendants  proceeded  to  sweep  the 
road,  removing  even  the  straws,  while  nobles  held 
over  his  head  a canopy  of  green  feathers,  studded 
with  gems,  to  shield  him  from  the  sun.  With  stately 
steps  the  monarch  advanced  toward  Cortes,  saluting 
him  in  the  customary  manner.39  He  had  come,  he 
said,  with  these  nobles,  in  the  name  of  Montezuma, 
their  master,  to  serve  him,  and  to  provide  all  that  was 
needed.  He  thereupon  presented  a rich  gift,  to  which 
Cortes  responded  with  three  fine  marcasite  stones40 
for  himself,  and  with  blue  glass  diamonds  for  the 
nobles.  In  order  to  sound  him,  Cacama  represented 
that  there  existed  almost  insurmountable  obstacles  to 
his  entry  into  Mexico,  among  them  the  fears  of  the 
populace,  which  had  been  aroused  by  terrible  accounts 
of  the  cruelty  of  his  followers.41  Cortes  sought  to 

33  ‘ Mataron  dellos  hasta  veynte.’  Gnmara,  Hist.  Mex.,  98.  The  chiefs  com- 
plained in  secret  of  Montezuma.  Tapia,  Bel.,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  578. 

39  By  touching  the  ground  with  the  hand  and  then  bearing  it  to  the  lips. 

40  Cortes  ‘ le  did  tres  piedras,  que  se  llaman  margaritas,  que  tienen  dentro 
de  si  muchas  pinturas  de  diuersas  colores.  ’ Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Ver'lad.,  64. 
A certain  vagueness  in  the  phrase  has  led  some  to  translate  it  as  a present  of 
three  fine  pearls  for  Cortes. 

41  ‘ No  les  quedaba  sino  decir  que  me  defenderian  el  camino.’  Cortes.  Cart  's, 

81.  ‘ Dieron  a en tender  (pie  les  ofenderia  alia,  y aun  defenderia  el  passo  y 

entrada.  ’ Oomara,  n isi.  Mex.,  98. 


270 


FROM  CHOLULA  TO  IZTAPALAPAN. 


reassure  him,  and  declared  that  no  obstacles  were  in- 
surmountable to  his  men,  whereupon  Cacama  hastened 
to  state  that  Montezuma  himself  would  willingly 
receive  them,  and  did  tender  an  invitation.  He  now 
returned  to  Mexico  to  prepare  for  the  inevitable  visit, 
leaving  among  the  Spaniards  the  impression  that  if 
he,  the  inferior  king,  exhibited  such  grandeur,  that  of 
the  emperor  must  indeed  be  imperial.42 

Proceeding  along  the  lake  they  entered  upon  a 
causeway  in  width  a spear’s  length,  leading  through 
the  waters  for  over  a half  league  to  “the  prettiest 
little  town  which  we  had  yet  seen,  both  with  regard 
to  its  well  built  houses  and  towers,  and  to  its  situa- 
tion,” as  Cortes  remarks.  The  admiring  soldiers 
called  it  Venezuela,  or  little  Venice,  the  native  name 
being  Cuitlahuac.  It  was  situated  on  an  islet,  con- 
nected also  with  the  northern  shore  by  an  extension 
of  the  causeway,  and  contained  a population  of  about 
two  thousand  families,  supported  chiefly  by  flori- 
culture, which  was  carried  on  to  a great  extent 
by  means  of  chinampas,  or  floating  gardens.43  The 
chiefs  came  forth,  headed  by  Atlpopocatzin,44  and 
showed  themselves  most  attentive.  Here  again  com- 
pliants  were  uttered  about  Aztec  oppression,  with  the 
warning  that  the  Spaniards  would  meet  with  no  true 
friendship  at  Mexico.45 

The  Mexican  envoys  suspected  the  disaffection  of 
Cuitlahuac,  and  prevailed  on  the  Spaniards  to  pass 
onward  to  Iztapalapan,  where  preparations  had  been 
made  to  receive  them.  As  they  neared  the  densely 
populated  lake  district,  the  crowds  became  larger  and 
more  curious,  wondering  at  the  fair  hue  and  bushy 


4! Bernal  Diaz , Hint.  Verdad.,  64.  Ixtlilxochitl  contradicts  himself  about 
the  place  of  meeting,  and  makes  Cacama  invite  Cortes  to  Tezcuco.  Hist.  Chick. , 
295;  Id.,  Relation,  411.  Torquemada  does  the  same.  i.  449. 

43  Native  Race s,  ii.  345-6,  575.  Cortes  mentions  another  smaller  town  in 
the  lake,  without  land  communication.  Cortes,  Cartas,  82. 

44  ‘Pariente  del  rey  de  Mexico.’  Chimalvain,  Hist.  Conq.,  1 16.  ‘ Prince  du 

quartier  de  Tide.’  Drassi-ur  de  Bourboimj,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  203. 

45  ‘ Cortes,  ca  yua  con  determinacion  de  parar  alii,  y hazer  barcas  o fustas .... 
con  miedo  no  le  rompiessen  las  calyadas  (to  Mexico).’  Gomara,  Hist,  d/ex.,  99. 


IXTLILXOCHITL’S  MOVEMENTS. 


271 


beards  of  the  strangers,  and  admiring  the  comely 
horses,  and  the  glittering  arms  and  helmets.  “Surely 
they  must  be  divine  beings,”  some  said,  “coming  as 
they  do  from  where  the  sun  rises.”  “Or  demons,” 
hinted  others.  But  the  old  men,  wise  in  the  records  of 
their  race,  sighed  as  they  remembered  the  prophecies, 
and  muttered  that  these  must  be  the  predicted  ones 
who  were  to  rule  the  land  and  be  their  masters.46  To 
prevent  the  natives  from  mingling  with  his  men,  and 
creating  not  only  disorder  but  diminishing  the  awe 
with  which  they  were  regarded,  the  horsemen  in  the 
van  received  orders  to  keep  the  Indians  at  a respectful 
distance.  Iztapalapan  was  already  in  sight  when  a 
larsfe  force  of  armed  warriors  was  seen  advancing,  so 
large  thpt  it  seemed  as  if  the  armies  of  Mexico  had 
come  to  overwhelm  them.  They  were  reassured,  how- 
ever. by  the  announcement  that  it  was  Ixtlilxochitl 
with  his  escort,  intent  on  having  an  interview  with 
his  proposed  ally.  The  prince  had  urged  upon  Cortes 
to  take  a more  northern  route  and  join  him  at  Cal- 
pulalpan,  but  finding  that  the  general  preferred  the 
Amaquemecan  road,  he  had  hastened  to  meet  the 
Spaniards  on  the  lake.  The  approach  of  this  personage 
had  made  the  court  of  Tezcuco  more  pliable  to  one 
whose  designs  were  well  understood.  When  Ixtlil- 
xochitl therefore  came  near  the  city,  the  elder  brother, 
Cohuanacotzin,  made  efforts  for  a closer  conciliation 
with  himself  and  Cacama.47  The  opportunity  was 
favorable,  for  the  indisposition  of  Cortes  to  enter 
actively  into  the  plans  of  the  former,  and  his  advance 
on  Mexico,  with  proclaimed  friendship  for  Monte- 
zuma, made  Ixtlilxochitl  not  averse  to  the  advances 
of  his  brothers,  particularly  since  he  intended  this  in 
no  wise  to  interfere  with  his  schemes.  The  result  of 
the  negotiation  was  that  he  found  himself  admitted 
with  great  pomp  into  his  paternal  city,  wherein  he 

46  Torquemacla,  i.  451 ; Oviedo,  iii.  500. 

41  For  an  account  of  the  dispute  between  Cacama  and  Ixtlilxochitl,  see 
Native  Races,  v.  474-7. 


272 


FROM  CHOLULA  TO  IZTAPALAPAN. 


hoped  some  day  to  displace  Cacama.  Imbued  more 
than  ever  with  his  ambition,  he  hastened  to  intercept 
the  Spanish  captain,  in  order  personally  to  promote 
his  views  and  induce  him  to  come  northward  to 
Tezcuco  and  to  his  own  capital.  Cortes  was  full  of 
promises,  but  it  did  not  just  then  suit  him  to  disar- 
range the  plan  he  had  formed,  and  so  Ixtlilxochitl  had 
to  wait. 

It  is  this  meeting  no  doubt  which  has  been  wrongly 
extended  by  several  authorities  into  a visit  to  Tez- 
cuco.48 

As  the  Spaniards  approached  Iztapalapan,49  Cuitla- 
huatzin,  the  brother  of  Montezuma  and  lord  of  the 
city,  came  forth  in  company  with  Tezozomoc,  lord 
of  the  adjoining  Culhuacan,  and  a number  of  other 
caciques  and  nobles,60  to  escort  his  guests  to  their 
quarters  in  his  palace.  The  city  with  its  ten  thousand 
to  twelve  thousand  houses  was  constructed  partly  on 
piles,  and  crossed  by  canals,  on  either  side  of  which 
rose  substantial  buildings,  chiefly  of  stone,  a large 
proportion  being,  according  to  the  conqueror,  “as  fine 
as  the  best  in  Spain,  both  in  extent  and  construc- 
tion.” The  Spaniards  were  awed  by  the  beauty  of 
the  place.  The  palace  was  particularly  fine  and  spa- 
cious, with  courts  shaded  by  awnings  of  brilliant  colors 

<8  Tezcuco  was  entirely  out  of  Cortes’  route,  and  the  narratives  of  the 
march  show  that  no  such  detour  could  have  been  made.  Torquemada,  who 
contradicts  himself  about  the  visit,  describes  with  some  detail  the  reception 
at  this  capital,  where  the  population  kneel  to  adore  the  Spaniards  as  children 
of  the  sun.  They  are  entertained  at  the  palace,  and  discover  in  one  of  the 
courtiers,  named  Tecocoltzin,  a man  of  as  fair  a hue  as  themselves,  who  be- 
came a great  favorite,  i.  444.  Herrera  takes  the  army  from  Ayotzinco  tc 
Tezcuco  and  back  to  Cuitlahuac.  dec.  ii.  lib.  vii.  cap.  iv.  Impressed  per- 
haps by  the  peculiarity  of  this  detour,  Vetaucurt,  after  repeating  the  story, 
expresses  a doubt  whether  the  visit  was  really  made.  Teatro  Me. v.,  pt.  iii. 
127-8.  But  Clavigero  brings  arguments,  based  partly  upon  vague  points  in 
Cortes’  later  letters,  to  prove  that  it  took  place.  Storia  Mess.,  iii.  74.  Solis, 

‘ the  discriminating,  ’ lets  Cacama  himself  guide  Cortes  from  Ayotzinco  to 
Tezcuco.  Hist.  M ex. , i.  360-1. 

49  ‘ Yxtapalapa,  que  quiere  decir  Pueblos  donde  se  coge  Sal,  6 Yxtatl ; y aun 
hoy  tienen  este  mismo  oficio  los  de  Yxtapalapa.’  Lorenzana,  in  Cortes,  Hist. 
N.  Es p.,  56. 

50  Including  Matlatzincatzin,  lord  of  Coyuhuacan  and  brother  of  Monte- 
zuma; Tochihuitzin  of  Mexicaltzinco,  and  Huitzillatl  of  Huitzilopochco. 
Clavir/ero,  Storia  Mess.,  iii.  75;  Ckinialpain,  Hist.  Conq.,  116;  Brasseur  de 
Bourboury,  llist.  Nat.  Cio.,  iv.  205. 


IZTAPALAPAN  CITY. 


273 


and  bordered  by  commodious  apartments.  Adjoining 
it,  and  overlooked  by  a large  pavilion,  was  a vast 
garden,  divided  into  four  squares  by  hedges  of  plaited 
reeds,  which  were  entirely  overgrown  with  roses  and 
other  flowers.  Shaded  walks  led  out  in  all  directions, 
now  by  beds  of  rare  plants  collected  from  remote 
parts,  now  into  orchards  temptingly  laden,  and  again 
past  groups  of  artistically  arranged  flowers.  In  ponds 
fed  by  navigable  canals  sported  innumerable  water- 
fowl,  consorting  with  fishes  of  different  species.  In 
the  centre  of  the  garden  was  an  immense  reservoir  of 
hewn  stone,  four  hundred  paces  square,  surrounded 
by  a tiled  pavement  from  which  steps  led  at  intervals 
to  the  water.61 

Cortes  was  not  only  hospitably  entertained,  but 
received  a present  of  female  slaves,  packs  of  cloth, 
and  over  three  thousand  Castellanos  in  gold.62 

The  soldiers  now  prepared  under  more  than  usual 
excitement  for  the  final  march,  which  was  to  bring 
them  to  the  longed-for  goal.  The  reputed  magnifi- 
cence of  the  capital  made  most  of  the  Spaniards 

61  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  v.  cap.  ii.;  Oomara,  Hist.  Mex. , 99;  Cortes,  Cartas, 
82.  What  with  the  retreating  waters  and  the  removal  of  native  lords  in  whose 
interest  it  lay  to  preserve  the  gardens  and  palaces,  her  glories  are  now  de 
parted.  The  evaporation  of  the  lake  waters  had  been  observed  before  the 
conquest.  After  this  it  increased  rapidly,  owing  to  the  thoughtless  destruc- 
tion of  forests  in  the  valley,  as  Humboldt  remarks.  In  Bernal  Diaz’  time 
already  Iztapalapan  lay  high  and  dry,  with  fields  of  maize  growing  where  he 
had  seen  the  busy  traffic  of  canoes.  Hist.  Vertlad.,  65.  The  fate  of  the  lake 
region  was  sealed  by  the  construction  of  the  Huehuetoca  canal,  which  drained 
the  big  lake  to  a mere  shadow  of  its  former  self,  leaving  far  inland  the  flourish- 
ing towns  which  once  lined  its  shore,  and  shielding  the  waters,  as  it  were, 
from  further  persecution  by  an  unsightly  barrier  of  desert  salt  marshes — and 
all  to  save  the  capital  from  the  inundations  to  which  blundering  locators  had 
exposed  her.  Humboldt  has  in  his  map  of  the  valley  traced  the  outline  of 
the  lake  as  it  appeared  to  the  conquerors,  and  although  open  to  criticism  it 
is  interesting.  Essai  Pol.,  i.  167,  173-5. 

52  Cortes,  Cartas,  82.  Bemal  Diaz  reduces  it  to  2000  pesos.  According  to 
Sahagun,  Cortc-s  summons  the  lords  of  the  district  and  tells  them  of  his 
mission.  The  common  people  keep  out  of  the  way,  fearing  a massacre.  Hist. 
Cow/.,  21-2.  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  205-6,  assumes  from 
this  that  many  of  the  chiefs  promised  to  support  Cortes  against  the  government, 
which  is  hardly  likely  to  have  been  done  in  a city  ruled  by  Montezuma’s 
brother,  who  was  at  heart  hostile  to  the  Spaniards.  Here  again,  says  Herrera, 
dec.  ii.  lib.  vii.  cap.  v.,  Montezuma  sought  to  dissuade  Cortes  from  entering 
the  capital;  Torquevnada,  i.  449.  His  envoy  being  Cacama,  adds  lxtlilxoehitl. 
llist.  Chick. . 295. 

Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  1.  18 


274 


FROM  CHOLULA  TO  IZTAPALAPAN. 


eager  to  enter;  but  there  were  others  who  recalled 
the  rumors  of  its  strength,  and  of  the  terrible  plots 
which  their  timid  allies  declared  were  to  encompass 
them.  “ Being  men  and  fearing  death,  we  could  not 
avoid  thinking  of  this,”  says  Bernal  Diaz,  frankly, 
“and  commending  ourselves  to  God.”  And  as  he  re- 
members how  warnings  failed  to  deter  them,  the  old 
soldier  bursts  forth  in  self- admiration,  “What  men 
have  existed  in  the  world  so  daring?”53 
M Hist.  Verdcul.,  64-5. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 


MEETING  WITH  MONTEZUMA. 

November,  1519. 

Something  of  the  City  — The  Spaniards  Start  from  Iztapalapan — 
Reach  the  Great  Causeway — They  are  Met  by  many  Nobles — 
And  presently  by  Montezuma — Entry  into  Mexico — They  Are 
Quartered  in  the  Axayacatl  Palace — Interchange  of  Visits. 

From  Iztapalapan  the  imperial  city  of  the  great 
plateau  could  clearly  be  seen,  rising  in  unveiled  white- 
ness from  the  lake.  Almost  celestial  was  its  beauty 
in  the  eyes  of  the  spoilers;  a dream  some  called  it,  or, 
if  tangible,  only  Venice  was  like  it,  with  its  imposing 
edifices  sparkling  amid  the  sparkling  waters.  Many 
other  places  had  been  so  called,  but  there  was  no 
other  New  World  Venice  like  this. 

. Sweeping  round  in  sheltering  embrace  were  the 
green  swards  and  wood -clad  knolls  on  the  shore, 
studded  with  tributary  towns  and  palatial  structures, 
crowned  with  foliage,  or  peeping  forth  from  groves, 
some  venturing  nearer  to  the  city,  and  into  the  very 
lake.  “We  gazed  with  admiration,”  exclaims  Bernal 
Diaz,  as  he  compares  with  the  enchanted  structures 
described  in  the  Amadis  their  grand  towers,  cues, 
and  edifices,  rising  in  the  lake,  and  all  of  masonry. 

Let  us  glance  at  the  people  and  their  dwellings; 
for  though  we  have  spoken  of  them  at  length  else- 
where, we  cannot  in  this  connection  wholly  pass 
.them  by. 

Two  centuries  back,  the  Aztecs,  then  a small  and 

(275) 


276 


MEETING  WITH  MONTEZUMA. 


despised  people,  surrounded  and  oppressed  by  enemies, 
had  taken  refuge  on  some  islets  in  the  western  part 
of  the  saline  lake  of  Mexico,  and  there  by  divine 
command  they  had  founded  the  city  which,  under  the 
title  of  Mexico  Tenochtitlan,  was  to  become  the  capi- 
tal of  Andhuac.  The  first  building  was  a temple  of 
rushes,  round  which  the  settlement  grew  up,  spreading 
rapidly  over  the  islets,  and  on  piles  and  filled  ground. 
The  city  was  enlarged  and  beautified  by  successive 
rulers,  and  when  first  beheld  by  the  Spaniards  it  had 
attained  its  greatest  extent — one  it  never  again  ap- 
proached— and  was  reputed  to  be  about  twelve  miles 
in  circumference.  This  area  embraced  a large  suourb 
of  several  villages  and  towns  with  independent  names, 
containing  in  all  sixty  thousand  houses,  equivalent  to 
a population  of  three  hundred  thousand.1 2 

Four  great  avenues,  paved  with  hard  cement,  ran 
crosswise  from  the  cardinal  points,  and  divided  the 
city  into  as  many  quarters,  which  were  again  subdi- 
vided into  wards.3 

Three  of  the  avenues  were  connected  in  a straight 
line,  or  nearly  so,  with  the  main  land  by  means  of 
smooth  causeways,  constructed  of  piles  filled  up  with 
rubble  and  debris.  The  shortest  of  these  was  the 
western,  leading  to  Tlacopan,  half  a league  distant, 
and  bordered  all  the  way  with  houses.  They  were 
wide  enough  for  ten  horsemen  to  ride  abreast,  and 
were  provided  at  intervals  with  bridges  for  the  free 
flow  of  water3  and  of  traffic.  Near  their  junction 
with  the  city  were  drawbridges,  and  breastworks  for 
defence.-  A fourth  causeway,  from  the  Chapultepec 
summer  palace,  served  to  support  the  aqueduct  which 


1 The  ruins  of  the  old  city,  clearly  traced  by  Humboldt,  showed  that  it 
must  have  been  of  far  greater  extent  than  the  capital  raised  upon  its  site  by 
the  Spaniards.  This  is  also  indicated  by  the  size  of  the  markets  and  temple 
courts.  The  reason  is  to  be  found  partly  in  the  former  prevalence  of  one-story 
houses  with  courts  inclosed. 

2 For  ancient  and  modem  names  of  quarters  see  Native  Races,  ii.  563. 

3 Cortes  believed  that  the  waters  ebbed  and  flowed,  Cartas,  102-3,  and 
Peter  Martyr  enlarged  on  this  phenomenon  with  credulous  wonder,  dec.  v. 
cap.  iii. 


CITY  OF  MEXICO. 


277 


carried  water  from  the  mountain  spring  in  that  vi- 
cinity. 

Round  the  southern  part  of  the  city  stretched  a 
semicircular  levee,  three  leagues  in  length  and  thirty 
feet  in  breadth,  which  had  been  constructed  in  the 
middle  of  the  preceding  century  to  protect  the  place 
from  the  torrents  which  after  heavy  rains  came  rush- 
ing from  the  fresh-water  lakes  of  Xochimilco  and 
Chaleo.  This  levee  was  the  chief  resort  of  the 
people — during  the  day  for  bustling  merchants  and 
boat  crews,  during  the  evening  for  promenaders,  who 
came  to  breathe  the  fresh  air  soft-blown  from  the 
lake,  and  to  watch  the  setting  sun  as  it  gilded  the 
summits  of  Popocatepetl  and  his  consort. 

Traffic,  as  may  be  supposed,  was  conducted  chiefly 
by  canals  guarded  by  custom-houses,  lined  with 
quays,  and  provided  in  some  places  with  docks. 
Upon  these  abutted  narrow  yet  well  lighted  cross 
streets,  connected  by  bridges,  and  leading  to  a num- 
ber of  open  squares,  the  largest  of  which  were  the 
market-places  in  Tlatelulco  and  Mexico  proper, 
wherein  as  many  as  one  hundred  thousand  people 
are  said  to  have  found  room. 

Viewed  architecturally  and  singly,  the  buildings 
did  not  present  a very  imposing  appearance,  the 
greater  portion  being  but  one  story  in  height.  This 
monotony,  however,  was  relieved  to  a great  extent 
by  the  number  of  temples  sacred  to  superior  and  local 
deities  which  were  to  be  seen  in  every  ward,  raised 
high  above  the  dwellings  of  mortals,  on  mounds 
of  varying  elevations,  and  surmounted  by  towering 
chapels.  Their  fires,  burning  in  perpetual  adoration 
of  the  gods,  presented  a most  impressive  spectacle 
at  night.  The  grandest  and  most  conspicuous  of 
them  all  was  the  temple  of  Huitzilopochtli,  which 
stood  in  the  centre  of  the  city,  at  the  junction  of  the 
four  avenues,  so  as  to  be  ever  before  the  eyes  of 
the  faithful.  It  formed  a solid  stone-faced  pyramid 
about  375  feet  long  and  300  feet  broad  at  the  base, 


278 


MEETING  WITH  MONTEZUMA. 


325  by  250  feet  at  the  summit,  and  rose  in  five  super- 
imposed, perpendicular  terraces  to  the  height  of  86 
feet.  Each  terrace  receded  six  feet  from  the  edge  of 
the  one  beneath,  and  the  stages  were  so  placed  that 
a circuit  had  to  be  made  of  each  ledge  to  gain  the 
succeeding  flight,  an  arrangement  equally  suited  for 
showy  processions  and  for  defence.  Surrounding  the 
pyramid  was  a battlemented  stone  wall  4800  feet 
in  circumference,  and  through  this  led  four  gates, 
surmounted  by  arsenal  buildings,  facing  the  four 
avenues.4 

The  pyramid  was  quite  modern,  and  owed  its  erec- 
tion to  Ahuitzotl,  who  for  two  years  employed  upon 
it  an  immense  force  of  men,  bringing  the  material 
from  a distance  of  three  or  four  leagues.  It  was 
completed  in  1486,  and  consecrated  with  thousands  of 
victims.  The  rich  and  devout  brought,  while  it  was 
building,  a mass  of  treasures,  which  were  buried  in 
the  mound  as  an  offering  to  the  gods,  and  served  sub- 
sequently as  a powerful  incentive  for  the  removal  of 
every  vestige  of  the  structure.  The  present  cathedral 
occupies  a portion  of  the  site.6 

The  appearance  of  the  city  was  likewise  improved 
by  terraces  of  various  heights  serving  as  foundation 
for  the  dwellings  of  rich  traders,  and  of  the  nobles 
who  were  either  commanded  to  reside  at  the  capital 
or  attracted  by  the  presence  of  the  court.  Their 
houses  were  to  be  seen  along  the  main  thorough- 
fares, differing  from  the  adobe,  mud,  or  rush  huts  of 
the  poor,  in  being  constructed  of  porous  tetzontli 
stone,  finely  polished  and  whitewashed.  Every  house 
stood  by  itself,  separated  by  narrow  lanes  or  by  gar- 
dens, and  inclosing  one  or  more  courts.  Broad  steps 
led  up  the  terrace  to  two  gates,  one  opening  on  the 

4 For  a description  of  the  interior  see  Native  Races , ii.  582-8. 

5 Ramirez  and  Carbajal  Espinosa  define  the  limits  pretty  closely  with 
respect  to  the  modern  outline  of  the  city,  Hist.  Mex. , ii.  226-9,  and  notes  in 
Prescott's  Mex.  (ed.  Mex.  1845),  ii.  app.  103;  but  Alaman,  in  his  Disert. , ii. 
202,  246,  etc. , enters  at  greater  length  into  the  changes  which  the  site  lias 
undergone  since  the  conquest,  supporting  his  conclusionsAvith  quotations  from 
the  Libro  dt  Cabildu  and  other  valuable  documents. 


HOUSES  AND  BELONGINGS. 


279 


main  street,  the  other  on  the  back  lane  or  canal. 
The  terrace  platform  was  particularly  spacious  in 
front,  where  occasionally  a small  oratorio  faced  the 
entrance.  The  facade  was  adorned  with  elegant 
cornices  and  stucco  designs  of  flowers  and  animals, 
often  painted  in  brilliant  colors.  Balconies  were  oc- 
casionally to  be  seen,  supported  on  monolith  columns 
without  base  or  capital,  though  with  incised  orna- 
mentation; but  they  were  not  common,  owing  to  the 
prevalence  of  flat  roofs  surrounded  by  battlemented 
and  even  turreted  parapets.  Behind  them  rose  flow- 
ering plants,  arranged  in  pots  or  growing  in  garden 
plots,  and  aiding  to  render  the  spot  attractive  for  the 
family  gathering  in  the  evening.  Flower-gardens 
might  be  seen  also  in  the  courts,  with  a sparkling 
fountain  in  the  centre.  Around  ran  the  shady 
porticos,  lined  with  suites  of  apartments,  the  larger 
reception  rooms  in  front,  the  stores  and  kitchen  in 
the  rear,  and  other  rooms  and  chambers,  with  the 
never  failing  temazcalli,  or  bath,  arranged  between 
them,  and  provided  with  wicker  screens  or  curtains  in 
lieu  of  doors. 

Courts  as  well  as  rooms  were  covered  with  flags  of 
stones,  tessellated  marble  or  cement,  polished  with 
ochre  or  gypsum;  and  the  walls  were  decorated  not 
infrequently  with  porphyry,  jasper,  and  alabaster,  and 
hung  with  cotton  tapestry  adorned  with  feather  and 
other  ornaments.  The  furniture  on  the  other  hand 
was  scanty,  consisting  chiefly  of  mats  of  palm  leaves, 
cushions,  low  tables,  and  stools.6 

6 For  further  description  of  streets,  buildings,  and  people,  see  Native  Races, 
passim.  Also  Ramirez,  Noticias  de  Mix. , etc.,  in  Monumentos  Domin.  E*p., 
MS.  no.  6,  309-50;  Ddvila,  Continuation  de  la  Crdnica,  etc.,  MS.,  296;  Via- 
gero  Univ.,  xxvi.  203-6;  Libro  de  Cabildo,  MS.,  1,  5,  11,  62,  105,  201-2; 
Sammlung  aller  Reisebesch. , xiii.  459-60,  464-67;  Las  Casus,  Hist.  Apolog., 
MS.,  17-27;  L' America  Settentrionale,  88-207;  Mex. , Not.  Ciudad,  1-8. 
Venecia  la  Rica  is  the  name  applied  to  the  city  by  some  of  the  Spaniards. 
Carta,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc. , xiii.  339. 

A curious  view  of  Mexico  is  given  in  the  edition  of  Cortes’  letters  issued  at 
Nuremberg  in  1524,  which  exhibits  six  causeway  connections  with  the  main- 
land. • Both  in  situation,  with  respect  to  the  surrounding  towns,  and  in  the 
general  plan,  it  accords  very  fairly  with  the  descriptions  of  the  conquerors. 
The  temple  of  Huitzilopochtli  occupies  an  immense  square  in  the  centre  of 


280 


MEETING  WITH  MONTEZUMA. 


It  was  in  the  morning  of  the  8th  of  November  that 
the  Spaniards  mustered  for  the  entry  into  Mexico. 

Temixtitan,  as  the  city  is  called.  Round  the  south-east  comer  extend  the 
palace  and  gardens  of  the  emperor,  other  palaces  being  scattered  on  the  lake, 
and  connected  with  the  suburbs  by  short  causeways.  Less  correct  in  its  relative 
position  is  the  view  presented  in  the  old  and  curious  Libro  di  Benedetto  Bor- 
done,  which  has  been  reproduced  in  Montonus,  Nieuwe  Weereld,  81,  so  famous 
for  its  cuts,  and,  of  course,  with  considerable  elaborations  which  by  no  means 
promote  the  correctness,  however  much  the  beauty  of  aspect  is  improved. 


Very  similar  to  this  is  the  view  given  in  some  of  Solis’  editions,  that  of 
Antwerp,  1704,  for  instance,  wherein  is  also  found  a view  of  Mexico  with  its 
surrounding  towns,  as  Cuitlaliuac,  Iztapalapan,  and  others,  all  grouped 
closely  together  within  the  main  lake ! A native  plan  of  the  capital,  said  to 
have  been  given  by  Montezuma  to  Cortes,  accords  little  with  Spanish  descrip- 
tions, and  is  difficult  to  understand  from  its  peculiar  outline,  illustrated  with 
Aztec  hieroglyphics.  Alaman  doubts  its  origin  and  correctness.  See  Prescott’s 
Mex.  (Mex.  ed.  1844),  ii.  157.  A good  copy  of  it  is  given  in  Carbajal 
Espinosa,  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  221. 

The  view  in  Libro  di  Benedetto  Bordone,  Nel  qual  si  ragiona  de  tutte 
VIsole  del  mondo,  Vinegia,  1528,  73  leaves,  is  accompanied  by  an  interesting 
description  of  La  gran  citta  di  Temistitan,  remarkable  from  being  perhaps  the 
first  sketch  of  any  value  given  in  a cosmographic  work.  It  occupies  the 
greater  part  of  folios  vi.  to  x. , devoted  to  the  terra  da  Ferdinando  Cortese. 
Five  more  folios  describe  the  West  Indies  and  Venezuela  region,  the  only  por- 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTICES. 


231 


Not  far  from  Iztapalapan  they  came  upon  the  longest 
causeway,  two  leagues  in  extent,  which  with  the  ex- 

tions  of  America  known  to  Bordone  when  he  wrote  his  book.  It  was  com- 
pleted in  1521,  according  to  its  pontifical  license,  although  not  issued  till 
152S.  The  versatile  author,  who  figured  both  as  artist  and  professor,  died  in 
1531,  and  the  later  issues  of  the  Libro,  henceforth  called  Jsolario,  are  by  edi- 
tors whose  endeavor  to  keep  apace  with  the  demands  of  the  times  is  instanced 
by  the  edition  of  1537,  wherein  appears  a letter  on  the  conquest  of  Peru.  In 
the  inappemonde  of  the  first  edition  before  me,  the  smaller  northern  part  of 
the  new  continent  is  called  terra  del  laboratore,  while  the  southern  part  bears 
the  inscription  poneti  mGdo  now.  The  two  are  separated  at  the  Isthmus,  in 
about  the  latitude  of  the  Mediterranean,  by  a long  strait,  at  the  eastern 
mouth  of  which,  on  the  sectional  map  of  folio  vi. , is  written,  stretto  pte  del 
mOdo  now.  Farther  east  lie  the  islands  A stores,  Asmaide,  and  Brasil.  The 
numerous  sectional  wood-cut  maps  and  plans  bear  the  conventional  outline  of 
a series  of  concave  segments,  and  of  the  ten  referring  to  different  parts  of  the 
new  world,  seven  apply  to  the  Antilles. 

The  clearest  account  of  Mexico  given  by  any  of  the  conquerors  is  to 
be  found  in  Relatione  d’alcvne  cose  delta  Nuoua  Spagna,  tb  della  gran 
cittd  di  Temistitan  Messicd,  fatta  per  vn  gentiVhuomo  del  Signor  Fernando 
Cort  se,  wherein  the  description  of  the  natives,  their  manners  and  customs, 
their  towns,  the  resources  of  the  country,  and  above  all,  the  capital 
city,  is  to  be  found  in  concise  form,  arranged  in  paragraphs  with  appro- 
priate headings,  and  illustrated  by  a cut  of  the  great  temple,  which 
appears  far  more  correct  than  those  given  by  most  subsequent  writers.  A 
view  of  the  capital  is  also  appended,  showing  the  surrounding  country, 
and  according  very  nearly  with  those  of  the  Nuremburg  type,  except  in 
the  faulty  relative  position  to  the  neighborhood.  Nothing  is  known  of  the 
author,  who  is  generally  referred  to  as  the  Anonymous  Conqueror,  but  the 
opinion  has  been  hazarded  that  he  was  Francisco  de  Terrazas,  mayordomo 
of  Cortes.  His  account  was  evidently  written  in  Spanish,  but  did  not  see 
the  light  till  Ramusio  issued  it  in  Italian  under  the  above  title.  It  forms 
one  of  the  most  valuable  documents  for  the  history  of  Mexico  to  be  found  in 
this  prized  collection  of  voyages  and  travels,  the  first  large  work  of  its  class. 
No  branch  of  literature  obtained  a greater  stimulus  from  the  discovery  of 
Columbus.  He  it  was  who  broke  the  barrier  which  had  confined  the  ardor 
of  voyagers,  and  who  led  the  revival  of  maritime  enterprise,  creating  a 
curiosity  among  the  stayers-at-liome  that  could  be  satiated  only  with  re- 
peated editions  of  narratives  relating  to  expeditions  and  conquests.  The 
number  of  these  narratives  became,  within  a few  years,  so  large  as  to  require 
their  grouping  into  special  collections  for  the  sake  of  cheapness  and  conven- 
ience. The  earliest  is  probably  the  Pciesi  Novamente,  retrouati,  Et  Nouo  Hondo 
da  Alberico  vesputio ; By  Fracanzo  or  Fracanzano  da  Montalboddo,  Vicenza, 
1507,  mentioned  by  Tiraboschi,  Storia  della  literatura  italiana.  This  was  re- 
produced in  1508  by  Madrignani,  at  Milan.  According  to  Panzer,  Ruchamer 
issued  the  same  year  a somewhat  fuller  collection  at  Nuremberg,  under 
the  title  of  Neive  Unbekanthe  landte  Und  eine,  Newe  weldte,  with  eight  pieces, 
among  them  the  voyages  of  Columbus,  Ojeda,  Pinzon,  and  Vespucci.  A similar 
work  was  issued  by  the  Italian  Angiolelo,  in  1519. 

The  best  known  of  these  early  collections,  and  by  many  regarded  as  the  first 
issued  in  German,  is  the  Novrs  Orbis  Regionvm  aclnsolarvm  Veteribvs  [ncogri- 
tarvm;  Basilece  apv  l l„  llervagivm,  Mense  Martio,  anno  m.d.xxxii.,  4to,  584 
pages,  beside  unnumbered  leaves.  ‘ La  plus  ancienne  de  ces  (Latin)  collections,  ’ 
says  Boucher,  Bib!.  Univ.,  i.  55.  Although  prepared  by  John  Huttich,  the 
canon  of  Strasbourg,  it  is  better  known  under  the  name  of  Simon  Grynreus,  who 
wrote  the  introductory  and  revised  it  at  the  request  of  Hervagius,  the  pub- 
lisher, a well  known  bookman,  greatly  esteemed  by  Erasmus.  Meusel,  Bibb 
Hist.,  iii.  pt.  i.  221,  gives  it  with  punctilious  fairness  the  title  of  Collectio 


282 


MEETING  WITH  MONTEZUMA. 


ception  of  a short  angle  near  the  shore  led  in  a straight 

Huttichio-Gryncco-Ilervagiana,  while  others  apply  only  the  middle  name  or 
the  last  two.  The  attribution  to  Grynaeus  is  greatly  due  to  his  fame  as  a re- 
former, as  the  personal  friend  of  Luther  and  Calvin,  as  the  discoverer  of  Livy’s 
lost  books,  and  as  the  first  of  a long  line  of  scholars  celebrated  under  that 
name.  It  is  an  excellently  printed  volume,  with  quaint  head-pieces,  and  con- 
taining as  it  does  so  many  papers  of  which  the  original  editions  are  now  lost, 
the  collection  must  be  esteemed  of  great  value.  The  nineteen  pieces  of  orig- 
inal contributions,  journals,  and  borrowed  accounts,  include  the  voyages  tf 
Columbus,  Alonso,  and  Pinzon  from  Madrignani;  Alberici  Vesput'j  nauiga - 
tionum  epitome , and  nauigationes  I III.;  and  l’etri  Martgris  de  insit is.  The 
other  narratives  relate  to  Asia,  to  the  Levant,  and  to  Russia.  With  some 
copies  is  found  a mappemonde,  but  the  only  genuine  one,  according  to  Harrisse, 
294,  bears  the  inscription  Terra  de  Cuba,  in  the  northern  part  of  the  new 
world,  and  in  the  south,  Parias,  Canibali  America  Terra  A ora,  Prisilia,  with 
the  word  Asia  in  large  type.  Among  the  several  editions  theGerman  of  1534, 
by  Herr,  i3  rarer  than  the  above  original,  while  the  Dutch  of  1503,  by  Ablijn, 
is  the  most  complete. 

After  Huttich  the  voyage  collections  increased  rapidly  in  number  and  size, 
till  they  reached  the  fine  specimen  of  Ramusio,  forming  not  only  the  first 
large  work  of  this  class,  but,  for  a long  time,  the  most  extensive  which  bears 
on  America.  Harrisse,  457,  very  justly  observes  that  ‘the  publication  of 
Ramusio’s  Raccolla  may  be  said  to  open  an  era  in  the  literary  history  of 
Voyages  and  Navigation.  Instead  of  accounts  carelessly  copied  and  trans- 
lated from  previous  collections,  perpetuating  errors  and  anachronisms,  we 
find  in  this  work  original  narrations  judiciously  selected,  carefully  printed, 
and  enriched  with  notices  which  betray  the  hand  of  a scholar  of  great  critical 
acumen.  ’ The  first  issue  appeared  as  Primo  Volvme  Delle  Navigations  et  Viaggi. 
In  Venetia  appresso  gli  heredi  di  Lvcantonio  Givnti,  1550,  folio,  405  leaves. 

‘Les  Juntes  (le)  publierent sous  la  direction  de  Jean-Baptiste  Ramusio.’ 

Camus,  M6m.  Coll.  Vog. , 7.  Neither  in  this,  nor  in  the  third  volume,  issued 
in  1553,  nor  in  the  second  edition  of  the  first  volume,  1554,  does  the  name 
of  Giambatista  Ramusio,  Rannusio,  or  Rhamusio,  appear  as  author,  and  it  is 
only  in  the  second  volume  that  the  publisher,  Tommaso  Giunti,  resolves  to  set 
aside  the  modesty  of  his  friend,  and  to  place  his  name  upon  the  title-page. 
The  publication  of  this  volume  had  been  delayed  till  1559,  owing  to  the  death 
of  the  author  and  to  the  burning  of  the  printing  establishment. 

In  the  preface  Giunti  refers  to  the  close  friendship  between  them,  and 
extols  Ramusio  as  a learned  man,  who  had  served  in  foreign  countries, 
acquiring  in  this  way  a perfect  knowledge  of  French  and  Spanish.  He  had 
long  been  a devoted  student  of  history  anti  geography,  inspired  to  some  ex- 
tent by  the  travels  of  his  uncle,  the  celebrated  Doctor  Girolamo  Ramusio. 
As  secretary  to  the  powerful  Venetian  Council  ‘ de  Signori  Dieci,’  he  was  in 
a position  to  maintain  correspondence  with  such  men  as  Oviedo,  Cabot, 
Cardinal  Bembo,  and  others,  part  of  which  is  to  be  found  in  LeVere  di  XU I. 
Huomini  illustri,  Venetia,  1505.  All  this  served  him  in  the  formation  of  the 
great  work  upon  which  he  labored  during  the  last  34  years  of  his  life.  He 
died  at  Padua,  July  10,  1557,  72  years  of  age. 

The  first  volume  relates  chiefly  to  Asia  and  Africa,  but  contains  Lettere  due 
and  Sommario  by  Vespucci,  and  four  papers  on  Spanish  and  Portuguese  cir- 
cumnavigation. The  contents  of  the  set  have  been  somewhat  changed  and 
increased  during  the  several  republications,  but  the  best  editions  are  those  of 
1588,  1583,  and  1565,  for  the  first,  second,  and  third  volume  respectively. 
Vol.  ii.  of  this  set  relates  chiefly  to  Asia,  but  is  of  interest  to  American 
students  for  its  narrative  of  the  much  doubted  voyages  of  the  brothers  Zeno. 
Its  small  size  indicates  the  loss  it  sustained  by  the  events  above  referred  to. 

‘ Et  no  vi  marauigliate,  se  riguardando  gli  altri  due,  non  uedrete  questo  SecOdo 
volume,  si  pieno  & copioso  di  scrittori,  come  il  Ramusio  gi^  s’haueua  pposto 
di  fare,  clie  la  inortc  ui  s ’interpose.  ’ ii.  2. 


RAMUSIO,  VIAGGI. 


2S3 


line  northward  to  the  heart  of  the  city.7  They  passed 
several  towns,  some  on  the  shore,  others  touching  the 
causeway,8  and  supported  to  a great  extent  by  the 
manufacture  of  salt  from  the  lake  wTater.  The  cause- 
way had  been  reserved  for  the  passage  of  the  troops, 
out  of  deference  to  the  desire  manifested  to  keep  the 
natives  at  a respectful  distance,9  but  both  sides  were 
lined  with  canoes  bearing  an  eager  crowd  of  sight- 
seers.  About  half  a league  from  the  city  the  cause- 
way formed  a junction  with  the  road  from  Xocliimilco 
and  Coyohuacan,  at  a spot  called  Acacliinanco,10  where 
a stout  battlemented  wall,  fully  ten  feet  in  height,  and 
surmounted  by  two  towers,  guarded  the  two  gates  for 
entry  and  exit. 

Entering  here  the  Spaniards  were  met  by  a pro- 
cession of  over  one  thousand  representative  people 
from  the  capital,11  richly  arrayed  in  embroidered 
robes,  and  with  jewelry  of  pendent  stones  and  gold. 

The  third  volume  is  entirely  devoted  to  America,  and  contains  all  the  most 
valuable  documents  known  up  to  the  time  of  its  first  issue,  such  as  the  rela- 
tions of  Martyr,  Oviedo,  Cortes,  and  his  contemporaries  in  Mexico,  Pizarro, 
Verazzano,  Carthier,  the  Relation  di  Nvnno  di  Gvsman,  in  several  parts,  and 
the  valuable  Relatione  per  vn  gentil’huomo  del  Signor  Fernando  Cortege.  The 
volume  begins  with  a learned  discourse  by  Eamusio  on  ancient  knowledge  of 
a land  to  the  west,  and  of  causes  leading  to  the  discovery.  At  the  end  of  the 
1505  edition  is  a map  of  America,  showing  Lower  California  as  a wide  penin- 
sula, and  Terra  d-l  Fuego  joined  to  the  land  of  the  Circolo  Antartico.  The 
comparative  crudeness  of  the  wood-cuts  and  maps  has  not  made  the  work 
much  esteemed  by  collectors,  but  its  value  even  now,  for  reference,  is  unques- 
tioned. The  set  was  dedicated  to  Hieronimo  F racastoro,  the  great  poet  and 
physician,  born  mouthless,  yet  so  eloquent.  Scaliger,  Arm  Fracastorem.  At 
the  end  of  the  Discorso  sopra  Perv,  iii.  371,  Ilamusio  says:  ‘Et  questa  nar- 
ratione  con  breuith  habbiamo  voluto  discorrere  per  satisfattione  de  i lettori, 
laquale  pin  distintamente  legeranno  nel  quarto  volume.  ’ According  to  Fonta- 
nini,  Biol.,  274,  the  material  for  this  volume  lay  prepared  in  manuscript,  only 
to  perish  in  the  disastrous  fire  of  November,  1557. 

; It  is  still  one  of  the  main  roads,  known  under  Spanish  dominion  as 
Calzada  de  Iztapalapan,  now  as  S.  Antonio  Abad. 

8 Cortes  names  the  well  built  Mexicaltzinco,  Niciaca,  and  Huchilohuchico 
(now  Churubusco),  to  which  he  gives  respectively  3000,  0000,  and  4000  to  5000 
families.  Cartas,  83-4.  Gomara,  I fist.  Max.,  99,  names  Coioacan  instead  of 
Niciaca,  and  this  change  is  generally  accepted,  for  the  latter  name  is  probably 
a mistake  by  the  copyist  or  printer.  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  v.  cap.  iii. 

s ‘ Mando  que  vn  Indio  en  lengua  Mexicana,  fuesse  pregonando  que  nadie 
se  atrauessasse  por  el  camino,  sino  queriaser  luego  muerto.’  Herrera,  dec.  ii. 
lib.  vii.  cap.  v. 

Also  referred  to  as  Fort  Xoloc.  ‘ En  donde  hoy  la  garita  de  S en  A ntonio 
Abad,'  says  llamirez,  in  Prescott  (cd.  Mex.  1G45),  ii.  1C4. 

11  Herrera,  who  is  usually  moderate,  swells  the  figure  to  4000. 


2S4 


MEETING  WITH  MONTEZUMA. 


These  passed  before  the  visitors  in  a file,  touching  the 
ground  with  their  hand  and  carrying  it  to  the  lip  in 
token  of  reverence.  This  ceremony  occupied  an  hour, 
after  which  the  march  was  resumed.  At  the  junc- 
tion of  the  causeway  with  the  main  avenue  of  the 
city  was  a wooden  bridge  ten  paces  wide,  easily  re- 
movable, inside  of  which  Cortes  halted  to  await  the 
emperor,  then  approaching.12  On  either  side  of  the 
street,  closely  along  by  the  houses,  came  processions 
of  nobles,  headed  by  lords  and  court  dignitaries,  all 
of  whom  marched  with  bare  feet  and  bowed  heads. 
This  humility  was  owing  to  the  presence  of  the 
emperor,  who  in  almost  solitary  grandeur  kept  the 
centre  of  the  road,  borne  in  a richly  adorned  litter 
on  the  shoulders  of  his  'favorite  courtiers,  and  fol- 
lowed by  a few  princes  and  leading  officials.13  Three 
dignitaries  preceded  him,  one  of  whom  bore,  aloft 
three  wands,  signifying  the  approach  of  the  imperial 
head  of  the  tripartite  alliance,  so  that  all  persons  in 
sight  might  lower  their  heads  in  humble  reverence 
till  he  had  passed. 

On  nearing  the  Spaniards  Montezuma  stepped  from 
the  litter,  supported  on  either  side  by  King  Cacama 
and  Cuitlahuatzin,  his  nephew  and  brother,  and  fol- 
lowed by  the  king  of  Tlacopan  and  other  princes. 
Four  prominent  caciques  held  over  his  head  a canopy 
profusely  covered  with  green  feathers  set  with  gold 
and  silver,  and  precious  stones,  both  fixed  and  pen- 
dent, and  before  them  attendants  swept  the  road  and 
spread  carpets,  so  that  the  imperial  feet  might  not  be 

la  The  avenue  is  now  called  el  Rastro.  The  suburb  here  bore  the  name  of 
Huitzitlan.  ‘ Vitzillan  que  es  cabe  el  hospital  de  la  Concepcion.  ’ Sahaqun, 
Hist.Conq.,  23.  At  Tocititlan,  says  Duran,  Hist.  I ml.,  MS.,  ii.  439.  ‘Junto 
de  la  Hermita  de  San  Anton.’  Torquemada,  i.  450.  ‘ Segun  una  antigua  tradi- 
cion  conservada  en  el  hospital  de  Jesus,  el  punto  en  que  le  encontrd  fu<5  frente 
& 6ste,  y por  recuerdo  del  sucesose  hizo  lafundacion  en  aquel  parage.’  Ataman, 
Discrl.,  i.  103;  and  Ramirez,  note  in  Prescott  (ed.  Mex.  1845),  ii.  103.  The 
previous  authorities  indicate,  however,  that  the  meeting  took  place  farther 
from  the  centre  of  the  city. 

13  Chimalpain  mentions  among  others  Tetlepanquezatl,  king  of  Tlacopan, 
Yzquauhtzin  Tlacochcalcatl,  lord  or  lieutenant  of  Tlatelulco,  captain-general 
Atlixcatzin,  son  of  Ahuitzatl,  and  Tepehuatzin,  son  of  Titotzin.  Hist.  Conq., 
125.  Sahagun  differs  slightly  in  the  names.  Hist.  Oo/iq.,  24^5. 


MONTEZUMA  APPEALS. 


285 


soiled.  The  monarch  and  his  supporters  were  simi- 
larly dressed,  in  blue  tilmatlis  which,  bordered  with 
gold  and  richly  embroidered  and  bejewelled,  hung  in 
loose  folds  from  the  neck,  where  they  were  secured 
by  a knot.  On  their  heads  were  mitred  crowns  of 
gold  with  quetzal  plumes,  and  sandals  with  golden 
soles  adorned  their  feet,  fastenings  embossed  with 
gold  and  precious  stones.14 

Montezuma  was  about  forty  years  of  age,  of  good 
stature,  with  a thin  though  well-proportioned  body, 
somewhat  fairer  than  the  average  hue  of  his  dusky 
race.  The  rather  long  face,  with  its  fine  eyes,  bore 
an  expression  of  majestic  gravity,  tinged  with  a 
certain  benignity  which  at  times  deepened  into  ten- 
derness. Round  it  fell  the  hair  in  a straight  fringe 
covering  the  ears,  and  met  by  a slight  growth  of 
black  beard.15 

With  a step  full  of  dignity  he  advanced  toward 
Cortes,  who  had  dismounted  to  meet  him.  As  they 
saluted,16  Montezuma  tendered  a bouquet  which  he 
had  brought  in  token  of  welcome,  while  the  Span- 
iard took  from  his  own  person  and  placed  round  the 
neck  of  the  emperor  a showy  necklace  of  glass,  in 

14  For  dress,  see  Native  Races,  ii.  178  et  seq.  Cortes  gives  sandals  only  to 
Montezuma,  but  it  appears  that  persons  of  royal  blood  were  allowed  to  retain 
them  before  the  emperor,  as  Ixtlilxochitl  also  affirms.  Hist.  Cldch. , 295  ; 0 viedo, 
iii.  500;  Purchxis,  His  Pil grimes,  iv.  1121. 

15  ‘ Cenzeno y el  rostro  algo  largo,  6 alegre.  ’ Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad. , 

67.  ‘ Motec9uma  quiere  dezir  liobre  sanudo  y graue.’  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex., 

103;  Acosta,  Hist,  hid.,  502-3.  It  is  from  this,  probably,  that  so  many  de- 
scribe him  as  serious  in  expression.  A number  of  portraits  have  been  given 
of  the  monarch,  differing  greatly  from  one  another.  The  best  known  is  Pres- 
cott’s, taken  from  the  painting  for  a long  time  owned  by  the  Condes  de  Mira- 
valle,  the  descendants  of  Montezuma;  but  this  lacks  the  Indian  type,  and 
partakes  too  much  of  the  ideal.  Clavigero’s,  Storia  Mess. , iii.  8,  appears 
more  like  him,  though  it  is  too  small  and  too  roughly  sketched  to  convey  a 
clear  outline.  Far  better  is  the  half-size  representation  prefixed  to  Liiuiti, 
Costumes,  which  indeed  corresponds  very  well  with  the  text  description.  The 
face  in  Armin,  AUe  Mex.,  104,  indicates  a coarse  Aztec  warrior,  and  that  in 
J\  font  anus,  Nieuice  Wee.reld,  244—5,  an  African  prince,  while  the  native  picture, 
as  given  in  Carbajal  Espinosa,  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  6,  is  purely  conventional.  The 
text  description,  based  chiefly  on  Bernal  Diaz,  is  not  inappropriate  to  the 
weak,  vacillating  character  of  the  monarch.  Clavigero  makes  him  nearly  54 
years  old,  and  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  51 ; but  40,  as  Bernal  Diaz  calls  him, 
appears  to  be  more  correct. 

10 ‘Iillos  y el  ficieron  asimismo  ceremonia  de  besar  la  tierra.’  Cortis, 
Cartas,  85. 


2S6 


MEETING  WITH  MONTEZUMA. 


form  of  pearls,  diamonds,  and  iridescent  balls,  strung 
upon  gold  cords  and  scented  with  musk.17  With  these 
baubles,  which  were  as  false  as  the  assurances  of 
friendship  accompanying  them,  the  great  monarch 
deigned  to  be  pleased,  for  if  every  piece  of  glass  had 
been  a diamond  they  would  have  possessed  no  greater 
value  in  his  eyes.  As  a further  expression  of  his 
good-will,  Cortes  offered  to  embrace  the  monarch, 
but  was  restrained  by  the  two  princes,  who  regarded 
this  as  too  great  a familiarity  with  so  sacred  a person.18 
The  highest  representative  of  western  power  and 
grandeur,  whose  fame  had  rung  in  the  ears  of  the 
Spaniards  since  they  landed  at  Vera  Cruz,  thus  met 
the  daring  adventurer  who  with  his  military  skill  and 
artful  speech  had  arrogated  to  himself  the  position 
of  a demi-god. 

After  an  interchange  of  friendly  assurances  the 
emperor  returned  to  the  city,  leaving  Cuitlahuatzin  to 
escort  the  general.19  The  procession  of  nobles  now 
filed  by  to  tender  their  respects,  whereupon  the  march 


17  ‘De  margaritas  y diamantes  de  vidrio.  ’ Id.  ‘Que  se  dizen  margagitas.’ 
Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  Go. 

18  Solis  assumes  that  Cort<5s  was  repelled  when  he  sought  to  place  the 
necklace  on  Montezuma.  The  latter  chides  the  jealous  princes,  and  permits 
him.  // ist.  Max. , i.  370.  ‘ Pareceme  que  cl  Cortes . . . . le  dan  a la  mano  derecha, 
y el  M jntecuma  no  laquiso,  b se  la  dio  a Cortes.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad., 
65.  This  phrase,  which  applies  equally  to  offering  the  right  hand,  has  been 
so  understood  by  those  who  notice  it;  but  as  this  would  be  confusing,  Vetan- 
curt,  for  instance,  assumes  improbably  that  Marina  offers  her  right  hand  to 
Montezuma,  which  he  disregards,  giving  his  instead  to  Cort<5s.  Tealro  Mex., 
pt.  iii.  129. 

19  Cort6s,  Cartas,  85.  Ixtlilxochitl  has  it  that  Cacama  was  left  with  him; 
and  Bernal  Diaz,  that  the  lord  of  Coyuhuacan  also  remained.  According  to 
Cortfjs,  Montezuma  accompanied  him  all  the  way  to  the  quarters  in  the  city, 
keeping  a few  steps  before.  Gomara  and  Herrera  follow  this  version.  But 
Bernal  Diaz  states  explicitly  that  he  left  the  Spaniards  to  follow,  allowing 
the  people  an  opportunity  to  gaze;  and  Ixtlilxochitl  assumes  that  he  goes 
in  order  to  be  ready  to  receive  him  at  the  quarters.  Hist.  Chick. , 295.  It  is 
not  probable  that  Montezuma  would  expose  himself  to  the  inconvenience  of 
walking  so  far  back,  since  this  involved  troublesome  ceremonies,  as  we  have 
seen,  not  only  to  himself  but  to  the  procession,  and  interfered  with  the  people 
who  had  come  forth  to  gaze.  The  native  records  state  that  Montezuma  at 
once  surrendered  to  Cortes  the  throne  and  city.  ‘Y  se  fueron  ambos  jun- 
tos A la  par  para  las  casas  reales.  ’ Sahajun,  Hist.  Conq.,  23-4.  Leading  Cortes 
into  the  Tozi  hermitage,  at  the  place  of  meeting,  he  made  the  nobles  bring 
presents  and  tender  allegiance,  while  he  accepted  also  the  faith.  Duran,  Hist. 
Ind.,  MS.,  ii.  440-1. 


ENTRY  INTO  MEXICO. 


287 


was  resumed  to  the  sound  of  drums  and  wind  in- 
struments. At  the  head  were  scouts  on  horseback, 
followed  by  the  cavalry,  under  Cortes,  who  had  by  his 
side  two  large  greyhounds;  then  came  the  infantry, 
with  the  artillery  and  baggage  in  the  centre;  and  last, 
the  allies.20  The  streets,  which  had  been  deserted  by 
the  people  out  of  deference  to  the  emperor  and  to  the 
requirements  of  his  procession,  were  now  alive  with 
lookers-on,  particularly  in  the  entrances  to  the  alleys, 
in  the  windows,  and  on  the  roofs.21 

At  the  plaza,  wherein  rose  the  great  pyramidal 
temple  surrounded  on  all  sides  by  palatial  edifices, 
the  procession  turned  to  the  right,  and  Cortes  was  led 
up  the  steps  of  an  extensive  range  of  buildings,  known 
as  the  Axayacatl  palace,  which  faced  the  eastern  side 
of  the  temple  inclosure.22  Here  Montezuma  appeared, 
and  through  a court-yard  shaded  by  colored  awnings 


20  About  0000  in  all.  ‘Nosotros  aun  no  llegauamos  4 450  soldados.’  Bernal 
Diaz,  Hint.  Verdacl.,  G5.  Prescott  places  the  number  at  about  350. 

21  According  to  Sahagun  not  a soul  was  to  be  seen,  either  upon  the  cause- 
way or  along  the  streets,  the  people  having  taken  this  manner  to  express  their 
indignation  at  the  semi-forcible  entry  of  the  Spaniards.  Montezuma  came  to 
receive  them  purely  out  of  a feeling  of  humanity.  Startled  at  this  solitude, 
Cortes  fears  dangers,  and  vows,  if  all  goes  well,  to  build  a church.  This  was 
the  origin,  says  Bustamante,  of  the  Hospital  de  Jesus.  Sahaijun,  Hint.  Conq. 
(cd.  Mex.  1840),  79-84.  See  note  12,  this  chapter.  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg 
accepts  this  view.  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  212-13.  Still  Sahagun  describes  the 
interview  with  CortCs  as  most  cordial.  He  is  in  fact  contradictory,  and  it  is 
evident  that  the  order  issued  to  the  people  to  keep  the  narrow  causeway 
clear,  and  the  etiquette  which  required  them  to  give  way  to  the  emperor, 
have  been  hastily  interpreted  by  the  chronicler  into  ‘deserted  streets’  and 
‘ popular  indignation.’  Had  the  citizens  objected  to  receive  the  strangers,  the 
bridges  could  have  been  raised  against  them. 

'n  ‘Au  coin  de  la  rue  del  Indio  triste  et  de  celle  de  Tacuba,’  says  Humboldt, 
Vues,  i.  58,  prudently,  without  attempting  to  give  its  extent.  Ramirez  and 
Carbajal  do  so,  however,  and  in  allowing  it  about  the  same  length  as  the 
temple  inclosure,  they  place  it  right  across  the  eastern  avenue  of  the  city, 
which  like  the  other  three  is  admitted  to  have  terminated  at  one  of  the  temple 
gates.  Carbajal  Espinosa,  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  222;  Ramirez,  notes  in  Prescott's 
Mex.  (ed.  Mex.  1845),  ii.  app.  103.  ‘Donde  hoy  las  Casas  de  el  Marques  del 
Valle,’  says  Lorenzana,  in  Cories,  Hist.  N.  Esp.,  80,  a statement  disputed  by 
later  writers.  Prescott  quotes  Humboldt,  but  evidently  does  not  understand 
him,  for  he  places  the  palace  ‘facing  the  western  gate,’  which  is  not  only  on 

the  wrong  side,  but  across  the  western  avenue.  Mex.,  ii.  79.  ‘Adonde 

tenia  el  gran  Montezuma  sus  grandes  adoratorios  de  idolos ....  nos  lleuaron  4 
aposentar  4 aquella  casa  por  causa,  que  cotno  nos  llamaua  Teules,  6 por  tales 
nos  tenian,  que  estuuiessemos  entre  sus  idolos.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdacl., 
00.  The  idea  of  being  regarded  as  a god  seems  to  have  pleased  the  old  soldier 
immensely. 


288 


MEETING  WITH  MONTEZUMA. 


and  cooled  by  a playing  fountain  he  conducted 
him  by  the  hand  into  a large  hall.  An  attendant 
came  forward  with  a basket  of  flowers,  wherein  lay 
“ two  necklaces  made  of  the  shell  of  a species  of  red 
crawfish,”  so  they  said,  and  “much  esteemed  by  the 
natives,  from  each  of  which  hung  eight  crawfish  of 
gold,  wrought  with  great  perfection,  and  nearly  as 
large  as  the  span  of  a hand.”23  These  the  emperor 
placed  round  the  neck  of  the  general,  and  presented 
at  the  same  time  wreaths  to  his  officers.  Seating  him 
upon  a gilt  and  bejewelled  dais,2*  he  announced  that 
everything  .there  was  at  his  disposal;  every  want 
would  be  attended  to.  Then  with  delicate  courtesy 
he  retired,  so  that  the  Spaniards  might  refresh  them- 
selves and  arrange  their  quarters. 

The  building  contained  several  courts,  surrounded  by 
apartments,  matted  and  furnished  with  low  tables  and 
icpalli  stools.  Everything  about  the  place  was  neat 
and  of  a dazzling  whiteness,  relieved  by  green  brandies 
and  festoons.  The  finer  rooms  were  provided  with 
cotton  tapestry,  and  adorned  with  figures  in  stucco 
and  color,  and  with  feather  and  other  ornaments  set 
with  gold  and  silver  fastenings.  Here  and  there  were 
vases  with  smouldering  incense  diffusing  sweet  per- 
fume. So  large  was  the  place  that  even  the  allies 
found  room.  The  halls  for  the  soldiers,  accommo- 
dating one  hundred  and  fifty  men  each,  were  provided 
with  superior  beds  of  mats,  with  cotton  cushions  and 
coverlets,  and  even  with  canopies.  Cortes  was  glad 
to  find  the  building  protected  by  strong  walls  and 
turrets,  and  after  arranging  the  men  according  to 
their  corps,  he  ordered  the  guns  to  be  planted  and 
the  sentinels  posted,  issuing  also  instructions  for  the 
considerate  treatment  of  the  natives,  and  for  inter- 

23  They  doubtless  formed  a double  necklace,  with  gold  setting  and  pen- 
dants. Cortes  writes  that  on  the  way  to  the  palace  Montezuma  halted  to  place 
them  round  his  neck.  Cartas,  85;  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  100-1;  Saha jun,  Hist. 
Conq.,  23. 

21  ‘ A throne  of  gold,  ’ is  Peter  Martyr’s  briefer  yet  grander  term.  dec.  v. 
cap.  iii. 


PROTESTATIONS  OF  FEALTY. 


289 


course  generally.  Meanwhile  the  servants  had  spread 
a dinner,  which  Bernal  Diaz  describes  as  sumptuous.28 

In  the  afternoon  Montezuma  reappeared  with  a large 
suite.  Seating  himself  beside  Cortes,26  he  expressed 
his  delight  at  meeting1  such  valiant  men,  whose  fame 
and  deeds  had  already  aroused  his  interest  during 
their  visits  in  the  two  preceding  years  at  Potoncha a 
and  Chalchiuhcuecan.  If  he  had  sought  to  prevent 
their  entry  into  the  capital,  it  was  solely  because 
his  subjects  feared  them,  with  their  animals  and 
thunder;  for  rumors  had  described  them  as  voracious 
beings,  who  devoured  at  one  meal  what  sufficed  for 
ten  times  the  number  of  natives,  who  thirsted  for 
treasures  and  who  came  only  to  tyrannize.  He  now 
saw  that  they  were  mortals,  although  braver  and 
mightier  than  his  own  race,  that  the  animals  were 
large  deer,  and  that  the  caged  lightning  was  an  ex- 
aggeration. He  related  the  Quetzalcoatl  myth,27  and 
expressed  his  belief  that  they  were  the  predicted  race, 
and  their  king  the  rightful  ruler  of  the  land.  “Hence 
be  assured,”  said  he,  “that  we  shall  obey  you,  and 
hold  you  as  lord  lieutenant  of  the  great  king,  and  this 
without  fail  or  deceit.  You  may  command  in  all  my 
empire  as  you  please,  and  shall  be  obeyed.  All  that 
we  possess  is  at  your  disposal.”28 

Cortes  expressed  himself  as  overwdielmed  with  these 
kind  offers  and  with  the  many  favors  already  received, 


23  Hist.  Verdnd.,  65-6;  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  vii.  cap.  v. ; Sahaijun,  Hist. 
Com/.,  25-6. 

26  Bernal  Diaz  states  that  the  emperor  always  addressed  him  as  Malinche, 
and,  indeed,  it  was  common  among  Mexicans  to  address  persons  by  a name 
given  them  in  later  life  in  connection  with  some  peculiarity,  deed,  or  incident. 
Hence  Cortes,  as  master  of  the  prominent  female  interpreter,  received  a name 
implying  that  relationship. 

2;  For  which  see  Native  Races. 

28  Cortis,  Cartas,  86.  This  is  in  substance  the  speech  of  Montezuma,  as  given 
by  native  as  well  as  Spanish  records;  yet  it  appears  improbable  that  the 
emperor  should  have  been  so  ready,  at  the  first  interview,  and  in  presence  of 
his  courtiers,  to  humble  himself  so  completely  before  a few  strangers  whom 
he  regarded  as  mortals.  See  note  19.  ‘Myself,  my  wife  and  children,  my 
house,  and  all  that  I possess,  are  at  your  disposal,’  says  the  Spaniard,  even  in 
our  day,  to  the  guest  whom  he  wishes  to  impress  with  his  hospitality.  Per- 
haps Montezuma  was  equally  profuse  with  hollow  words,  which  Lave  been, 
recorded  as  veritable  offers. 

Hist.  Ml:.,  Vol.  I.  19 


290 


MEETING  WITH  MONTEZUMA. 


and  hastened  to  assure  the  emperor  that  they  were  not 
misplaced.  He  and  his  men  came  indeed  from  the 
direction  of  the  rising  sun,  and  their  king,  the  might- 
iest in  the  world,  and  the  ruler  of  many  great  princes, 
was  the  one  he  supposed.  Hearing  of  the  grandeur 
of  the  Mexican  monarch,  their  master  had  sent  the 
former  captains,  brethren  of  theirs,  to  examine  the 
route,  and  to  prepare  the  way  for  the  present  com- 
mission. Ho  had  come  to  offer  him  the  friendship  of 
their  great  king,  who  wished  in  no  wise  to  interfere 
with  his  authority,  but  rather  that  his  envoys  should 
serve  him  and  teach  the  true  faith. 

The  reference  to  Montezuma’s  grandeur  led  the 
emperor  evidently  to  suppose  that  the  rumors  con- 
cerning him  current  in  the  outlying  provinces  might 
have  reached  the  ears  of  the  Spanish  king,  for  he 
now  alluded  to  the  tales  which  raised  him  to  a divine 
being  inhabiting  palaces  of  gold,  silver,  and  precious 
stones.  “You  see,”  he  added  with  a sad  smile,  wherein 
seemed  to  linger  regrets  arising  from  his  departing 
glory,  “ that  my  houses  are  merely  of  stone  and  earth; 
and  behold  my  body,”  he  said,  turning  aside  his  vest- 
ment, “it  is  but  of  flesh  and  bone,  like  yours  and  others. 
You  see  how  they  have  deceived  you.  True,  I possess 
some  gold  trinkets  left  me  by  my  forefathers;  but  all 
that  I have  is  yours  whenever  you  may  desire  it.”29 

Cortbs’  eyes  sparkled  with  satisfaction  as  he  ex- 
pressed his  thanks.  He  had  heard  of  Montezuma’s 
wealth  and  power,  and  had  not  been  deceived  in  the 
expectation,  for  a more  magnificent  prince  he  had  not 
met  with  during  his  entire  journey.  Such  fine  words 
must  be  rewarded.  At  a sign  the  attendants  came 
forward  with  a rich  collection  of  gold,  silver,  and 
feather  ornaments,  and  five  thousand  to  six  thousand 
pieces  of  cloth,  most  fine  in  texture  and  embroidery.30 

29  CorMs,  Cartas,  86-7.  Bernal  Diaz  introduces  this  paragraph  during  the 
next  interview. 

30  Id.  ‘ A cada  vno  de  nuestros  Capitanes  did  cositas  de  oro,  y tres  cargas 
de  mantas  de  labores  ricas  de  plumas,  y entre  todos  los  soldados  tambien  nos 
dio  a cada  vno  a dos  cargas  de  mantas.  ’ Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  66;  Qomara, 


RETURN  VISIT. 


291 


Being  asked  what  relationship  the  men  bore  to 
one  another,  Cortes  said  that  all  were  brothers, 
friends,  and  companions,  with  the  exception  of  a few 
servants.31 

Montezuma  afterward  elicited  from  the  interpreters 
who  the  officers  and  gentlemen  were,  and  in  conferring 
favors  he  sent  them  more  valuable  presents  through 
the  mayordomo,  while  the  rest  obtained  inferior  gifts 
by  the  hand  of  servants.32  At  his  departure  from  the 
Spanish  quarter  the  soldiers  with  redoubled  alacrity 
fell  into  line  to  salute  a prince  who  had  impressed 
them  both  with  his  gentle  breeding  and  his  gener- 
osity, and  the  artillery  thundered  forth  a salvo,  partly 
to  demonstrate  that  the  caged  lightning  was  a fearful 
reality.33 

The  following  forenoon  Cortes  sent  to  announce 
that  he  would  make  a return  visit,  and  several  officers 
came  to  escort  him.  Arrayed  in  his  finest  attire,  with 
Alvarado,  Velazquez  de  Leon,  Ordaz,  Sandoval,  and 
five  soldiers,  he  proceeded  to  the  residence  of  Monte- 
zuma, in  the  new  palace  as  it  has  been  called,  situated 
in  the  south-east  corner  of  the  great  temple  plaza,34 
If  they  had  admired  the  palace  forming  their  own 

Hist.  Hex. , 101-2;  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  v.  cap.  iii. ; Duran,  Hist.  Ind.,  MS., 
ii.  441-2;  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  vii.  cap.  vi.;  Torquemada,  i.  452-3;  Ixtlilxochill, 
Hist.  Chick.,  296;  Peralta,  Not.  Hist.,  107-8.  Acosta  implies  that  Cortes  now 
reconciled  the  Tlascaltecs  with  the  Aztecs.  Hist.  Ind.,  521. 

31  ‘ Eramos  hermanos  en  el  amor,  y amistad,  6 personas  mui  principales,  ’ is 
the  way  Bernal  Diaz  expresses  it.  Hitt.  Verdad.,  66. 

32  Goma-  a,  Hist.  Mex.,  102-3.  ‘ Los  hacia  proveer  luego,  assi  de  mugeres  de 
servicio,  como  de  cama,  6 les  daba  d cada  uno  una  joya  que  pessaba  hasta  diez 
pessos  de  oro.’  Oviedo,  iii.  500-1. 

33  Vetancvrt,  Teatro  Mex. , pt.  iii.  129.  Sahagun,  followed  by  Acosta,  Brasseur 
de  Bourbourg,  and  others,  states  that  the  artillery  was  discharged  at  night  to 
startle  the  natives.  Hist.  Conq.  (ed.  1840),  85. 

34  It  is  so  depicted  in  the  old  Nuremberg  view  of  the  city,  already  referred 
to.  Ramirez,  Carbajal  Espinosa,  and  Alaman  give  the  extent,  and  the  latter 
enters  into  quite  a lengthy  account  of  its  situation  with  respect  to  present 
and  former  outlines  of  the  quarter.  Disert. , ii.  202,  etc. ; Carbajal  Espinosa, 
Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  221-2;  Ramirez,  notes  in  Prescott’s  Mex.  (ed.  Mex.  1845),  ii. 
app.  103.  Humboldt  places  it  opposite  the  southern  half  of  the  western 
temple  side,  Essai  Pol.,  i.  190,  but  that  site  is  assigned  by  all  the  above 
historians  to  the  old  palace  of  Montezuma,  so  called — not  the  Axayacatl 
where  Cortes  was  quartered.  The  mistake  is  probably  owing  to  his  igno- 
rance of  the  fact  that  the  residence  of  the  Cortes  family  stood  first  on  the 
site  of  the  new  palace  of  Montezuma,  whence  it  was  moved  to  that  of  the  old 
palace  when  the  government  bought  the  former. 


292 


MEETING  WITH  MONTEZUMA. 


quarter,  how  much  more  charmed  were  they  with 
this,  “which  has  not  its  equal  in  Spain,”  exclaims 
Cortds. 

The  exterior  presented  an  irregular  pile  of  low 
buildings  of  tetzontli,  raised  upon  high  foundations, 
and  communicating  with  the  square  by  twenty  doors, 
over  which  were  sculptured  the  coat  of  arms  of  the 
kings  of  Mexico.  The  buildings  were  so  arranged  as 
to  inclose  three  public  squares,  and  contained  an  im- 
mense number  of  rooms  and  halls,  one  of  them  large 
enough  to  hold  three  thousand  men,  it  is  said.  Several 
suites  were  reserved  for  royal  visitors,  envoys,  and 
courtiers,  while  others  were  assigned  for  the  emperor’s 
private  use,  for  his  harem  and  his  attendants.  Large 
monoliths  adorned  the  halls  or  supported  marble 
balconies  and  porticos,  and  polished  slabs  of  different 
kinds  of  stone  filled  the  intervening  spaces  or  formed 
the  floors.  Everywhere,  on  projections  and  supports, 
in  niches  and  corners,  were  evidences  of  the  artist’s 
skill  in  carvings  and  sculptures,  incised  and  in  relief. 

After  being  conducted  through  a number  of  courts, 
passages,  and  rooms,  partly  for  effect,  the  Spaniards 
were  ushered  into  the  audience-chamber,  and  removed 
their  hats  as  Montezuma  advanced  to  receive  them. 
Leading  Cortes  to  the  throne,  he  seated  him  at  his 
right  hand,  the  rest  being  offered  seats  by  the  attend- 
ants. Around  stood  with  downcast  eyes  a number 
of  courtiers,  who  in  accordance  with  etiquette  had 
covered  their  rich  attire  with  a coarse  mantle  and 
left  their  sandals  outside  the  room.35  The  conversa- 
tion fell  chiefly  on  religious  topics,  the  favorite  theme 
with  Cortes,  who  aside  from  his  bigotry  was  not 
averse  to  use  the  faith  as  a means  to  obtain  a secure 
hold  on  the  people.  In  any  case  it  afforded  a shield 
for  other  objects.  He  explained  at  length  the  mys- 
teries of  Christianity,  and  contrasted  its  gentle  and 


35  The  Spaniards  were  also  ‘costretti  a scalzarsi,  ed  a coprirsi  gli  abiti 
sfarzosi  con  vesti  grossolane,’  says  Clavigero,  Storia  Mess.,  iii.  S3,  but  that  is 
unlikely. 


FIRST  LESSON  IN  CHRISTIANITY. 


293 


benevolent  purposes  with  those  of  the  idols,  which 
were  but  demons  intent  on  the  destruction  of  their 
votaries,  and  trembling  at  the  approach  of  the  cross. 
Aware  of  the  inefficiency  of  himself  and  his  interpreters 
as  preachers,  indicated  indeed  by  the  passive  face  of 
the  proposed  convert,  Cortds  concluded  by  intimating 
that  his  king  would  soon  send  holy  men,  superior  to 
themselves,  to  explain  the  truths  which  he  had  sought 
to  point  out.  Meanwhile  he  begged  the  emperor  to 
consider  them,  and  to  abandon  idols,  sacrifices,  and 
other  evils.  “We  have  given  him  the  first  lesson,  at 
any  rate,”  said  Cortes,  turning  to  his  companions.36 

The  ruler  of  a superstitious  people,  himself  a liigh- 
priest  and  leader  of  their  blood}7  fancies,  was  not 
to  be  touched  by  this  appeal  of  Cortds.  The  preju- 
dices of  a lifetime  could  not  be  so  easily  disturbed. 
He  had  well  considered  the  words,  he  replied,  trans- 
mitted already  from  the  sea-shore  by  his  envoys,  and 
had  found  many  of  the  points  identical  with  those 
held  by  his  people;  but  he  preferred  not  to  dwell  on 
the  subject  at  present.  The  god  depicted  was  doubt- 
less good;  so  were  their  own,  for  to  them  they  and 
their  forefathers  owed  health  and  prosperity.  Suffice 
it  that  he  believed  his  guests  to  be  the  men  predicted 
to  come.  “As  for  your  great  king,”  he  added,  “I  hold 
myself  as  his  lieutenant,  and  will  give  him  of  what  I 
possess.”  As  a tangible  proof  thereof,  he  again  before 
dismissing  them  distributed  presents,  consisting  of 
twenty  packs  of  fine  robes  and  some  gold-ware  worth 
fully  one  thousand  pesos.37 

36  ‘Con  esto  cumplimos,  por  ser  el  primer  toque.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist. 
Verclad.,  67. 

37  ‘ A nosotros  los  soldados  nos  di6  A cada  vno  dos  collares  de  oro,  que  val- 
dria  cada  collar  diez  pesos,  6 dos  cargas  de  mantas.  ’ The  rest  went  to  their 
officers.  Id. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 


CAPTURE  OF  THE  EMPEROR. 

November,  1519. 

Cortes  Inspects  the  City — Visits  the  Temple  with  Montezuma — Dis- 
covery of  Buried  Treasure— Pretended  Evidences  of  Treachery — 
Cortes  Plans  a Dark  Deed — Preparations  for  the  Seizure  of 
Montezuma — With  a Few  Men  Cortes  Enters  the  Audience-Cham- 
ber of  the  King — Persuasive  Discourse — With  Gentle  Force 
Montezuma  is  Induced  to  Enter  the  Lion’s  Den. 

Cortes  failed  not  to  make  diligent  inquiries  and 
examinations  into  the  approaches,  strength,  and  to- 
pography of  the  city,  but  he  longed  for  a view  from 
one  of  the  great  temples  which,  rising  high  above  all 
other  edifices,  would  enable  him  to  verify  his  ob- 
servations. He  also  desired  to  obtain  a closer  insight 
into  the  resources  of  the  place.  With  these  objects 
he  sent  to  Montezuma  for  permission  to  make  a tour 
through  the  town  to  the  Tlatelulco.  market  and  tem- 
ple.1 This  was  granted;  and  attended  by  the  cavalry 
and  most  of  the  soldiers,  all  fully  armed,  Cortes  set 
out  for  that  suburb,  guided  by  a number  of  caciques. 
It  was  here  that  the  largest  market-place  in  the  city 
was  situated.2 

1 They  had  now  been  four  days  in  Mexico,  without  going  farther  than  the 
palace,  says  Bernal  Diaz.  A page  named  Orteguilla,  who  had  already  acquired 
a smattering  of  Aztec,  was  sent  with  the  interpreters  to  ask  this  favor.  Ilist. 
Verdad.,  69. 

2 Soldiers  who  had  been  in  Rome  and  Constantinople  declared  that  never 
had  they  seen  so  large  aud  orderly  a market,  with  so  large  an  attendance. 
Bernal  Diaz  indicates  the  site  of  the  plaza  to  have  been  where  the  church  ot 
Santiago  de  Tlatelulco  was  erected,  and  this  still  remains  under  the  same 
name,  over  a mile  north-west-by-north  of  the  central  plaza  of  Mexico.  Hist. 
Verdad.,  70-1.  The  old  maps  of  Mexico  already  spoken  of  give  the  same 
site,  and  Alaman’s  investigations  point  out  correctly  the  street  which  led  and 
leads  to  it,  although  he  has  failed  to  notice  the  above  authorities,  which  give 
the  very  site.  Disert.,  ii.  282-5. 


(291  i 


TLATELULCO  TEMPLE. 


205 


From  this  centre  of  trade  the  Spaniards  proceeded 
to  the  lofty  temple,  which  occupied  one  end  of  the 
Tlatelulco  market-place,3  and  whither  Montezuma  had 
already  gone  to  prepare  for  their  reception,  and  to 
propitiate  the  idols  for  the  intrusion  by  prayers  and 
• sacrifices.  He  hoped,  no  doubt,  that  his  presence 
would  prove  a check  upon  the  impulsive  hands  and 
tongues  of  the  guests.  Dismounting  at  the  gate,  the 
riders  advanced  with  most  of  the  soldiers  through  the 
temple  court,  and  climbed  the  one  hundred  and  more 
steps  which  led  to  the  summit.  Some  priests  and 
chiefs  had  been  sent  by  Montezuma  to  assist  Cortds 
to  ascend,  but  he  preferred  to  trust  to  himself.  This 
pyramid,  unlike  that  in  Mexico  proper,  appears  to 
have  had  but  one  continuous  stair- way  leading  up  the 
western  slope.1  The  first  sight  which  met  the  Span- 
iards on  reaching  the  summit  was  the  sacrificial  cage 
for  holding  victims,  and  a large  snake -skin  drum, 
whose  sombre  tones  gave  appropriate  effect  to  the 
horrible  rites  enacted  around  it. 

Montezuma  came  out  of  one  of  the  chapels  to 
welcome  them,  expressing  a fear  that  they  must  have 
been  fatigued  by  the  ascent,  but  Cortes  hastened  to 
assure  him  that  Spaniards  never  tired.  Calling  their 
attention  to  the  view  here  afforded  of  the  city  and  its 
surroundings,  he  stood  silent  for  a while  to  let  the 
beauteous  vision  work  its  own  enchantment.  Around 
on  every  side  spread  the  lake  and  its  connecting  waters, 
bordered  with  prairies  and  fields.  Forests  and  towns 
intermingled  on  the  green  carpet,  and  extended  far 
away  till  they  disappeared  in  the  shadows  of  the 
hills.  The  soldiers  recognized  the  settlements  and 

% It  has  been  generally  accepted  that  the  temple  in  the  centre  of  the  city 
was  visited,  but  Bernal  Diaz,  who  is  the  only  narrator  of  this  excursion,  states 
distinctly,  in  several  places,  that  the  pyramid  ascended  was  situated  in  the 
Tlatelulco  market-place,  ‘adonde  esta  aora  senor  Santiago,  que  se  dize  el 
Taltelulco.’  Hist.  Verdad.,  70-1.  The  description  of  the  temple  court  and 
interior  is  somewhat  confused,  and  evidently  combines  points  which  belong 
to  the  central  temple. 

1 Hence  the  contradictions  between  descriptions  and  views  furnished  by 
dld'crent  chroniclers,  which  have  so  greatly  puzzled  modern  writers. 


2D6 


CAPTURE  OF  THE  EMPEROR. 


towns  which  they  had  passed,  and  saw  the  cause- 
ways  which  on  three  sides  connected  with  the  main- 
land. Beneath  them  lay  a vast  expanse  of  terraced 
roofs,  intersected  by  streets  and  canals  teeming  with 
passengers  and  canoes.  Here  and  there  rose  palatial 
edifices  and  towering  temples,  interspersed  with  open  • 
squares,  and  with  gardens  shaded  by  trees  and  relieved 
by  the  silver}- jets  of  the  fountain.  At  their  feet  lay 
the  market  through  which  they  had  just  passed,  alive 
with  busy  Lilliputians,  whose  talk  and  cries  reached 
their  ears  in  a confused  murmur.  Cortes  could  not 
fail  to  be  impressed  by  scenes  so  varied  and  so  at- 
tractive, but  the  aesthetic  aspect  was  in  him  speedily 
overshadowed  by  the  practical  sense  of  the  military 
leader.  Then  rose  on  high  his  soul  as  he  thought  to 
secure  for  Spain  so  rich  an  inheritance  as  the  great 
city  with  its  vast  population,  and  turning  to  Father 
Olmedo  he  suggested  that  the  site  ought  to  be  ob- 
tained for  a church;  but  the  prudent  friar  remon- 
strated that  the  emperor  appeared  to  be  in  no  mood 
to  listen  to  such  a proposal. 

Cortes  accordingly  contented  himself  with  asking  to 
see  the  idols,  and  after  consulting  the  priests  Monte- 
zuma led  them  past  the  piscina  with  the  vestal  fire 
into  the  chapel.  Withdrawing  a tasselled  curtain  he 
displayed  the  images,  glittering  with  ornaments  of 
gold  and  precious  stones,  which  at  first  drew  the  at- 
tention of  the  beholders  from  the  hideous  form  and 
features.  Before  them  stood  the  stone  of  sacrifice, 
still  reeking  with  gore,  and  around  lay  the  instru- 
ments for  securing  the  human  victim  and  for  tearing 
open  the  breast.  On  one  altar  could  be  seen  three 
hearts,  and  on  the  other  five,  offered  to  the  idols, 
and  even  now  warm  and  palpitating  with  life.  The 
interior  walls  were  so  smeared  with  human  blood  as 
to  obscure  their  original  color,  and  to  emit  a fetid 
odor  which  made  the  Spaniards  glad  to  reach  the 
open  air  again. 

Forgetting  his  prudence,  Cortes  expressed  his  won- 


AN  ALADDIN’S  CAVE.  . 


297 


rlcr  to  Montezuma  that  so  great  and  wise  a prince 
should  worship  abominable  demons  like  these.  “Let 
me  but  plant  a cross  on  this  summit,”  he  said,  “and 
within  the  chapel  place  an  image  of  the  virgin,  and 
you  shall  behold  the  fear  of  the  idols,”  The  eyes  of 
the  priests  were  at  this  aflame  with  anger,  and  the 
emperor  could  hardly  suppress  his  indignation  as  he 
replied,  “Malinche,  had  I suspected  that  such  insults 
were  to  be  offered,  I would  not  have  shown  you  my 
gods.  They  are  good;  they  give  us  health,  suste- 
nance, victory,  and  whatever  we  require.  We  adore 
them,  and  to  them  make  our  sacrifices.  I entreat  you 
say  not  another  word  against  them.”  Observing  the 
effect  his  remarks  had  produced,  Cortds  thought  it 
best  to  restrain  himself,  and  to  express  regrets  at 
his  hastiness.  Then  with  a forced  smile  he  said 
that  it  was  time  to  depart.  Montezuma  bade  them 
farewell.  As  for’ himself,  he  must  remain  to  appease 
the  idols  for  the  insult  offered.5 6 

Not  at  all  abashed  by  his  rebuff  at  the  temple, 
Cortes  asked  Montezuma  to  let  him  erect  a church 
in  his  own  quarters.  Glad  probably  at  finding  the 
Spanish  pretensions  in  this  respect  so  modified,  he  not 
only  assented,  but  gave  artisans  to  aid  in  the  work. 
This  was  concluded  within  three  days,  and  services 
henceforth  held  therein,  at  which  the  Indians  were 
always  welcomed.  A cross  was  also  erected  before 
the  entrance,  so  that  the  natives  might  be  impressed 
by  the  devotion  of  their  visitors. 

This  effort  in  behalf  of  the  faith  was  not  to  go  un- 
requited. While  looking  for  the  best  site  for  the  altar, 
says  Bernal  Diaz,  Yahez,  the  carpenter,  discovered 
signs  of  a door- way  recently  closed  and  plastered  over. 
Cortes  was  told  of  this,  and  ever  on  the  guard  against 
plots,  he  ordered  the  wall  to  be  opened.  Aladdin  on 
entering  the  cave  could  not  have  been  more  surprised 


5 Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Venlad.,  70-1.  Sigiienza  y Ghngora,  the  well-known 
Mexican  scholar  of  the  seventeenth  century,  follows  Bernal  Diaz.  Anotaciones 

Crit.,  MS.,  1-2. 


298 


CAPTURE  OF  THE  EMPEROR. 


than  the  Spaniards  were  on  stepping  into  the  chamber 
there  revealed.  The  interior  fairly  blazed  with  treas- 
ures; bars  of  gold  were  there,  nuggets  large  and  small, 
figures,  implements,  and  jewelry  of  the  same  metal; 
and  then  the  silver,  the  rare  bejewelled  and  em- 
broidered fabrics,  the  prized  chalchiuite  and  other 
precious  stones  I Cortes  allowed  the  favored  beholders 
to  revel  in  the  ecstasy  created  by  the  sight,  but  to 
their  greed  he  set  a check.  He  had  reasons  for  not 
disturbing  the  treasures  at  this  time,  and  gave  orders 
to  restore  the  wall,  so  that  no  suspicions  might  be 
aroused  that  the  deposit  had  been  discovered.6 

One  reason  with  Cortes  for  not  touching  the  treas- 
ures  was  to  hold  out  an  alluring  bait  to  those  who, 
more  prone  to  listen  to  the  warnings  of  timid  allies 
than  to  the  ambitious  promptings  of  their  leader,  were 
ever  ready  to  take  alarm  and  urge  withdrawal  from  a 
position  which  they  regarded  as  dangerous.  Unbend- 
ing in  his  resolution,  the  general  had  nevertheless 
grasped  all  the  perils  of  their  position.  Hitherto 
no  firm  ground  existed  for  alarm.  They  had  been 
a week  in  the  capital,  and  were  still  receiving  from 
all  hands  the  kindest  treatment  and  the  most  gener- 
ous hospitality.  Cortes  was  aware,  however,  that 
this  depended  on  the  favor  of  the  emperor,  whose 
power  over  the  submissive  people  resembled  that  of  a 

6 ‘No  dexarian  de  quedar  aprobechados . . . . y satisfacer  a su  necesidad,’ 
says  Vetancurt,  who  knew  the  avarice  of  his  countrymen  too  well  to  believe 
in  denials.  Teatro,  pt.  iii.  131.  Bernal  Diaz  says  that  Yaiiez,  as  the  servant 
of  Velazquez  do  Leon  and  Lugo,  revealed  the  discovery  to  them,  and  they  told 
Cortes.  The  soldiers  all  heard  of  it,  and  came  quietly  to  gaze  on  the  treas- 
ures, which  rumor  had  already  located  somewhere  in  the  palace.  ‘ Being  then 
a young  man,’  says  the  old  soldier,  1 and  having  never  seen  such  wealth,  I felt 
sure  that  there  was  not  anything  like  it  in  the  world.’  Hist.  Verdad.,  72; 
Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  viii.  cap.  ii.  Tapia  and  Gomara  state  that  Cortes  dis- 
covered the  door-way  as  he  was  walking  in  his  room  one  evening,  pondering 

on  his  plans  for  seizing  Montezuma.  ‘Cerro  la  puerta por  no  escanda- 

lizar  a Motec<?uma,  no  se  estoruasse  por  esso  su  prisio.  ’ Gomara,  Hist.  Mex. , 
123;  Tafia,  Bel.,  in  Icazbalcela,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  579.  Duran  intimates  that  on 
hearing  of  the  existence  of  treasures  in  the  palace,  the  Spaniards,  including 
the  ‘ Santo  Cl6rigo,  ’ occupied  themselves  more  in  searching  for  them  than  in 
promoting  the  faith.  They  did  not  find  them,  however,  till  Montezuma  re- 
vealed the  hiding-place,  under  the  pressure  of  questions  and,  it  seems,  of 
hunger.  Hist.  Ind.,  MS.,  ii.  445-6. 


REVIEWING  THE  SITUATION. 


299 


god,  and  whose  person  appeared  to  them  as  sacred  as 
his  will  was  absolute.  He  had  also  learned  that  this 
monarch  was  a man  affrighted  by  his  superstitions, 
and  often  influenced  by  trifling  circumstances;  ready 
to  strike  where  he  had  fawned  the  moment  before, 
and  little  bound  by  words  or  pledges,  particularly 
when  they  involved  his  own  sovereignty.  One  mis- 
step by  the  Spanish  leader  or  any  of  his  men,  ill- 
behaved  and  importunate  as  they  were,  according  to 
his  own  statement,  might  precipitate  the  change.  The 
presence  of  the  hated  Tlascaltecs  was  itself  a burden, 
and  the  drain  for  supporting  the  self-invited  guests 
would  soon  be  felt.  The  religious  topic  had  already 
created  a momentary  irritation,  which  might  rankle 
and  grow  under  the  promptings  of  the  priests,  who 
must  naturally  object  to  rival  interference. 

Emperor  and  subjects  were  evidently  restrained 
only  by  the  military  prestige  of  the  Spaniards,  and  to 
some  extent  by  the  belief  in  their  divine  mission ; but 
they  were  also  aware  that,  whatever  might  be  the 
prowess  of  the  visitors  and  the  power  of  their  weapons 
and  steeds,  they  were  mortals,  for  this  had  been 
proved  quite  lately  by  the  unfortunate  defeat  of 
Escalante,  and  in  the  Nautla  campaign.  The  soldiers 
of  Montezuma  had  but  to  raise  the  bridges  of  the 
causewa}^s  and  cut  off  retreat,  then  stop  supplies  and 
reduce  them  by  starvation.  True,  there  was  the  fate 
of  Cholula  before  the  Mexicans;  but  they  had  gained 
experience,  and  could  mass  vastly  more  warriors  and 
arms,  while  the  Spaniards  would  have  no  allies  in 
reserve  to  operate  in  the  rear.  Besides,  what  mattered 
the  destruction  of  a part,  or  even  of  the  entire  city, 
when  thereupon  depended  the  safety  of  the  throne, 
menaced  by  a horde  of  cruel,  avaricious  monsters ! 

Cortes  had  considered  all  these  points,  and  knew 
the  expediency  of  resolute  action.  He  had  undertaken 
an  enterprise  wherein  one  bold  move  must  be  sup- 
ported by  another,  and  to  these  all  means  had  to  be 
subordinate.  He  had  not  come  all  this  way  to  place 


300 


‘ CAPTURE  OF  THE  EMPEROR. 


himself  within  the  power  of  a suspicious  and  vacil- 
lating despot,  nor  to  waste  his  time  in  waiting  for  what 
events  might  bring  forth,  while  his  enemies,  headed 
by  Velazquez,  were  arranging  for  his  overthrow.  He 
had  formed  his  plans  long  beforehand,  as  indicated  in 
liis  first  letter  to  the  king,  wherein  he  promised  to 
have  the  great  Montezuma  “ a prisoner,  a corpse,  or 
a subject  to  the  royal  crown  of  your  Majesty.”7  Con- 
quest, followed  by  settlement  and  conversion,  was  his 
aim.  It  would  not  pay  him  to  play  for  a smaller 
stake. 

Just  now  rumors  began  to  circulate  tending  to 
stir  anew  the  fears  which  Montezuma’s  friendly  and 
hospitable  demeanor  had  soothed.  One  was  that  the 
nobles  had  actually  prevailed  on  the  emperor  to 
break  the  bridges,  to  arm  the  whole  city,  and  to 
fall  on  the  Spaniards  with  all  available  strength.8 
Soldiers  were  readily  found  who  fancied  that  the 
mayordomo  was  less  obsequious  than  formerly,  and 
that  he  gave  scantier  supplies.  It  was  also  under- 
stood from  Tlascaltecs  that  the  populace  appeared  less 
friendly  during  the  last  day  or  two.  These  reports 
may  have  sprung  wholly  from  timid  minds  still  agi- 
tated by  the  warnings  uttered  by  Tlascaltecs  before 
the  departure  from  Cholula,  or  they  may  have  been 


7 He  refers  to  this  promise  in  the  second  letter  to  the  king,  saying,  ‘porque 
certifiqu6  A V.  A.  que  lo  habria  preso  6 muerto  6 subdito.  ’ Cortes,  Cartas,  52. 

6 ‘En  la  verdad  era  asi  e lo  tinien  acordado,  ’ affirms  Tapia,  ReL,  in  Icazbal- 
ceta,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  579.  ‘Estas  nueuas,  falsas,  o verdaderas,’  is  the  non-com- 
mitting phrase  of  Gomara.  Hist.  M ex.,  123.  Ixtlilxochitl  takes  firmer  gi-ouml. 
‘According  to  an  original  letter  in  my  possession,  signed  by  the  three  heads 
of  New  Spain,  and  written  to  his  Majesty  the  emperor,  our  master,  they  excul- 
pate Motecuhzoma  and  the  Mexicans  of  this  and  other  charges,  declaring  them 
inventions  of  the  Tlascaltecs  and  of  some  Spaniards  who  feared  that  they 
would  never  see  the  hour  when  they  might  leave  the  city  and  place  in  security 
the  riches  they  had  obtained.’  Hist.  Chick.,  296.  Clavigero  adopts  the  view 
that  Cortes  called  for  such  testimony  from  certain  chiefs  among  his  allies, 
whose  dislike  of  the  Mexicans  would  be  sure  to  prompt  it.  ‘ Per  giustificar 
vieppiu  il  suo  attentato,  e muovere  i suoi  Spagnuoli  ad  eseguirlo,  fece  chia- 
mar  parecchie  persone  principali  de’  suoi  alleati  (la  cui  informazione  dovrebbe 
sempre  essergli  sospettosa).’  Storia  Mess.,  iii.  90-1.  Vetancurt  has  a story 
that,  a drought  prevailing  at  the  time,  the  Spaniards  induced  the  heavens  by 
means  of  masses  and  prayers  to  send  rain.  This  made  the  priests  and  idols 
jealous,  and  the  emperor  was  prevailed  on  to  rid  himself  of  the  Spaniards. 
The  Tlascaltecs  learned  of  the  plot  and  reported  it.  Teatro,  pt.  iii.  130. 


A DARING  PROJECT. 


301 


promoted  by  Cortes  himself  in  furtherance  of  his 
plans.  He  at  any  rate  seized  the  pretence  to  hold  a 
council,  composed  of  Alvarado,  Leon,  Ordaz,  and 
Sandoval,  together  with  twelve  soldiers  whose  advice 
he  most  valued,  “including  myself,”  says  Bernal  Diaz. 
His  chief  reason  was  to  persuade  them  of  the  neces- 
sity for  the  measure  he  had  resolved  on,  and  to  win 
their  hearty  cooperation.  Laying  before  them  the 
current  rumors  which  confirmed  the  warnings  for- 
merly received,  and  representing  the  unreliable  and 
suspicious  character  of  Montezuma,  his  great  power, 
and  the  peculiar  position  and  strength  of  the  city,  he 
concluded  by  proposing  the  daring  venture  of  seizing 
the  emperor  and  holding  him  a hostage.9 

Here  was  folly  run  mad!  Four  hundred  men,  after 
penetrating  formidable  barriers  and  gaining  the  very 
heart  of  a grea^  empire,  whose  vast  armies  could 
oppose  a thousand  warriors  to  every  Spaniard  there, 
coolly  propose  to  take  captive  the  worshipped  monarch 
of  this  vast  realm,  and  then  to  defy  its  millions  of 
subjects!  The  wildest  tales  of  mediaeval  knights 
hardly  equal  this  project.  Reckless  as  was  the  con- 
ception, it  was  the  fruit  of  yet  greater  audacity. 
Cortes  reared  his  structure  of  folly  insensate  upon 
the  platform  of  still  greater  insensate  folly.  If  it  was 
true  that  he  had  practically  placed  himself  in  the 
position  of  a captive,  then  he  would  cut  the  knot  by 
capturing  the  captor.  And  yet,  foolhardy  as  might 
appear  the  scheme  when  coolly  viewed  from  the  isle 
of  Cuba,  situated  as  the  Spaniards  were,  it  was  doubt- 
less the  best  they  could  do;  it  was  doubtless  all  they 
could  do.  The  efficiency  of  hostages  had  been  fre- 

9 According  to  Bernal  Diaz  the  members  of  this  council  suggested  not  only 
the  seizure  but  the  reasons  for  it.  Cortes  responded  that  he  had  not  been 
oblivious  of  the  danger,  but  saw  not  how  the  seizure  could  be  effected.  The 
captains  proposed  to  beguile  the  prince  to  their  quarter  and  detain  him.  If 
Cortes  hesitated  they  were  willing  to  undertake  the  task.  The  old  soldier  is 
evidently  misled,  as  he  was  in  the  scuttling  affair,  to  assume  too  much  credit 
for  himself  and  his  fellow-soldiers.  CortcSs  had  no  doubt  adopted  his  common 
tactics,  so  frequently  admitted  by  Bernal  Diaz  himself,  of  inspiring  his  comrades 
to  suggest  what  he  had  resolved  on.  This  is  proved  by  the  promise  made  to 
the  emperor  in  his  first  letter,  four  months  before,  to  capture  Montezuma. 


302 


CAPTURE  OF  THE  EMPEROR. 


quently  tried  by  the  conquerors  in  the  Antilles,  and 
the  opportune  seizure  of  the  Cempoalan  lord  had  not 
been  forgotten;  but  this  had  been  effected  under  the 
impulse  of  the  moment,  while  the  chieftain  was  sur- 
rounded by  Spaniards.  Here  was  required  not  only 
a calm  resolution,  unflinching  to  the  end,  but  a well 
laid  stratagem.  Cortes  stood  prepared  with  both. 

Producing  the  letter  from  Villa  Rica,  which  had 
been  kept  secret  all  this  time,  he  gave  an  account  of 
the  unfortunate  successes  at  Almerfa,  describing  in 
exaggerated  terms  the  treachery  of  Quauhpopoca, 
and  consequently  of  Montezuma  as  his  master,  and 
stirring  the  feelings  of  the  council  by  an  appeal  to 
avenge  their  comrades.10  Here  was  a pretence11  which 
served  also  to  set  aside  the  su^orestion  that  the  em- 
peror  would  be  only  too  glad  to  let  them  depart  in 
peace,  for  it  was  argued  that  a retreat  now,  since  the 
Spaniards  stood  revealed  as  mortals',  would  draw  upon 
them  not  only  the  contempt  of  allies  and  countrymen, 
but  a general  uprising,  with  the  most  fatal  results. 
Retreat  meant  also  the  surrender  of  all  hopes  of 
wealth,  preferment,  and  honor,  to  be  followed  by 
punishment  and  disgrace  for  their  irregular  proceed- 
ings so  far.  With  Montezuma  in  their  power,  they 
possessed  a hostage  whose  sacredness  in  the  eyes  of 
his  subjects  insured  their  safety,  and  made  the  people 
pliable  to  their  will,  while  disaffected  vassals  could  be 
secured  by  alliances,  or  by  the  promise  of  reforms. 
Should  the  seizure  result  in  the  monarch’s  death, 
the  succession  would  doubtless  become  the  cause  of 
division  and  dissension,  in  the  midst  of  which  the 
Spaniards  might  influence  affairs  in  their  own  in- 
terest. Thus  were  answered  the  various  objections 
raised. 

10  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  73,  followed  by  a number  of  other  writers, 
states  that  the  letter  was  received  at  Mexico  the  morning  after  this  meeting, 
but  it  has  been  shown  that  he  must  be  wrong.  He  mentions  as  one  of  the 
statements  in  the  letter  that  the  Totonacs  were  in  revolt,  and  it  is  probable 
that  Cortes  may  have  said  so  to  show  the  soldiers  that  retreat  was  cut  off, 
and  that  seizure  was  the  only  recourse. 

11  As  both  Peter  Martyr  and  Gomara  call  it. 


THE  MANNER  OF  IT. 


303 


As  for  the  manner  of  seizure,  the  safest  plan  would 
doubtless  be  to  inveigle  Montezuma  to  their  quarters 
and  there  detain  him;  but  this  would  cause  delay, 
and  might  arouse  suspicion,12  and,  since  prompt  action 
was  considered  necessary,  the  best  way  would  be  to 
seize  him  in  his  own  palace.  This  was  agreed  upon, 
and  the  same  evening  the  facts  and  arguments  were 
effectively  presented  to  the  men  and  preparations 
made. 

“All  night,”  writes  Bernal  Diaz,  “we  passed  in 
earnest  prayer,  the  priests  devoutly  imploring  God 
to  so  direct  the  undertaking  that  it  might  redound  to 
his  holy  service.”13 

In  the  morning  Cortes  sent  to  announce  that  he 
would  visit  the  emperor.  He  then  despatched  a num- 
ber of  small  parties  as  if  for  a stroll,  with  orders  to  keep 
themselves  in  and  near  the  palace,  and  on  the  way  to 
it,  ready  for  any  emergency.  Twenty -five  soldiers 
were  told  to  follow  him,  by  twos  and  threes,  into  the 
audience -chamber,  whither  he  preceded  them  with 
Alvarado,  Sandoval,  Velazquez  de  Leon,  Francisco 
de  Lugo,  and  Avila.14  All  were  armed  to  the  teeth,15 
and  as  the  Mexicans  had  been  accustomed  to  see 
them  thus  equipped  no  suspicions  were  aroused. 
Montezuma  proved  on  this  occasion  to  be  particularly 
gracious,  and  after  a brief  chat  he  offered  several 
presents  of  finely  wrought  gold,  and  to  Cortes  he 
presented  one  of  his  daughters,  the  captains  being 
given  women  of  rank  from  his  own  harem,  which 


12  The  neglect  of  this  less  speedy  plan  does  indicate  that  the  rumors  of 
danger  were  credited  to  a great  extent  at  least. 

13  Ilist.  Verdi  id,.,  74.  Cortes  in  his  quiet  way  writes  to  the  king  that,  after 
passing  six  days  in  the  great  city,  and  finding  that  for  various  reasons  ‘ it  suited 
the  royal  interest  and  our  safety  to  have  this  lord  in  my  power,  and  not  wholly 
at  liberty,  lest  he  change  in  the  proposal  and  desire  manifested  to  serve  Y. 
H ....  I resolved  to  seize  and  place  him  in  the  quarter  where  I was.’  Cartas, 
8S-9. 

11  ‘ Mandb  que  su  gente  dos  & dos  6 cuatro  d cuatro  se  fuesen  tras  el ....  6 
con  bl  entramos  hasta  treinta  espanoles  <5  los  demas  quedaban  a la  puerta'de 
la  casa,  6 en  un  patio  della,’  says  Tapia,  who  appears  to  have  been  one  of 
those  who  entered.  Ret.,  in  IcaThalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  579. 

13  ‘ C5  armas  secretas,’  says  Gomara,  Hist.  Me x.,  123,  and  probably  they 
did  bear  extra  weapons  beneath  their  cloaks. 


304 


CAPTURE  OF  THE  EMPEROR. 


was  a mark  of  great  favor.16  Cortes  sought  to  decline 
for  himself  the  favor,  on  the  ground  that  he  could 
not  marry.  Montezuma  nevertheless  insisted,  and  he 
yielded  not  unwillingly.17 

Assuming  a serious  tone,  the  latter  now  produced 
the  letter  from  Villa  Rica,  and  informed  the  emperor 
that  he  had  received  an  account  of  the  outrageous 
conduct  of  Quauhpopoca,  resulting  in  the  death  of 
some  of  his  men,  and  that  he,  the  sovereign,  had  been 
accused  of  being  the  instigator.  Montezuma  gave 
an  indignant  denial,18  and  Cortes  hastened  to  assure 
him  that  he  believed  the  charge  to  be  false,  but  as 
commander  of  a party  he  had  to  account  for  the  men 
to  his  king,  and  must  ascertain  the  truth.  In  this 
Montezuma  said  he  would  aid  him ; and  calling  a trusted 
officer,  he  gave  him  a bracelet  from  his  wrist  bearing 
the  imperial  signet — a precious  stone  graven  with  his 
likeness19 — bidding  him  to  bring  Quauhpopoca  and  his 
accomplices,  by  force,  if  necessary.20  Cortes  expressed 
himself  pleased,  but  added  that,  in  order  to  cover  his 
responsibility  as  commander,  and  to  convince  his  men 


16  ‘ Y otras  hijas  de  seuores  & algunos  de  mi  compauia.’  Cortes,  Cartas,  89. 
But  the  customary  mark  of  favor  was  to  give  them  from  his  harem.  See 
Native  Races,  ii. 

11  ‘ Per  non  dar  disgusto  al  Re,  e per  avere  occasione  di  farla  Cristiana,’  is 
Clavigero’s  excuse  for  the  acceptance.  Sloria  Mess.,  Hi.  93.  Brasseur  de  Bonr- 
bourg,  and  some  other  writers,  assume  that  Cort&s  declined;  but  the  original 
authorities  all  say  or  intimate  that  he  accepted.  Even  Cortes  himself  writes 
in  his  letter  to  the  emperor,  ‘ despuds . . . . de  haberme  61  dado  algunas  joyas 
de  oro  y una  hija  suya,’ etc.  Cartas,  89.  ‘Le  persuadio,’  says  Ixtlilxochicl, 
Hist.  Chirh.,  290.  Gomara  is  even  more  explicit,  and  Herrera  says  that 
Montezuma  insisted,  ‘ porque  queria  tener  nietos  de  hombre  tan  valeroso.  ’ dec. 
ii.  lib.  viii.  cap.  ii.  The  affair  is  perhaps  less  important  in  itself  than  as  index 
to  the  character  of  Cortds,  who  could  accept  so  intimate  an  offer  with  one  hand 
while  he  prepared  a blow  with  the  other.  It  might  also  be  made  to  indicate 
that  Montezuma  could  have  had  no  base  designs  against  him  when  he  made 
the  uncalled-for  offer  of  intrusting  a daughter  (if  such  she  was)  to  his  keeping. 
Still  the  imperial  character  would  not  have  suffered  had  it  been  shown  that 
this  was  but  an  artifice  to  lull  his  intended  victim  into  a false  security. 

18  Some  authors,  like  Herrera  and  Torquemada,  say  that  he  denied  all 
knowledge  of  the  occurrence,  calling  it  an  invention  of  enemies. 

19  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chick.,  297.  ‘Q  tenia  la  figura  de  Vitzilopuchtli,’ 
Gomara,  123 ; and  so  says  Bernal  Diaz.  Tapia  states  that  Montezuma  tol  l 
Cortes  to  send  two  Spaniards  with  the  messengers ; but  he  doubtless  declined 
to  risk  two  lives  on  such  a trip.  Rel. , in  Icazbalcet",  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  583-4. 

2u  ‘ Ingrato  rey  !’  exclaims  Gallo,  in  commenting  upon  this  surrender  of  a 
devoted  officer.  ! 1 ombres  HuU.  Hex. , i.  318. 


INFAMOUS  INVITATION. 


305 


that  the  emperor  was  indeed  as  innocent  as  Cortes 
believed  him  to  be,  it  would  be  advisable  for  him  to 
come  and  stay  at  their  quarters  till  the  guilty  parties 
had  been  punished.21 

Montezuma  was  dumfounded  at  this  unhallowed 
impudence.  He,  the  august  sovereign,  before  whom 
even  princes  prostrated  themselves,  at  whose  word 
armies  sprang  into  existence,  and  at  whose  name 
mighty  rulers  trembled,  he  to  be  thus  treated  by  a 
score  of  men  whom  he  had  received  as  guests  and 
loaded  with  presents,  and  this  in  his  own  palace ! F or 
a moment  he  stood  mute,  but  the  changing  aspect  of 
his  countenance  revealed  the  agitation  within.  At  last 
he  exclaimed  that  he  was  not  the  person  to  be  thus 
treated.  He  would  not  go.  They  could  always  find 
him  at  his  palace. 

Cortes  pleaded  that  his  presence  among  the  soldiers 
was  necessary,  not  merely  as  a declaration  of  his  in- 
nocence, but  to  allay  the  rumors  which  had  reached 
them  that  he  and  his  people  were  plotting  for  their 
destruction.  Montezuma  again  made  an  indignant 
denial ; but  added  that,  even  if  he  consented  to  go,  his 
people  would  never  allow  it.  His  refusal,  insisted  the 
general,  would  rouse  the  worst  suspicions  of  his  men, 
and  he  could  not  answer  for  their  acts.  Mexico  might 
meet  the  fate  of  Cholula,  and  he  with  it.22 

Montezuma  now  began  to  implore,  and  offered  to 
surrender  his  legitimate  children  as  hostages  if  he 
were  but  spared  the  disgrace  of  being  made  a prisoner. 
This  could  not  be,  was  the  reply.  The  Spanish 
quarter  was  his  own  palace,  and  he  could  readily  per- 
suade his  subjects  that  he  went  there  for  a short  time 
of  his  own  accord,  or  at  the  command  of  the  gods.23 

21  Bernal  Diaz  makes  Cortes  accuse  the  emperor  of  perfidy,  and  of  having 
instigated  the  Cholula  massacre.  Hist.  Verdad.,  74.  But  this  he  would  hardly 
do,  since  his  purpose  was  clearly  to  persuade,  not  to  arouse  anger. 

22  ‘No  querria  comencar  guerra,  ni  destruir  aquesta  Ciudad que  si 

alboroto,  6 vozes  daua,  que  luego  sereis  muerto  de  aquestos  mis  Capitanes,  que 
no  los  traigo  para  otro  efeto,’  is  Bernal  Diaz’  blunt  version.  Hist.  Verdad.,  74. 

23lAuia  tenido  platica  de  su  idolo  Huichilobos ....  que  con venia  para  su 
salud,  y guardar  su  vida,  estar  con  nosotros.’  Id.,  75. 

Hist.  Mex.,  Yon.  I.  20 


306 


CAPTURE  OF  THE  EMPEROR. 


He  would  be  treated  with  every  consideration,  and 
should  enjoy  his  usual  comfort,  surrounded  by  favorites 
and  councillors.  The  plan  involved  no  change  beyond 
that  of  residence,  to  a place  where  he  would  be  under 
secret  surveillance. 

Montezuma  still  objected,  and  time  was  passing.24 
The  companions  of  Cortes  becoming  nervous  at  this 
delay,  Velazquez  de  Leon  exclaimed  in  his  sten- 
torian voice:  “Why  so  many  words,  your  worship? 
Let  us  either  carry  him  off  or  despatch  him.  Tell 
him  that  if  he  calls  out  or  creates  a disturbance 
we  shall  kill  him!”25  Turning  in  alarm  to  Marina, 
Montezuma  inquired  what  was  meant.  Full  of  pity 
for  the  troubled  monarch,  she  told  him  that  the  men 
were  becoming  impatient  at  his  delay.  She  besought 
him,  as  he  valued  his  life,  to  accede  to  their  wishes 
and  go  with  them.  He  would  be  treated  with  all  the 
honor  due  to  his  rank.  A glance  at  the  frowning 
faces  of  the  Spaniards  confirmed  the  mysterious  words 
of  the  interpreter,  and  chilled  him  to  the  heart.  He 
had  heard  too  many  accounts  of  the  resolution  and 
cruelty  of  these  men  not  to  believe  them  capable  of 
anything.  Were  he  to  call  for  aid  they  would  no 
doubt  kill  him  and  destroy  the  city;  for  few  as  they 
were  they  had  proved  themselves  equal  to  hosts  of 
natives. 

The  unhappy  monarch  yielded,  since  it  was  so 
decreed — by  the  sublime  audacity  of  this  score  of 
adventurers.  The  spirit  of  Axayacatl  had  evidently 
not  survived  in  the  son,  and  the  prestige  of  his  early 
career  as  military  leader  had  dwindled  to  a mere 
shadow  in  the  effeminate  lap  of  court-life.26  Sum- 
moning his  attendants,  he  ordered  a litter  brought. 

24  ‘Estuuieron  mas  de  media  hora  en  estas  platicas.’  Id. , 74.  Tapia  and 
others  say  four  hours,  which  is  unlikely. 

23  ‘Porque  mas  vale  que  desta  vez  asseguremos  nuestras  vidas,  6 las  per 
damos.’  Bernal  IHaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  75. 

26  ‘Era,  6 muy  falto  de  dnimo,  6 pusildnime,  6 muy  prudente.’  Oviedo , iii. 
289.  ‘En  dl  se  cumplio  lo  que  de  <51  se  decia,  que  todo  hombre  cruel  es  co 
barde,  aunque  d la  verdad,  era  ya  llegada  la  voluntad  de  Dios.  ’ Ixtlilxochitl, 
Ret.,  411. 


HE  GOES  WITH  HIS  ENEMIES. 


SO' 


Everything  had  been  quietly  conducted,  and  since 
none  ventured  to  question  the  emperor,  his  com- 
mand was  silently  obeyed;  but  the  mysterious  in- 
terview and  his  agitation  roused  their  suspicions, 
and  the  rumor  spread  that  something  extraordinary 
was  about  to  happen.  Wondering  and  murmuring 
crowds  had  already  collected  along  the  route  between 
the  two  palaces  wdien  the  emperor  appeared.  On 
seeing  the  sorrowing  faces  of  the  favorites  who  bore 
him,  and  observing  how  closely  it  was  surrounded 
by  the  Spanish  soldiers  who  acted  as  guard  of  honor, 
their  fears  became  confirmed.  The  distance  to  the 
quarters  was  too  short,  however,  and  the  news  had 
not  yet  travelled  far  enough,  to  allow  a serious  dem- 
onstration.27 But  not  long  after  the  plaza  in  front 

27  Bernal  Diaz  intimates  clearly  enough  that  no  demonstration  was  made 
till  after  his  arrival.  Hist.  Verdad.,  75.  And  so  does  Cortes.  ‘ Llorando  lo 
tomaron  en  ella  [the  litter]  con  mucho  silencio,  y asi  nos  fuimos  hasta  el 
aposento  donde  estaba,  sin  haber  alboroto  en  la  ciudad,  aunque  se  comenzo  a 
mover.  Pero  sabido  por  el  dicho  Muteczuma,  envib  a mandar  que  no  lo  hubiese; 
y asi,  hubo  toda  quietud.’  Cartas,  90.  Ixtlilxochitl,  however,  allows  Monte- 
zuma to  stay  long  enough  in  his  palace,  after  ordering  the  litter,  to  enable  the 
lords  and  nobles  to  come  and  offer  their  services.  A delay  like  this,  which 
the  Spaniards  certainly  never  could  have  permitted,  might  have  given  time  for 
the  tumultuous  gathering  which  he  describes.  Hist.  Chich.,  297.  Prescott,  in 
following  this  version,  makes  the  emperor  so  far  overstep  his  usual  dignity 
as  to  ‘call  out’  to  the  people  to  disperse.  ‘ Tambien  detuvieron  consigo  a 
Itcuauhlzin,  gobemador  del  Tlatilulco,’ says  Sahagun,  while  the  leading  nobles 
‘ cuando  fue  preso  Mocthecuzoma  le  desampararon  y se  escondieron.  ’ Hist. 
Conq.,  25. 

The  seizure  has,  like  the  equally  prominent  episodes  of  the  massacre  at 
Cholula,  and  the  scuttling  of  the  fleet,  aroused  no  little  comment  in  justifica- 
tion or  condemnation.  ‘Now  that  I am  old,’ says  Bernal  Diaz,  ‘I  stop  to 
consider  the  heroic  deeds  then  performed,  and  I do  say  that  our  achievements 
were  not  effected  by  ourselves,  but  were  all  brought  about  by  God ; for  what 
men  have  existed  in  the  world  who,  less  than  450  soldiers  in  number,  dared  to 
enter  into  so  strong  a city  as  Mexico,  larger  than  Venice,  and  so  remote  from 
Castile,  to  seize  so  great  a lord?’  Hist.  Verdad. , 76.  ‘ Never  Greek  or  Roman, 

nor  of  other  nation,  since  kings  exist,  performed  a like  deed,  only  Fernando 
Cortes,  to  seize  Moteccuma,  a king  most  powerful,  in  his  own  house,  in  a 
place  most  strong,  amid  an  infinity  of  people,  while  possessing  but  450  com- 
panions. ’ Gomara,  Hist.  Hex.,  124.  Commenting  on  this,  Torquemada  adds 
that  ‘ it  was  indeed  a deed  for  daring  never  seen,  and  must  be  attributed 
to  God  rather  than  to  human  heart.  ’ i.  458.  Solis  of  course  fails  not  to  extol 
the  genius  and  daring  of  his  hero,  whose  deed  ‘appears  rather  in  the  light  of 
a fable’  than  in  consonance  with  simple  history.  Hist.  Mex.,  i.  448.  ‘A  deed 
which  makes  one  tremble  even  to  conceive,  and  much  more  to  carry  out.  But 
God  had  so  determined  it.  ’ Ixtlilxochitl , Hist.  Chich. , 296.  ‘ History  contains 
nothing  parallel  to  this  event,  either  with  respect  to  the  temerity  of  the 
attempt,  or  the  success  of  the  execution,’  etc.  Robertson's  Hist.  Am. , ii.  60.  ‘An 
expedient,  which  none  but  the  most  daring  spirit,  in  the  most  desperate  ex- 


308 


CAPTURE  OF  THE  EMPEROR. 


of  it  was  blocked  with  an  excited  multitude,  and  a 
number  of  leading  personages  and  relatives  made 
their  way  into  the  presence  of  their  sovereign,  asking 
with  tearful  eyes  and  knitted  brows  how  they  might 
serve  him.  They  were  ready  to  lay  down  their  lives 
to  rescue  him.  He  assured  them  with  a forced  smile 
that  there  was  no  cause  for  alarm.  Too  proud  to  dis- 
close his  pusillanimity,  he  readily  echoed  the  words 
of  Cortes,  that  he  had  come  of  his  own  free-will,  and 
at  the  intimation  of  the  gods,  to  stay  awhile  with  his 
guests.  He  told  them  to  calm  the  people  with  this 
assurance,  and  to  disperse  the  gathering. 

tremity,  would  have  conceived.’  Prescott's  Mex.,  ii.  159.  ‘An  unparalleled 
transaction.  There  is  nothing  like  it,  I believe,  in  the  annals  of  the  world.’ 
Helps’  CorUs,  ii.  351 . Clavigero  is  less  carried  away  by  the  incident,  for  he  sees 
therein  the  hand  of  God.  Nevertheless,  he  sympathizes  with  Montezuma. 
Storia  Mess. , iii.  95,  etc.  Pizarro  y Orellana  finds  the  deed  eclipsed  by  the 
similar  achievement,  with  a smaller  force,  under  his  namesake  Pizarro.  Varones 
llvstres,  89-90.  And  later  Mexican  writers,  like  Bustamante,  see,  naturally 
enough,  nothing  but  what  is  detestable  in  the  incident,  for  according  to  the 
native  records  which  form  their  gospel,  Montezuma  was  guiltless  of  any  base 
intents.  Unfortunately  for  them,  these  very  records  paint  him  a blood-thirsty 
despot  who  punishes  the  slightest  offence  against  himself,  even  when  merely 
suspected,  with  the  most  atrocious  cruelty ; one  who  is  continually  seeking 
his  aggrandizement  at  the  expense  of  inoffensive,  peace-loving  tribes,  who 
oppresses  not  only  conquered  peoples,  but  his  own  subjects,  with  extortionate 
taxes  and  levies  to  satisfy  his  inordinate  appetite  for  pomp  and  for  new  con- 
quests. These  records  also  admit  that  he  had  repeatedly  sent  sorcerers,  if  not 
armies,  to  entrap  and  destroy  the  Spaniards.  He  who  looked  calmly  on  heca- 
tombs of  his  own  subjects,  slaughtered  before  his  very  eyes,  would  not  hesi- 
tate to  condemn  strangers  for  plotting  against  the  throne  which  was  dearer 
to  him  than  life  itself.  The  Spaniards  may  have  anticipated  events  consider- 
ably, but  there  is  no  doubt  that  numerous  personages,  from  Cuitlahuatzin  down- 
ward, were  bitterly  opposed  to  their  enforced  guests,  and  they  would  sooner 
or  later  have  realized  the  rumors  which  the  allies  began  to  circulate.  Placed 
as  he  was,  Cort6s’  duty  to  himself,  to  the  men  intrusted  to  him,  to  his  king, 
and  to  the  cause  of  religion,  as  then  regarded,  required  him  to  give  heed  to 
such  rumors,  and,  after  weighing  their  probability,  to  take  the  precautionary 
measure  of  seizing  the  monarch,  since  retreat  not  only  appeared  fraught  with 
disaster  and  dishonor,  but  would  be  regarded  as  a neglect  of  opportunity  and 
of  duty.  With  Cortes,  naught  but  the  first  steps  in  assuming  the  conquest, 
and  in  usurping  certain  credit  and  means,  can  be  regarded  as  crimes,  and  the 
former  of  these  was  forced  upon  him  by  circumstances  of  his  age  and  sur- 
roundings. Every  project,  then,  conceived  by  him  for  the  advancement  of  his 
great  undertaking  must  redound  to  his  genius  as  soldier  and  leader.  Of  course, 
among  these  projects  appear  many  which  did  not  advance  the  great  object, 
and  which  must  be  condemned.  But  where  do  we  find  greatness  wholly  free 
from  stain? 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 


DOUBLY  REFINED  DEALINGS. 

1519-1520. 

Hollow  Homage  to  the  Captive  King — Montezuma  has  his  Wives  and 
Nobles — He  Rules  his  Kingdom  through  the  Spaniards — The 
Playful  Page — Liberality  of  the  Monarch — The  Sacred  Treas- 
ures— Cortes  Resents  the  Insults  of  the  Guard — Diversions — 
Quauhpopoca,  his  Son  and  Officers,  Burned  Alive — Plantations 
Formed — Villa  Rica  Affairs — Vessels  Built — Pleasure  Excur- 
sions. 

A pompous  reception  was  accorded  the  imperial 
prisoner.  With  no  small  ceremony  was  he  conducted 
to  apartments  adjoining  those  of  Cortes,  as  selected 
by  himself,  and  there  surrounded  by  all  accustomed 
comforts  and  every  show  of  greatness.  At  hand  were 
his  favorite  wives,  his  most  devoted  servants;  he  held 
court  daily,  received  ambassadors,  issued  orders,  and 
with  the  aid  of  his  learned  jurists  administered  justice. 
To  outward  appearance  the  monarch  was  as  absolute 
as  ever;  yet  Montezuma  knew  that  his  glory  had 
departed,  that  the  continued  forms  of  greatness  were 
hollow,  and  that  his  power  was  but  the  power  of  a 
puppet.  He  was  wise  enough  to  know  that  a strong 
man  is  not  to  be  trusted  who  is  officiously  kind  to  a 
weak  one. 

Henceforth  the  power  of  the  nation,  in  the  hands 
of  these  insidious  strangers,  was  to  be  directed  against 
himself.  It  was  a cunning  policy,  craftily  conceived 
and  deftly  executed. 

Cortes  took  care  that  everything  round  the  pris- 
oner should  move  smoothly,  and  that  his  presence  in 
the  Spanish  quarters  should  appear  to  the  natives  a 

(309) 


310 


DOUBLY  REFINED  DEALINGS. 


voluntary  rather  than  an  enforced  visit.  To  his  more 
intimate  lords  and  subjects,  however,  who  knew  better 
his  condition,  and  who  sometimes  urged  him  to  return 
to  his  palace,  the  poor  captive  would  say,  “Ah,  no! 
it  is  the  will  of  the  gods  that  I remain  with  these 
men  and  be  guided  by  their  counsel.”  But  on  no 
account  must  the  imperial  influence  be  allowed  for  the 
present  to  decline  before  the  people.  The  deception 
must  be  continued,  and  the  dignity  of  the  sovereign 
upheld  by  a deferential  attention  as  profound  as  that 
which  was  shown  before  his  imprisonment.  Daily, 
after  prayers,  the  Spanish  general  came  to  pay  his 
respects,  attended  by  several  of  his  captains,  more 
frequently  Alvarado,  Velazquez,  and  Ordaz,  and  to 
receive  the  imperial  commands  with  respect  to  his 
comforts,  pleasures,  and  duties.  On  these  occasions, 
and  indeed  whenever  he  appeared  before  the  emperor, 
says  Bernal  Diaz,  Cortes  set  the  example  to  his 
followers  by  doffing  his  hat  and  bowing  low,  and  never 
did  he  presume  to  sit  in  the  royal  presence  until 
requested  to  do  so. 

Yet  a most  unpleasant  reminder  to  the  monarch 
of  his  circumscribed  authority  was  the  ever  present 
guard  in  and  around  his  apartments.1  This  was  under 
the  command  of  Juan  Velazquez  de  Leon,  who  en- 
forced the  strictest  watch,  particularly  when  it  became 
known  that  Montezuma’s  courtiers  lost  no  opportunity 
to  urge  escape,  and  that  he  lent  them  a not  unwilling 
ear,  despite  the  professed  desire  to  remain  with  the 
Spaniards.  Among  the  several  schemes  with  this 
object  are  mentioned  bored  walls,  tunnels  beneath 
the  palace,  and  an  attempt  by  the  emperor  himself 
to  leap  from  the  summit  of  the  building  into  a safe 
receptacle  prepared  for  him.2 

1 ‘ Le  did  en  guarda  ;i  un  capitan,  d de  noche  <5  de  dia  siempre  estaban 
espafioles  en  su  presencia.’  Tapia,  Bel.,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  5S0.  This 
captain  appears  to  have  been  Juan  Velazquez,  whose  place  was  taken  by  Olid, 
when  required.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad. , 77,  86. 

2 ‘ Se  quiso  echar  de  vna  a<?utea  de  diez  estados  en  alto,  para  que  los  suyos 
le  recibiessen,  sino  le  detuuiera  vu  Castellano ....  Denoche  y de  dia  procurauan 
de  sacarle,  oradando  a cada  passo  las  paredcs,  y ecliando  fuego  por  las  azuteas.’ 


THE  CAPTIVITY. 


311 


Espionage  was  also  established  on  the  emperor 
in  liis  intercourse  with  courtiers,  by  placing  in  the 
apartment  the  page  Orteguilla,  who  had  acquired  a fair 
knowledge  of  Aztec.  Of  prepossessing  appearance, 
agreeable  and  sprightly  in  manner,  the  youth  became 
a favorite  with  the  captive  king.  Among  other  things, 
the  little  spy  gave  the  monarch  an  insight  into  Spanish 
customs  and  proceedings  at  home  and  abroad,  into 
the  power  and  grandeur  of  the  Castilian  king,  and 
into  the  mysteries  of  the  faith.  Being  constantly 
together  they  grew  familiar,  Montezuma  delighting 
to  play  pranks  on  the  boy,  throwing  aloft  his  hat, 
and  laughing  at  his  efforts  to  regain  it.  These  tricks 
were  always  followed  by  a liberal  reward.3 

Montezuma  was  indeed  most  liberal  with  all  who 
came  in  contact  with  him,  as  became  the  character  of 
a great  and  rich  prince.  Not  only  jewels,  robes,  and 
curiosities,  but  male  and  female  slaves,  were  freely 
dispensed,  partly  no  doubt  with  a view  to  secure  good 
treatment  from  the  guard.  A considerate  thought- 
fulness and  gentle  manner  added  to  his  popularity, 
and  “whenever  he  ordered,”  says  the  old  soldier,  “we 
llew  to  obey.”  The  inconsiderate  pride  and  selfishness 
of  the  independent  monarch  seems  to  have  disappeared 
in  the  prisoner,  yet  like  the  captive  hawk  he  was  sub- 
missive only  to  his  masters.  Orteguilla  kept  him 
informed  of  the  rank  and  character  of  the  men,  and 
became  the  recognized  medium  for  his  favors.  He  rep- 
resented, for  instance,  that  Bernal  Diaz  longed  to  be 
the  master  of  a pretty  maiden,  and  Montezuma, 
having  noticed  the  exceeding  deference  of  the  soldier, 
called  him,  saying  that  he  would  bestow  on  him  a 

The  result  was  an  increase  of  the  guard,  Alvarez  Chico  being  placed  with 
60  men  to  watch  the  rear  of  the  quarters,  and  Andres  de  Monjarraz  the  front, 
with  the  same  number,  each  watch  consisting  of  twenty  men.  Herrera,  dec. 
ii.  lib.  viii.  cap.  iii.  Bernal  Diaz  intimates  that  the  guarding  of  Montezuma 
proved  a severe  strain  on  the  soldiers ; but,  situated  as  they  were,  vigilance 
was  ever  required,  and  still  greater  must  have  been  the  danger  had  he  not 
been  in  their  power. 

3 Herrera  calls  him  Pena,  which  may  have  been  one  of  his  names,  dec.  ii. 
lib.  viii.  cap.  v.  Bernal  Diaz  assumes  that  Montezuma  asked  Cortes  to  give 
him  the  page,  after  the  execution  of  Quauhpopoea.  Hist.  Venlua.,  To. 


I 


312  DOUBLY  REFINED  DEALINGS. 

fine  young  woman,  whom  he  must  treat  well,  for  she 
was  the  daughter  of  a chief.  He  also  gave  him  three 
quoits  of  gold  and  two  loads  of  robes.4  The  gift  came 
from  the  emperor’s  harem,  from  which  he  frequently 
drew  to  please  those  whom  he  delighted  to  honor. 
The  vacancies  thus  created  were  filled  from  noble 
families,  who  like  those  of  more  advanced  countries 
regarded  it  an  honor  for  a daughter  to  occupy  the 
position  of  royal  concubine.  After  his  imprisonment 
Montezuma  seems  to  have  disposed  of  his  wives  quite 
rapidly,  a number  of  them  falling  to  leading  Span- 
iards.5 To  Cortes  he  offered  for  the  second  time  a 
daughter,  prettier  than  the  one  given  him  on  the  day 
of  his  capture,  but  in  this  instance  the  gift  was  de- 
clined in  favor  of  Olid,  who  accepted  her,  together 
with  any  number  of  presents,  and  was  henceforth 
treated  as  a relative  by  her  imperial  father.  Both 
she  and  the  sister  with  Cortes  were  baptized.6 

The  soldiers  generally  were  by  no  means  forgotten 
in  the  distribution  of  women  and  other  gifts,  and  in 
course  of  time  the  quarter  became  so  crowded  with 
male  and  female  attendants  that  Cortes  found  it  nec- 

4 The  bride  was  named  Francisca.  Hist.  Verdad. , 77.  As  an  instance  of 
Montezuma’s  eagerness  to  gratify  the  Spaniards,  and  at  the  same  time  to  ex- 
hibit his  own  power,  it  is  related  that  one  day  a hawk  pursued  a pigeon  to  the 
very  cot  in  the  palace,  amid  the  plaudits  of  the  soldiers.  Among  them  was 
Francisco  the  dandy,  former  maestresala  to  the  admiral  of  Castile,  who  loudly 
expressed  the  wish  to  obtain  possession  of  the  hawk  and  to  tame  him  for  fal- 
conry. Montezuma  heard  him,  and  gave  his  hunters  orders  to  catch  it,  which 

9 they  did.  Id. ; Gomara,  Hist.  Mrx. , 125. 

5 Duran  states  that  the  soldiers  discovered  a house  filled  with  women, 
supposed  to  be  wives  of  Montezuma,  and  hidden  to  be  out  of  the  reach  of  the 
white  men.  He  assumes  that  gratitude  would  have  made  the  Spaniards 
respect  them ; or,  if  the  women  were  nuns,  that  respect  for  virtue  must  have 
obtained. 

6 Cortes’  protdg6e  being  named  Ana.  Quite  a number  of  the  general’s  fol- 
lowers declare  in  their  testimony  against  him,  in  1528,  that  he  assumed  the 
intimate  protectorship  of  two  or  even  three  of  Montezuma’s  daughters, 
the  second  being  called  In (5s,  or  by  others  Isabel,  the  wife  of  Grado,  and 
afterward  of  Gallcgo.  ‘ Tres  fijas  de  Montezuma  e que  las  dos  dellas  an  parido 
del  e la  otra  murio  preiiada  del  quando  se  perdio  esta  cibdad.  ’ Tirado,  in  Cortes, 
Residencia,  ii.  39,  241,  244;  i.  63,  99,  221,  263.  Intrigues  are  mentioned  with 
other  Indian  princesses.  Vetancurt  assumes  that  two  noble  maidens  were 
given,  one  of  whom  Olid  received.  Teatro  Mex. , pt.  iii.  133;  Torquemada,  i. 
462.  Bernal  Diaz  supposes  that  this  is  the  first  daughter  offered  by  Monte- 
zuma, and  he  believes  evidently  that  Cort6s  accepts  her,  to  judge  by  a later 
reference.  Hist.  Verdad.,  85,  102. 


GATHERING  IN  OF  TREASURES. 


313 


essary  to  issue  an  order  reducing  the  number  to 
one  female  servant  for  each  man.  Informed  of  this, 
Montezuma  instructed  his  mayordomo  to  provide 
good  accommodation  and  sustenance  for  them  else- 
where.1 * * * * * 7 

Encouraged  by  this  generosity,  Cortds  approached 
him  one  day  regarding  the  secreted  treasures,  which 
had  been  so  long  respected,  but  which  he  desired  to 
have  in  his  possession.  He  regretted  to  say  that 
his  graceless  soldiers  had  come  upon  the  treasure- 
chamber,  and  regardless  of  his  instructions  had  ab- 
stracted a number  of  jewels.  The  emperor  hastened 
to  reassure  him;  perhaps  he  understood  the  hint. 
The  contents  of  the  chamber  belonged  to  the  gods, 
he  said;  but  the  gold  and  silver  might  freely  be  taken 
so  long  as  the  rest  was  left.8  He  would  give  more, 
if  required.  Cortes  did  not  scruple  to  avail  himself  of 
the  permission,  by  appropriating  for  himself  and  his 
intimate  friends  a large  share.  So  charged  the  dis- 
contented soldiers,  but  the  main  portion  appears  to 
have  been  reserved  for  the  general  distribution  not 
long  after.  Although  the  most  valuable  part  of  this 
collection  had  been  freely  surrendered,  the  soldiers 
hesitated  not  to  seize  also  upon  other  effects,  such  as 
liquid  amber  and  several  hundred  loads  of  cotton 
fabrics.  Cortes  wished  to  restore  them,  but  Monte- 
zuma declined,  saying  that  he  never  received  anything 
back.9  On  another  occasion  the  Spaniards  discovered 
the  imperial  warehouse  for  cacao  beans,  the  most 
common  currency  of  the  country,  and  for  some  time 


1 Herrera  states  that  Cortes’  order  was  prompted  by  a consideration  for 

the  heavy  expense  to  Montezuma.  The  latter  remonstrated  at  this  economical 

fit,  and  commanded  that  double  rations  should  be  provided  for  the  exiled, 

dec.  ii.  lib.  viii.  cap.  iv. 

8 Tapia , Rel. , in  fcazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  580.  ‘ Purchfe  non  tocchino  disse 

il  Re,  le  immagini  degli  Dei,  ne  ci6  che  c destinato  al  loro  culto,  prendano 

quanto  vogliono,’  is  Clavigero’s  free  interpretation  of  Ojeda’s  version.  Storia 

Mess.,  iii.  97;  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex. , 125. 

9 ‘Lo  q vna  vez  daua  no  lo  auia  de  tomar  a recibir.’  ‘Las  caxas  donde  la 
ropa  estaua,  eran  tan  grandes  que  llegauan  a las  vigas  de  los  aposentos,  y 
tau  anchas,  q despues  de  vacias,  se  alojaua  en  cada  vna  dos  Castellanos. 
Sacaron  al  patio  mas  de  mil  cargas  de  ropa.  ’ Herrera,  ii.  viii.  iv. 


314 


DOUBLY  REFINED  DEALINGS. 


made  nightly  raids  on  it  with  their  Indian  carriers. 
Cortes  proposed  to  mete  out  punishment  for  this, 
but  finding  that  Alvarado  was  a leading  culprit,  he 
dropped  the  matter  with  a private  reprimand.10 

Montezuma’s  good  nature  was  imposed  upon  in  more 
ways  than  one,  and  with  all  his  kindness  he  could  not 
command  consideration  from  the  rougher  soldiers  and 
sailors.  One  of  the  guard,  after  being  requested,  with 
a gift,  to  discontinue  certain  unseemly  acts,  repeated 
the  offence  in  the  hope  of  receiving  another  bribe ; but 
Montezuma  now  reported  him  to  his  captain,  and  he 
was  removed.  Cortes,  who  was  determined  to  enforce 
respect  for  the  captive,  inflicted  severe  punishment 
on  offenders  in  this  respect.  Tired  of  patrol  duty, 
Pedro  Lopez  said  one  day  in  the  hearing  of  Monte- 
zuma, “Confusion  on  this  dog  I By  guarding  him 
constantly,  I am  sick  at  stomach  unto  death  1”  Told 
of  this,  the  general  had  the  man  lashed  in  the  sol- 
diers’ hall,  and  this  regardless  of  his  standing  as  a 
good  soldier  and  an  archer  of  great  skill.  Another 
who  showed  insolence  to  the  emperor  was  ordered 
hanged,  but  escaped  with  a lashing  at  the  intercession 
of  the  captains  and  of  Montezuma.11  This  strictness 
insured  respect  not  only  for  the  emperor,  but  for 
Cortes,  so  that  the  quarter  became  most  exemplary 
for  its  good  order.12 

The  Spaniards  united  heartily  with  the  native  court- 
iers to  entertain  the  captive  and  to  remove  so  far  as 
possible  whatever  might  remind  him  of  his  lost  lib- 
erty. He  found  great  delight  in  their  military  exer- 
cises, which  recalled  the  faded  prowess  of  his  youth 

10 ‘Casa  de  Cacao,  de  Motecuhpuma,  adonde  avia  mas  de  quarenta  mil 
Cargas,  que  era  Gran  Riqueca,  porque  solia  valer  cada  Carga  quarenta  Cas- 
tellanos.’ Alvarado  alone  emptied  six  jars  of  600  loads.  Torquemada,  i.  472. 

11  The  man  had  insisted  that  Montezuma  should  have  a search  made  for 
two  of  his  missing  female  attendants.  The  emperor  did  not  wish  Spaniards 
punished  for  pilfering,  as  he  told  Cortes,  only  for  offering  insult  and  violence. 
In  such  cases  he  would  have  his  own  courtiers  lashed.  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib. 
viii.  cap.  v. 

12  ‘ Tinie  el  marques  tan  recogida  su  gente,  que  ninguno  salie  un  tiro  de 
arcabuz  del  aposento  sin  licencia,  6 asimismo  la  gente  tan  en  paz,  que  se  ave- 
rigub  nunca  rehir  uno  con  otro.’  Tapia,  Rel. , in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  586. 


THE  CAPTIVE’S  PASTIMES. 


315 


and  exhibited  the  tactics  which  contributed  so  power- 
fully to  Spanish  supremacy  over  native  arms.  He 
also  enjoyed  sports,  and  among  games  the  totoloque 
was  his  favorite.  This  consisted  in  throwing  small 
golden  balls  at  pieces  of  the  same  metal  set  up  as 
targets  at  a certain  distance.  Five  points  won  the 
stakes.  Cortes  often  played  it  with  him,  and  Alva- 
rado, who  kept  count  for  the  general,  usually  marked 
more  points  than  he  was  entitled  to.  Montezuma 
playfully  protested  against  such  marking,  although 
what  Cortes  won  he  gave  to  the  Mexican  attend- 
ants, while  Montezuma  presented  his  gains  to  the 
Spanish  guard.13 

Montezuma  was  at  times  allowed  to  visit  his 
palaces,  and  to  enjoy  the  hunting-field,  but  these  trips 
were  of  rare  occurrence,  owing  to  the  danger  of 
popular  demonstrations.14  On  such  occasions,  says 
Cortes,  the  escort  of  prominent  Mexicans  numbered 
at  least  three  thousand.  The  first  time  Montezuma 
requested  this  privilege  it  was  for  the  purpose  of 
offering  prayer  and  sacrifice  at  the  great  temple,  as 
required  by  his  gods,  he  said;  and  although  Cortes 
did  not  like  the  arrangement,  his  prisoner  convinced 
him  that  this  public  demonstration  was  necessary, 
in  order  to  show  the  people  that  he  was  not  kept 
in  compulsory  confinement,  but  remained  with  the 

13  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdacl.,  77.  ‘Un  giuoco,  che  gli  Spagnuoli  chiama- 
vano  il  bodoque.’  Clavigero,  Storia  Mess. , iii.  97.  Bodoque  signifies  balls  in 
this  connection.  When  Alvarado  lost,  he  with  great  show  of  liberality  paid  in 
chalchiuites,  stones  which  were  highly  treasured  by  the  natives,  but  worth 
nothing  to  the  Spaniards.  Montezuma  paid  in  quoits,  worth  at  least  50  ducats. 
One  day  he  lost  40  or  50  quoits,  and  with  pleasure,  since  it  gave  him  the 
opportunity  to  be  generous.  B.  V.  de  Tapia  testifies  that  Alvarado  used  to 
cheat  iu  playing  cards  with  him  and  others.  Cortes,  Residencici,  i.  51-2.  Another 
way  of  gratifying  this  bent  was  to  accept  trifles  from  the  Spaniards  and  liber- 
ally compensate  them.  Alonso  de  Ojeda,  for  instance,  had  a silk-embroidered 
satchel  with  many  pockets,  for  which  Montezuma  gave  him  two  pretty  slaves, 
beside  a number  of  robes  and  jewels.  Ojeda  wrote  a memoir  on  the  conquest, 
of  which  Herrera  makes  good  use.  dec.  ii.  lib.  viii.  cap.  v. 

14  ‘Fu6  muchas  veces  A holgar  con  cinco  6 seis  espanoles  A,  una  y dos  leguas 
fuera  de  la  ciudad.  ’ Cortes,  Cartas,  92.  Both  .the  times  and  the  number  of  the 
Spaniards  are  doubtful,  however.  ‘ Quando  salia  a cacar ....  Lleuaua  ocho  o 
diez  Espanoles  en  guarda  de  la  persona,  y tres  mil  Mexicanos  entre  seliores, 
caualleros,  criados,  y ca^adores.’  Gomara,  Ilist.  Hex. , 124;  Jxllilxochill,  Hist. 
Chick.,  297. 


316 


DOUBLY  REFINED  DEALINGS. 


strangers  at  the  order  of  the  deity  he  was  about  to 
consult.  Four  captains  were  appointed  to  escort  him 
with  a guard  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  soldiers,  and 
he  was  warned  that  any  attack  upon  them,  or  any 
attempt  at  rescue,  would  result  in  his  own  death.  He 
was  carried  in  a rich  litter,  attended  by  a brilliant 
procession  of  nobles,  and  preceded,  according  to  cus- 
tom, by  a dignitary  bearing  the  triple  wand  which 
indicated  that  the  emperor  was  approaching  and  de- 
manded loyal  veneration. 

On  reaching  the  temple  the  imperial  worshipper 
stepped  forth,  leaning  on  the  arms  of  his  relatives, 
and  was  assisted  to  the  summit.  Human  sacrifices 
had  been  forbidden,  and  Father  Olmedo  came  to 
watch  over  the  observance  of  the  order;  but  it  appears 
that  four  captives  had  been  offered  during  the  night, 
and  despite  the  remonstrances  of  the  friar  the  at- 
tendant rites  went  on.15  The  captains  thought  it 
prudent  not  to  exceed  a protest,  and  congratulated 
themselves  when  the  ceremony  was  ended  and  the 
emperor  safely  back  in  their  quarters. 

A fortnight  after  the  seizure  of  Montezuma, Quauh- 
popoca  arrived  in  the  capital,  accompanied  by  his  son 
and  fifteen  of  his  staff.  He  made  his  entry  with  the 
pomp  befitting  a powerful  governor  and  a relative  of 
the  sovereign,  and  hastened  to  the  palace.  As  was 
customary  with  subjects  who  were  about  to  appear  in 
the  imperial  presence,  the  rich  robes  were  covered  with 
a coarse  cloak,  in  token  of  humiliation.  His  master 
received  him  with  a stern  countenance,  and  signified 
his  displeasure  at  the  proceedings  which  under  pretext 
of  his  authority  had  caused  loss  of  Spanish  life.  No 
attention  was  paid  to  explanations,  and  he  was  sur- 
rendered with  his  followers  to  the  Spaniards,  to  be 
dealt  with  as  they  thought  fit.16  Cortes  held  a trial : 

15  Bernal  Diaz  intimates  that  more  sacrifices  were  made  in  their  presence. 

‘ Y no  podiamos  en  aquella  sazon  hazer  otra  cosa  sino  dissimular  con  hi.  ’ Hist. 
Ven lad.,  78. 

16  Bernal  Diaz  admits  that  he  knows  not  what  occurred  between  governor 


QUAUHPOPOCA  BURNED. 


317 


he  was  a shrewd  inquisitor,  and  his  sentence  was  sure 
to  accord  with  his  own  interests.  “Are  you  a vassal 
of  Montezuma?”  he  asked  of  Quauhpopoca.  “What 
else  could  I be?”  was  the  reply.  “Did  you  attack 
Spaniards  by  his  order?”  The  prisoner  was  in  a most 
serious  dilemma.  At  first  he  refused  to  implicate  the 
emperor,  but  finding  that  his  fate  was  sealed  he  con- 
fessed having  acted  under  his  orders.17  This  could 
not  avail  him,  however,  for  in  obeying  his  master  he 
had  injured  the  subjects  and  outraged  the  laws  and 
majesty  of  the  Spanish  king,  who  was  sovereign  of 
all,  and  this  demanded  punishment. 

The  fact  was  that  Spanish  prestige,  on  which  so 
much  depended,  had  suffered  through  the  machina- 
tions of  the  governor,  and  it  was  considered  necessary 
to  restore  it.  Therefore  it  was  decreed  that  Quauh- 
popoca, with  his  son  and  officers,  should  be  burned 
alive  in  the  plaza,  before  the  palace.  Cortes  availed 
himself  of  the  opportunity  to  seize  all  the  arms  in  the 
arsenals,18  and  therewith  build  a pyre  worthy  such 
noted  offenders. 

When  all  was  ready  Cortes  presented  himself  before 
the  emperor,  and  announced  with  a severe  tone  that  the 
evidence  of  the  condemned  showed  their  acts  to  have 
been  authorized  by  him,  and  as  a life  called  for  a life, 
according  to  Spanish  laws,  he  deserved  death.  Cortes, 
however,  loved  him — for  himself,  his  generosity,  and 
services  he  loved  him  too  dearly  to ' let  justice  have 

« 

and  monarch,  but  Herrera  claims  to  be  better  informed.  Barefooted,  and  with 
eyes  upon  the  floor,  Quauhpopoca  approached  the  throne  and  said : ‘ Most  great' 
and  most  powerful  lord,  thy  slave  Quauhpopoca  has  come  at  thy  bidding,  and 
awaits  thy  orders.  ’ He  had  done  wrong,  was  the  reply,  to  kill  the  Spaniards, 
and  then  declare  that  he  had  orders  so  to  do.  For  this  he  should  suffer  as  a 
traitor  to  his  sovereign  and  to  the  strangers.  He  was  not  allowed  to  make 
any  explanations,  dec.  ii.  lib.  viii.  cap.  ix.  It  is  not  uulikely  that  Montezuma 
commanded  him  not  to  reveal  anything  that  might  implicate  his  master, 
hoping  that  Cort6s  would  out  of  regard  for  his  generous  host  inflict  a com- 
paratively light  punishment. 

17  ‘Examinaron  los  segunda  vez,  con  mas  rigor,  y amenazas  de  tormento,  y 
sin  discrepar  todos  confessaron,  ’ says  Herrera,  loc.  cit. 

18  ‘ En  vna  de  las  casas  reales  dicha  Tlacochalco.  ’ Herrera,  loc.  cit.  ‘B 
serien  mas  que  quinientas  carretadas.’  Tapia,  Rel.,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc., 
ii.  bS4. 


318 


DOUBLY  REFINED  DEALINGS. 


its  course,  and  would  take  on  himself  tc  appease 
its  demands  by  a nominal  punishment.19  He  then 
turned  on  his  heel,  while  one  of  the  soldiers  clasped  a 
pair  of  shackles  round  the  prisoner’s  ankles,  and  the 
mighty  emperor  of  the  Aztecs  was  ironed.  For  a 
moment  Montezuma  stood  rooted  to  the  floor.  Then 
he  groaned  with  anguish  at  this  the  greatest  indignity 
ever  offered  his  sacred  person.  He  trembled  with  ap- 
prehension at  what  might  yet  follow.  His  courtiers 
were  no  less  afflicted,  and  with  tears  in  their  eyes  they 
knelt  to  lessen  the  weight  at  least  of  the  shameful  bonds, 
and  with  bandages  to  relieve  the  imperial  limbs.20 

Meanwhile  the  troops  formed  an  imposing  cordon 
in  front  of  the  palace  to  prevent  a rescue  of  the  con- 
demned as  they  were  led  out  and  tied  to  the  stake. 
Writhing  with  pain,  yet  mute  as  became  brave  war- 
riors, with  the  ascending  smoke  from  Aztec  shields 
and  darts  they  rendered  up  their  anguished  souls.  It 
was  rare  strategy  thus  with  the  offenders  to  destroy 
the  means  of  offence.  Supposing  that  the  execution 
was  by  imperial  sanction,  the  populace  tacitly  assented, 
gazing  on  the  horrid  spectacle  with  pallid  faces  and 
bated  breath.  Though  accustomed  to  scenes  like  this 
in  connection  with  their  religious  festivals,  it  appeared 
terrible  when  perpetrated  by  foreigners,  to  the  dreary 
sound  of  muffled  drums.21 

19  ‘ Me  has  negado  no  auer  mitdado  a CouatlpopocA  q matasse  a mis  com- 
paueros,  no  lo  has  hecho  como  tan  gran  seiior  que  eres, ....  porque  no  quedes 
sin  algun  castigo,  y tn  y los  tuyos  sepays  quanto  vale  el  tratar  verdad,  te  ma- 
dare  echar  prisiones.  ’ Herrera  implies  with  this  that  Cort6s  laid  more  weight 
on  the  disregard  for  truth  than  on  the  authorization  of  the  outrage,  dec.  ii.  lib. 
viii.  cap.  ix.  ‘ Que  ya  que  aquella  culpa  tuuiesse,  que  antes  la  pagaria  el  Cortes 
porsu  persona,  que  verselapassaral  Monteijuma.  ’ Bernal  Diaz , Hist.  Verdad. , 75. 

20  ‘ Esto  hizo  por  ocupar  le  el  pensamiento  en  sus  duelos,  y dexasse  los 
ajenos.  ’ Gomara,  Hist.  Mex. , 129.  ‘ Todo  k fin  de  espantarle  mas.  ’ IxtlilxochUl, 
Hist.  Chich.,  298. 

21  Solis  seems  to  say  that  the  bodies  were  burned  after  execution,  Hist.  Mex., 
i.  461-2,  but  Cortes  and  others  are  frank  enough  about  the  actual  burning, 
which  was  not  regarded  in  that  cruel  age  with  the  same  aversion  as  by  us. 
Instances  are  to  be  found  in  the  Native  Daces,  ii.-iii.,  where  this  ordeal  was 
undergone  by  criminals  as  well  as  temple  victims  among  the  Aztecs.  Bernal 
Diaz  gives  the  names  of  two  of  Quauhpopoca’s  companions  in  misfortune, 
Quiabuitle  and  Coatl.  Hist.  Verdad.,  75.  Prescott,  Mex. , ii.  173,  states  that 
the  execution  took  place  in  the  court-yard ; but  this  is  probably  a misprint,  to 
judge  by  his  own  text. 


THE  FOX’S  DEEP  LOVE. 


319 


All  being  over,  Cortes  reentered  the  apartments 
of  Montezuma  with  his  captains,  and  kneeling  down 
he  himself  took  off  the  fetters,  declaring  that  he  felt 
deeply  grieved  at  the  infliction,  for  he  loved  him  as  a 
brother.  The  monarch  became  almost  hysteric  with 
joy  at  this  deliverance,  and  with  falling  tears  he  ex- 
pressed himself  in  abject  terms  of  gratitude,  like  the 
dog  licking  the  hand  which  has  chastised  it.  Every 
fresh  incident  reveals  some  new  trait  in  the  character 
of  this  unhappy  man  which  calls  for  pity  or  contempt. 
“Yet  further,”  continued  Cortes,  “to  show  my  deep 
regard  and  confidence,  you  are  now  at  full  liberty  to 
return  to  your  own  house.”  But  Montezuma  under- 
stood well  enough  that  these  were  but  words,  an 
empty  offer ; indeed  he  had  been  informed  by  the  well 
prompted  page  that,  although  the  general  might  wish 
to  release  him,  the  Spanish  captains  would  never  permit 
it.22  He  accordingly  expressed  his  thanks,  and  said  that 
he  preferred  to  remain  with  him,  giving  as  a reason 
that,  were  he  free,  the  importunities  of  his  relatives 
and  nobles  to  attack  the  Spaniards  might  prevail  over 
his  friendship  for  them  and  their  king,  and  this  would 
entail  not  only  loss  of  life  on  both  sides,  but  the  ruin 
of  the  city.  Thereupon  Cortes  embraced  him  with 
every  appearance  of  deep  devotion,  and  said,  “Next 
to  my  king  you  shall  be  king;  vast  as  are  your  pos- 
sessions, I will  make  you  ruler  of  more  and  greater 
provinces.23 

We  can  imagine  the  words  by  which  the  Spaniards 
might  justify  to  themselves  the  death  of  Quauhpo- 

22  ‘A  lo  que  entendimos,  6 lo  mas  cierto,  Cortes  auia  dicho  A Aguilar  la 
lengua,  que  le  dixesse  de  secreto,  que  aunque  Malinche  le  mandasse  salir  de 
la  prrsion,  que  los  Capitanes  nuestros,  6 soldados  no  querriamos.  ’ Bernal  Diaz, 
Hist.  Verdad.,  75. 

23  ■ pu(5  tanto  el  buen  tratamiento  que  yo  le  hice,  y el  contentamiento  que 
de  ml  tenia,  que  algunas  veees  y muchas  le  acometi  con  su  libertad,  rogandole 
que  fuese  <L  su  casa,  y me  dijo  todas  las  veces  que  se  lo  decia,  que  61  estaba 
bien  alii,’  etc.  Cortes,  Cartas,  91.  ‘No  osaua,  de  miedo  que  los  suyos  no  le 
matassen ....  por  auer  se  dexado  prender,  ’ is  one  of  the  suppositions  of  Gomara, 
who  calls  him  a man  of  little  heart.  Hist.  M ex. , 129-30.  Peter  Martyr  appears 
to  be  moved  rather  by  pity  for  him.  dec.  v.  cap.  iii.  ‘ Non  gli  conveniva  ritor- 
nare  al  suo  palagio,  mentre  fossero  nella  Corte  gli  Spagnuoli.  ’ Clavigero,  Storia 
Hess.,  iii.  102. 


320 


DOUBLY  REFINED  DEALINGS. 


poca,  but  we  cannot  understand  the  object  in  degrading 
the  emperor  in  the  eyes  of  his  subjects— an  act  which 
they  had  hitherto  been  so  careful  to  avoid — unless  it 
was  to  lift  themselves  in  their  own  esteem  and  that 
of  the  natives,  far  above  the  highest  American  princes 
and  powers,  and  to  impress  the  sacredness  of  their 
persons  on  the  minds  of  the  Indians.  Further  than 
this,  they  seemed  to  think  some  punishment  of  the 
emperor  necessary,  either  because  he  had  authorized 
the  Nautla  outrage,  or  because  he  had  countenanced 
it  by  neglecting  to  reprimand  the  perpetrators.  At 
all  events,  the  effect  was  salutary,  so  much  so  that 
Spaniards  were  to  be  seen  wandering  singly  about  the 
country  without  fear  of  molestation.24 

This  effect,  which  extended  also  to  adjoining  inde- 
pendent provinces,  enabled  Cortes  to  carry  out  the 
long -cherished  project  of  gathering  information  on 
the  condition  of  the  country,  particularly  its  political 
feeling  and  its  mineral  resources.  Montezuma  readily 
gave  the  aid  requested  by  providing  maps  and  officials 
to  guide  the  exploring  parties.  The  first  investigations 
were  directed  to  the  upper  parts  of  Rio  Zacatula  and  to 
Miztecapan,  some  eighty  leagues  south  of  the  capital, 
and  to  the  northern  branches  of  the  Papaloapan, 
whence  most  of  the  gold  was  said  to  come.25  The 

21  ‘Como  este  castigo  se  supo  en  todas  las  Prouincias  de  la  Nueua-Espaiia, 
temieron,  y los  pueblos  de  la  costa,  adonde  mataron  nuestros  soldados, 
bolvieron  A servir.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Vs/ dad.,  75-6,  comments  upon  the 
daring  of  the  Spaniards  in  carrying  out  these  and  similar  high-handed  acts. 
For  a short  time  after  this,  says  Herrera,  the  soldiers  were  ordered  to  sleep 
on  their  arms,  in  case  of  any  demonstration,  dec.  ii.  lib.  viii.  cap.  ix.  Clavi- 
gero  regards  the  burning  as  unjustifiable,  since  the  emperor  was  regarded  as 
having  authorized  it.  If  he  was  not  guilty,  the  Spaniards  were  ungrateful  to 
treat  him  as  they  did.  Storia  Mess.,  iii.  101.  Robertson  finds  some  excuse 
for  Quauhpopoca’s  punishment,  but  calls  the  humiliation  of  Montezuma  a 
wanton  display  of  power.  Hist.  Am.,  ii.  63,  453-4.  Prescott,  on  the  other 
hand,  regards  the  humiliation  as  politic,  on  the  ground  that  by  rendering  the 
monarch  contemptible  in  the  eyes  of  his  subjects,  he  was  obliged  to  rely 
more  on  the  Spaniards.  Mex.,  ii.  177.  But  this  would  hardly  have  been 
necessary  since  he  was  in  their  power,  and  considering  that  the  object  of 
keeping  him  so  was  to  control  the  country,  it  would  have  been  better  not  to 
degrade  him. 

25  ‘ Donde  mas  oro  se  solia  traer,  que  era  de  vna  Provincia  que  se  dize, 
Zacatula. . . .de  otra  Provincia,  que  se  dize  Gustepeque,  cerca  de  donde  des- 
embarcamos ....  6 que  cerca  de  aquella  Provincia  ay  otras  buenas  minas,  en 


EXPEDITIONS. 


321 


Zacatula  party  was  headed  by  Pilot  Gonzalo  de  Um- 
bria, in  compensation  perhaps  for  the  loss  of  his  feet 
at  Villa  Pica.  He  returned  before  the  other  parties, 
within  the  forty  days  allowed  for  the  trip,  and  brought 
about  three  hundred  pesos’  worth  of  gold  dust,  washed 
out  in  dishes  from  three  rivers,  by  order  of  the  ca- 
cique. Two  chiefs  accompanied  him,  bearing  gold 
presents  of  nearly  the  same  value  as  the  dust,  and 
offering  allegiance  to  the  Spaniards  in  the  name  of 
their  caciques.26  Small  as  was  the  treasure,  it  afforded 
a substantial  proof  of  the  glowing  report  of  Umbria. 
He  had  passed  through  three  beautiful  and  fertile 
provinces,  filled  with  towns  containing  buildings  equal 
to  any  in  Spain.  He  described  a fortress  finer  in 
appearance  and  stronger  than  the  castle  of  Burgos, 
and  the  people  of  Tamazulapan  as  most  superior  in 
dress  and  intelligence.27 

Another  party , under  one  Pizarro,28proceeded  south- 
eastward, through  Tochtepec  and  Malinaltepec,  both 
of  which  yielded  them  gold  dust  to  the  value  of  about 
three  hundred  pesos.  Descending  along  the  northern 
fork  of  Papaloapan,  they  reached  the  country  of  the 
Chinantecs,  hostile  to  the  Aztecs  who  had  taken  some 
of  the  border  towns.  Their  independence  had  not 
otherwise  been  affected,  owing  to  their  mountain 
fastnesses,  their  warlike  spirit,  and  their  formidable 
weapons,  which  were  pikes  about  twenty  feet  in  length. 


parte  que  no  son  sujetos,  que  se  dizen,  los  Chinatecas,  y Capotecas.’  Bernal 
Diaz,  Hist.  Verclad.,  81.  Montezuma  detailed  two  persons  for  each  of  four 
provinces  where  gold  was  to  be  had,  and  Cort6s  gave  two  Spaniards  for  each 
couple.  The  provinces  named  were  Cuzula,  Tamazulapa,  Malinaltepeque, 
Tenis.  Cortes,  Cartas,  92-3.  Of  the  eight  Indians,  four  were  miners  or  gold- 
smiths, and  the  others  guides.  Oomara,  Hist.  Alex.,  130.  Chimalpain  names 
the  provinces:  Tamazcilan,  in  upper  Miztecapan,  Malinaltepec  and  Tenich, 
both  on  the  same  river,  and  Tututepec,  twelve  leagues  farther,  in  the  Xicayan 
country.  Hist.  Conq.,  i.  254—5. 

26  ‘ Con  tal,  que  los  de  Culua  no  entrassen  en  su  tierra.  ’ They  were  re- 
assured and  dismissed  with  presents.  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  ix.  cap.  i. 

21  ‘Cortes  se  holgd  tanto  con  el  oro  como  si  fueran  treinta  mil  pesos,  en 
saber  cierto  que  avia  buenas  minas.’  Bernal  Diaz  intimates  beside  that  Um- 
bria and  his  two  companions  had  provided  themselves  with  plenty  of  gold. 
Hist.  Verdwl.,  81-2. 

28  A young  man  of  25  years,  whom  Cortes  treated  as  a relative.  With  him 
went  four  Spaniards  who  understood  mining,  and  four  chiefs.  Id. 

Hist.  Mtx.,  Vol.  I.  21 


322 


DOUBLY  REFINED  DEALINGS. 


They  invited  the  Spaniards  to  enter,  but  would  not 
allow  the  Mexican  escort  to  cross  the  boundary.  The 
guides  warned  Pizarro  not  to  trust  himself  to  what 
they  termed  a treacherous  people,  but  after  a brief 
hesitation  he  advanced  and  received  a hearty  recep- 
tion. Aid  was  given  to  search  for  gold,  of  which 
seven  hundred  pesos’  worth  was  obtained  from  several 


rivers,  most  of  it  in  rough  grains.29  On  his  return  he 
brought  two  chiefs,  who  bore  presents  of  gold  from 
their  chief  cacique  Cohuatlicamac,  and  tendered  his 
allegiance  on  condition  that  the  Aztecs  should  not 
be  allowed  to  enter  the  country.  Finding  the  inhab- 
itants so  friendly  and  the  province  rich  in  resources, 
Pizarro  left  four  of  his  small  party  behind  to  establish 
cacao  and  maize  plantations  and  to  search  for  more 
gold.30 

29  ‘ En  granos  crespillos,  porque  dixeron  los  mineros,  que  aquello  era  de 

mas  duraderas  minas  como  de  nacimiento. ’ Id.,  82.  . _ 

30  Bernal  Diaz  names  them,  * Barrietos,  y Heredia  el  viejo,  y Escalona  el 


ORDAZ  VISITS  THE  COAST. 


323 


The  project  appears  to  have  found  favor  with  Cortes, 
who  besought  Montezuma  to  form  plantations  for  the 
king  also  in  his  adjoining  province  of  Malinaltepec. 
This  was  at  once  attended  to,  and  within  two  months 
four  substantial  houses  and  a vast  reservoir  had  been 
constructed,  and  a large  tract  of  land  brought  under 
cultivation,  the  improvements  being  valued  at  twenty 
thousand  pesos  de  oro.31 

Another  important  object  was  to  find  a better  har- 
bor than  Villa  Rica,  and  the  emperor  being  consulted, 
he  at  once  ordered  a map  to  be  made,  which  showed 
very  accurately  not  only  the  rivers  and  inlets  already 
known  to  the  Spaniards,  between  Pdnuco  and  Tabasco, 
but  the  yet  unknown  Rio  Goazacoalco,  beyond  the 
Mexican  border.  This  being  said  to  have  a large  and 
deep  entrance,  Cortes  availed  himself  of  Ordaz’  offer 
to  examine  it.  Ten  men,  chiefly  sailors  and  pilots, 
and  some  guides,  accompanied  him,  and  authority 
was  given  to  take  escorts  from  the  frontier  garrisons. 
He  proceeded  to  Chalchiuhcuecan  or  San  Juan  de 
Ulua,  and  thence  followed  the  coast  examining  the 
inlets. 

On  reaching  the  frontier  complaints  became  nu- 
merous against  the  native  garrisons  by  reason  of  raids 
and  outrages,  and  supported  by  the  chiefs  who  attended 
him  he  reprimanded  the  commanders,  threatening  them 
with  the  fate  of  Quauhpopoca  unless  they  restrained 
the  troops.  They  used  to  extend  their  raids  into  the 
Goazacoalco  province,  but  were  at  present  somewhat 


moija,  y Cervantes  el  chocarrero,’  and  says  that  Cortes,  displeased  at  soldiers 
being  left  to  raise  fowl  and  cacao,  sent  Alonso  Luis  to  recall  them.  Hist.  Verdad. , 
82;  llerrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  ix.  cap.  i.  He  is  evidently  mistaken,  as  shown  by 
his  own  later  text,  for  Cortes  himself  states  that  he  sought  to  form  plantations 
in  that  direction.  The  recall  was  made  later  and  for  a different  reason. 

31  ‘ Estaban  sembradas  sesenta  hanegas  de  maiz  y diez  de  frijoles,  y dos 
mil  pi6s  de  cacap  [cacao] ....  hicieron  un  estanque  de  agua,  y en  el  pusieron 
quinientos  patos . . . y pusieron  hasta  mil  y quinientas  gallinas.  ’ Cortes,  Cartas, 
94 ; Peter  Martyr,  dec.  v.  cap.  iii.  Oviedo  writes  -that  farms  were  established 
for  the  king  in  two  or  three  provinces,  one  in  Cbimanta  [Chimantla],  The 
two  Spaniards  left  in  the  latter  were  saved,  but  elsewhere,  subject  to  the 
Aztecs,  they  were  killed  during  the  uprising  originated  by  Alvarado,  iii.  376. 
Tapia  refers  to  an  expedition  at  this  time  against  a revolted  province,  80 
leagues  off.  Pel.,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  584. 


324 


DOUBLY  REFINED  DEALINGS. 


guarded,  owing  to  a repulse  wherein  a numler  of 
comrades  had  perished.32 

Ordaz’  proceedings  served  him  well,  for  Tuchintlec, 
the  cacique  of  this  province,  sent  a deputation  of 
leading  men  to  extend  a welcome,  and  furnished 
canoes  and  men  to  aid  in  sounding  the  river.  The 
bar  was  found  to  be  at  least  two  fathoms  and  a half 
deep  at  low  water,  and  above  this,  for  twelve  leagues, 
the  soundings  showed  fully  five  fathoms,  with  a pros- 
pect of  an  equal  depth  for  some  distance,  whereupon 
the  pilots  expressed  the  opinion  that  the  channel  might 
be  a strait  leading  to  the  southern  sea.33  Ordaz  re- 
ceived not  only  presents  of  gold  and  pretty  women 
for  himself,  but  brought  with  him  messengers  bearing 

7 o o o 

jewels,  tiger-skins,  feathers,  and  precious  stones  for 
Cortes,  together  with  an  offer  of  allegiance  and  tribute 
similar  to  those  already  tendered  by  the  neighbors  of 
Tabasco.  His  report,  which  extolled  the  agricultural 
resources  as  well  as  the  port,  induced  the  general  to 
send  with  the  returning  messengers  another  party  to 
examine  these  features  more  thoroughly  and  to  test 
the  disposition  of  the  inhabitants.  They  again  sounded 
the  river,  selected  a town  site,  and  reported  in  favor  of 
a settlement.  The  cacique  also  expressed  himself  eager 
to  receive  settlers,  and  offered  to  begin  at  once  the  con- 
struction of  houses.  This  decided  Cortes  to  establish 
a colony  on  the  river,  and  in  April  Juan  Velazquez 
and  Rodrigo  Rangel  set  out  with  one  hundred  and 
fifty  men  to  carry  out  the  project.  This,  however, 
was  not  destined  to  be  so  speedily  accomplished.34 

Meanwhile  Villa  Rica  had  been  a source  of  no  small 
anxiety  to  Cortes.  He  had  appointed  Alonso  de  Grado 

32  ‘ Por  aquella  causa  llaman  oy  en  dia,  donde  aquella  guerra  passu,  Cuilo- 
nemiqui.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  82. 

33  Herrera,  loc.  cit.  ‘ Creyan  lo  que  desseauan,  ’ remarks  Gomara,  Hist. 
Mex.,  131. 

31  Cortes,  Cartas,  95, 116 ; Qomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  131-2.  Bernal  Diaz  throws 
boubt  on  the  expedition  of  V elazquez,  but  is  evidently  forgetful.  Hist.  Ver- 
dad. , 81-2.  ‘ El  sefior  de  la  provin<jia luego  hiijo  seys  [casas]  en  el  assiento 

6 parte  que  para  el  pueblo  se  senald.  ’ Oviedo  iii.  293.  Wte1"  Martyr  calls  these 
buildings  ‘ Tributaries’  houses.  ’ dec.  v.  cap.  iii. ; Cories,  Bcstdeiixia,  ii.  0,  49. 


GRADO  AT  VILLA  RICA. 


325 


to  fill  the  vacant  place  of  Escalante,  as  commander  of 
the  fortress,  and  as  his  lieutenant  in  the  district.  Grado 
was  a man  of  agreeable  presence  and  conversation,  and 
with  some  fame  amongj  his  comrades  as  a writer  and 
musician,  but  more  of  a braggart  than  a soldier,  with  de- 
cided sympathies  in  favor  of  Velazquez.  Indeed,  Bernal 
Diaz  charges  him  with  having  been  the  ringleader  of 
the  mutinous  demonstration  at  Tlascala.  Cortes  was 
well  acquainted  with  the  character  of  the  man ; but  his 
glib  tongue  had  evidently  overcome  the  prudence  of 
the  general,  or  else  he  preferred  a less  bold  spirit  than 
Escalante’s  at  this  post.  “Now,  Senor  Grado,”  said 
he  in  handing  him  his  commission,  “here  is  the  ful- 
filment of  your  long  felt  desire  of  going  to  Villa  Rica. 
Take  care  of  the  fort,  treat  the  Indians  well,  and  do 
not  undertake  any  expeditions  like  that  of  Escalante, 
or  you  may  meet  his  fate.”  “In  saying  this,”  adds 
Bernal  Diaz,  “he  gave  us  soldiers  a wink,  which  we 
readily  enjoyed,  knowing  well  enough  that  Grado 
would  not  venture  to  do  so,  even  under  penalty  of 
disgrace.”  The  office  of  alguacil  mayor,  held  by  the 
former  commander,  was  not  included  in  the  present 
commission,  but  was  given  to  Sandoval,  and  when 
Grado  remonstrated  he  was  promised  compensation 
in  due  time. 

On  reaching  Villa  Rica  the  evil  nature  of  the  man 
came  to  the  front.  He  assumed  pompous  demeanor, 
and  expected  the  settlers  to  serve  him  as  a great  lord, 
while  the  Totonacs  were  pressed  for  gold  and  female 
slaves.  The  fort  and  the  duties  connected  with  it  were 
neglected,  and  the  commander  spent  his  time  in  gor- 
mandizing and  gambling,  not  to  mention  the  secret 
efforts  to  undermine  his  general’s  influence  and  to  gain 
adherents  for  Velazquez.  This  soon  reached  the  ears  of 
Cortes,  who  felt  not  a little  annoyed  at  having  trusted 
such  a fellow.  He  recognized  the  necessity  of  intrust- 
ing this  district  to  one  thoroughly  devoted  to  himself, 
since  a fleet  from  Cuba  might  at  any  moment  arrive 
and  create  mischief.  Therefore  he  sent  Sandoval, 


326 


DOUBLY  REFINED  DEALINGS. 


who  was  brave  and  prudent,  as  well  as  loyal,  and  with 
him  Pedro  de  Ircio,  a former  equerry,  of  insinuating 
manners  and  gossiping  tongue,  whom  Sandoval  elevated 
to  a commanding  position.35 

Grado  was  immediately  sent  up  to  Mexico  under  a 
native  guard,  and  when  he  arrived,  with  hands  tied 
and  a noose  round  his  neck,  the  soldiers  derided  him, 
while  Cortes  felt  half  inclined  to  hang  the  fellow. 
After  a few  days’  exposure  in  the  stocks  he  was  re- 
leased, and  soon  his  smooth  persuasion  paved  once 
more  a way  to  the  favor  of  his  general,  with  whom 
he  became  so  reconciled  as  to  obtain  the  office  of  con- 
tador  not  long  afterward. 

Among  the  instructions  to  Sandoval  was  one  to 
send  to  Mexico  two  shipwrights  with  ship-building 
implements,  also  chains,  iron,  sails,  rope,  compass,  and 
everything  needful  to  fit  out  four  vessels  which  had 
been  placed  on  the  stocks  shortly  after  the  seizure  of 
the  emperor.36  The  object  was  to  afford  a means  for 
the  ready  movement  of  troops  and  for  escape  in  case 
of  an  uprising,  when  the  bridges  would  doubtless  be 
raised.  In  asking  Montezuma  for  aid  to  fell  and  pre- 
pare timber,  it  was  pretended  that  it  was  for  pleasure- 
boats  wherewith  to  entertain  him.  Under  the  able 
direction  of  Martin  Lopez  aided  by  Alonso  Nunez, 
the  master  carpenters,  they  were  completed  within  a 
few  weeks,  and  provided  with  four  guns  and  tiers  of 
oars,  affording  transport  for  three  hundred  men. 

33  He  had  served  as  equerry  in  the  noble  houses  of  the  Conde  de  Urena  and 
Pedro  Giron,  of  whose  affairs  he  was  always  prating.  His  propensity  for  tale- 
telling lost  him  many  friends,  but  he  managed  to  keep  intimate  with  Sandoval, 
whose  favors  he  afterward  repaid  with  ingratitude.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verda 
76,  246.  Gomara  insists  on  naming  him  as  the  comandante,  but  this  dig- 
nity he  attained  only  after  Sandoval  and  Rangel  had  held  it.  Cortis,  Residencia, 
i.  236;  Torquemada,  i.  456. 

36  ‘ Luego  que  entr6  en  la  dicha  ciudad  di  mucha  priesa  a facer  cuatro  ber- 
gantines ....  tales  que  podian  echar  trecientos  hombres  en  la  tierra  y llevar  los 
caballos.’  Cortes,  Cartas,  103;  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  v.  cap.  iv.  ‘ Quatro  fustas. ’ 
Camara,  Hist.  Mex. , 146.  ‘Dos  vergantines.  ’ Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  76. 
The  cedars  of  Tacuba,  numerous  enough  at  this  period,  yielded  much  of  the 
timber,  and  the  slopes  of  Iztaccihuatl  and  Telapon  the  harder  portion  for  masts, 
keels,  etc.  Mora,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Ceoy.,  Boletin,  ix.  301. 


BOATING  AND  HUNTING. 


327 


A hunting -trip  to  one  of  the  imperial  reserves 
across  the  lake  was  at  once  arranged.37  The  largest 
vessel  had  been  provided  with  awnings  and  other  com- 
forts for  the  reception  of  Montezuma,  his  suite,  and 
a strong  guard,  while  other  notables  were  accom- 
modated in  the  other  craft.  A volley  from  the  guns 
announced  their  arrival,  and  did  more  probably  to  in- 
spire respect  than  even  the  presence  of  majesty.  The 
vessels  were  accompanied  by  a fleet  of  canoes,  some 
holding  forty  or  more  courtiers,  hunters,  or  attendants. 
All  were  curious  to  see  how  the  winged  water-houses 
would  behave,  for  their  immense  size  was  supposed 
to  render  them  slow  and  clumsy.  A fair  breeze  was 
blowing,  however,  and  as  the  large  sails  unfurled,  the 
vessels  bounded  forward  with  a speed  that  in  a few 
moments  left  the  occupants  of  the  canoes  far  behind. 
Montezuma  was  delighted,  and  the  trip  was  repeated. 
Hunting  parties  were  likewise  formed;  for  the  royal 
captive  enjoyed  the  chase  and  used  the  blow- pipe 
with  great  skill.38 

37  ‘ En  la  laguna  A vn  pefiol,  que  estaua  acotado,  q no  ossauan  entrar  en  fel 
A montear,  por  muy  principales  que  fuessen,  so  pena  de  muerte.  ’ Bernal  Diaz, 
Hist.  Verdad.,  78. 

3b  Native  Races,  ii.  411.  ‘ Qrutdo  yua  a ca<?a  de  monteria,  le  lleuauan  en 
ombros,  con  las  guardas  de  Castellanos,  y tres  mil  Indios  Tlascaltecas ....  Acorn - 
panauanle  los  seiiores  sus  vassallos.  ’ Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  viii.  cap.  iv. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 


POLITICS  AND  RELIGION. 

1520. 

Growing  Discontent  among  the  Mexicans — Cacama’s  Conspiracy — He 
openly  Defies  both  Montezuma  and  Cortes — The  Council  op 
Tepetzinco — Seizure  of  Cacama— The  Tezcucan  Ruler  Deposed — 
Cuicuitzcatl  Elevated — Montezuma  and  his  People  swear  Fealty 
to  the  Spanish  King — Gathering  in  the  Tribute — Division  of 
Spoils — The  Spaniards  Quarrel  over  their  Gold — Uncontrol- 
lable Religious  Zeal — Taking  of  the  Temple — Wrath  of  the 
Mexicans. 

With  their  hand  so  securely  on  the  spring  that 
moved  a mighty  empire,  there  is  little  wonder  that 
these  Spanish  adventurers  became  somewhat  insolent 
toward  the  people  they  so  injured.  The  Mexicans 
were  not  slow  to  mark  this,  and  there  were  those 
among  them,  and  others  beside  them,  who  began  to 
think  of  taking  matters  into  their  own  hands,  of 
destroying  the  invaders  and  releasing  the  emperor. 

Montezuma’s  occasional  appearance  in  public,  and 
the  assertion  that  he  remained  with  the  Spaniards  of 
his  free-will,  and  because  the  gods  desired  it,  had  for 
a time  satisfied  the  nobles;  but  the  hard  irons  on 
his  limbs  and  the  cruel  burning  of  patriotic  men 
had  opened  their  eyes  somewhat  to  the  true  state  of 
affairs.  No  one  knew  when  his  turn  might  come. 
Life  was  insecure  enough  subject  to  the  caprice  of  their 
own  sovereign,  but  the  dark  uncertain  ways  of  these 
emissaries  of  evil  were  past  finding  out.  These  things 
were  thought  of  and  talked  of  in  high  places.  Race 
aversions  and  the  political  systems  of  the  tripartite 
alliance  caused  more  than  one  party  to  be  formed, 

(328) 


MEXICAN  RESOLVES. 


329 


oacn  with  aspirations  that  coulcl  not  be  entertained  by 
the  others.  The  most  prominent  leader  at  this  time 
was  Cacama,  who  had  at  first  favored  the  strangers 
in  their  character  as  envoys.  And  now  he  began  the 
endeavor  to  direct  the  movement  of  the  Aztec  nobil- 
ity, but  jealousy  of  Acolhua  influence  rose  uppermost, 
and  his  efforts  tended  only  to  create  a reaction  in 
favor  of  abiding  by  the  will  of  the  emperor.1 

Although  there  were  enough  of  sympathizers  in 
Mexico  for  his  purpose,  Cacama  found  that  he  must 
rely  almost  wholly  on  the  northern  provinces,  and  in 
connection  with  Cuitlahuatzin,  Totoquihuatzin  II.  of 
Tlacopan,  his  own  brothers,  and  others,  he  organized  a 
conspiracy  which  had  for  its  aim  the  expulsion  of  the 
Spaniards  and  the  release  of  his  uncle.  Beneath  this 
was  harbored  a design  upon  the  Aztec  throne,  which 
would  probably  become  vacant;  and  even  if  Cacama 
was  not  sure  of  gaining  this  for  himself,  he  had  at 
least  the  expectation  of  assuming  the  leadership  of  the 
Andliuac  confederacy.2  He  presented  to  the  council 
in  the  most  dismal  aspect  the  purposes  of  the  Span- 
iards, who  evidently  sought  to  become  absolute  masters 
and  reduce  them  all  to  slavery.  It  was  time  to  rise 
for  religion  and  liberty.  Their  honor  and  welfare  de- 
manded it,  and  this  before  the  Spaniards  rendered 
themselves  too  powerful  by  reinforcements  and  al- 
liances. With  heedless  confidence  he  vaunted  that 
Mexico  should  be  his  within  a few  hours  after  setting 
out  against  her,  for  there  were  many  of  her  citizens 
ready  to  aid  in  such  a work.  The  Spaniards  were 
overrated,  and  could  effect  little,  surrounded  as  they 
were  on  all  sides,  and  without  other  supplies  than 
those  provided  by  the  Mexicans. 

1 ‘Visto  por  el  rey  Cacama  el  poco  Ammo  y determinacion  de  los  Mexi- 
canos,  se  salio  de  la  ciudad  y se  fu<5  a la  de  Tezcuco,  para  juntar  sus  gentes.’ 
Jxllilxochitl,  Hist.  Chick.,  298,  and  Torquemada,  i.  459.  But  it  is  doubtful 
whether  he  remained  many  days  in  Mexico  after  the  seizure  of  his  uncle,  if 
indeed  he  was  there  then. 

2 Bernal  Diaz  assumes,  naturally  enough  for  a Spanish  conqueror,  that  one 
of  the  main  objects  of  Cacama  was  to  rescue  the  imperilled  treasures  at 
Mexico.  Hist.  Verdad.,  79-80. 


330 


POLITICS  AND  RELIGION. 


The  motives  and  the  necessity  were  recognized,, 
though  the  means  proposed  met  with  some  objections; 
but  when  the  question  of  spoils  and  rewards  came; 
forward  there  were  still  greater  differences.  Among 
others,  the  brave  and  powerful  lord  of  Matlaltzinco 
advanced  pretensions,  founded  in  part  on  his  close 
relationship  to  Montezuma,  which  Cacama  above  all 
could  not  admit.  The  result  was  disagreement,  fol- 
lowed by  the  withdrawal  of  several  members.3 

No  attempt  had  been  made  to  keep  the  movement, 
or  its  ostensible  motive,  a secret  from  Montezuma,  nor 
could  it  have  been  kept  from  him  who  was  the  still 
powerful  ruler  of  a servile  race;  but,  even  if  the  deeper 
lying  aim  was  not  revealed  him,  he  could  not  fail  to 
foresee  the  troubles  that  might  arise,  particularly  under 
such  a leader.  He  still  hoped  the  Spaniards  would 
soon  leave,  or  that  his  release  might  be  effected  by 
other  means,  for  he  dreaded  a conflict  with  the  power- 
ful invaders,  involving  perhaps  the  destruction  of  the 
city  and  his  own  death.  He  sent  to  tell  the  con- 
spirators that  they  need  not  concern  themselves  about 
his  imprisonment.  The  Spaniards  had  more  than 
once  proposed  that  he  should  return  to  his  own  palace, 
but  the  gods  had  decreed  it  otherwise.  He  could  not 
allow  his  people  to  be  needlessly  exposed  to  war,  or 
his  capital  to  destruction.  Remember  Cholula.  Their 
stay  would  not  be  long. 

This  message  was  not  without  its  effect  even  among 
the  Tezcucans,  for,  although  the  fate  of  the  Aztec 
capital  and  king  may  have  concerned  them  but  little, 
there  were  many  who  could  not  forget  that  the  im- 
petuous and  proud  Cacama  had  obtained  the  throne 
by  favor  of  Montezuma,  to  the  prejudice  of  an  elder 
brother,  Tetlahuehuetquizitzin.  Their  father,  Neza- 
hualpilli,  had  died  in  1515,  without  naming  a suc- 
cessor, and  the  choice  devolving  on  the  royal  council,  in 


3 ‘Aun  dezian,  que  le  venia  de  derecho  el  Reyno,  y senorio  de  Mexico.’ 
However  that  may  be,  he  laid  a claim  to  the  Aztec  throne,  and  Cacama  replied 
that  to  himself  alone  should  that  belong.  Bernal  Diaz,  Jlist.  Verdad.,  79-S0. 


CACAMA’S  REVOLT. 


331 


conjunction  with  the  rulers  of  Mexico  and  Tlacopan, 
Cacama  was  elected.  Cohuanacoch,  the  third  brother, 
acquiesced,  but  the  youngest,  the  fiery  Ixtlilxochitl, 
protested  in  favor  of  the  eldest  heir,  and  denounced 
the  selection  as  due  to  Montezuma,  who  hoped  to 
mould  the  new  king  to  his  own  will  and  so  again  to 
control.  He  even  resorted  to  arms  in  support  of  his 
views,  and  enlisting  the  northern  provinces  in  his 
favor,  after  a short  campaign  he  obliged  Cacama  to 
consent  to  a division  of  the  kingdom  with  himself.4 

His  ready  success  proved  that  Cacama  had  no  very 
great  hold  on  the  people,  and  now,  when  came  the 
warning  of  Montezuma,  more  than  one  chief  coun- 
selled prudence  from  other  motives  than  fear.  But 
the  king  stamped  all  these  objections  as  cowardly,  and 
appears  even  to  have  placed  under  restraint  several 
of  those  whose  want  of  sympathy  he  had  reason  to 
suspect.5  His  blood  was  hot,  and  relying  on  the 
promises  of  his  supporters,  he  considered  himself 
strong  enough  to  bid  defiance  to  his  opponents.  He 
sent  word  to  his  uncle  that  if  he  had  any  regard  for 
the  dignity  of  his  station  and  the  honor  of  his  person 
and  ancestry,  he  would  not  quietly  submit  to  the 
bondage  imposed  by  a handful  of  robbers,  who  with 
smooth  tongue  sought  to  cover  their  outrages  against 
him  and  the  gods.  If  he  refused  to  rise  in  defence 
of  his  religion,  throne,  and  liberty,  Cacama  would  not.6 

This  outspoken  utterance  of  the  nephew  whom  he 
had  assisted  to  rulership  amazed  Montezuma  as  much 
as  it  wounded  his  pride,  and  he  no  longer  hesi- 
tated to  take  counsel  with  Cortes,  who  had  already 
obtained  an  inkling  that  something  was  stirring.7 

* See  Native  Races,  v.  474. 

5 ‘Mandb  echar  presos  tres  dellos.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad,  80. 

6 ‘ Cacama  le  respondio  muy  agramente,  diziendo  que  si  ei  tuuiera  sangre 
en  el  ojo,  liiestario  preso,  ni  catiuo  de  quatro  estranjeros,’  etc.  Gomara,  Hist. 
Mex. , 133. 

7 According  to  Bernal  Diaz  and  Gomara,  Cortes  was  informed  by  Monte- 
zuma before  he  and  Cacama  exchanged  the  severe  messages  referred  to,  and 
that  the  Spaniard  sent  the  first  remonstrance,  but  the  emperor,  as  master,  and 
as  the  person  whom  the  revolt  immediately  concerned,  had  naturally  to  take 
the  initiative. 


332 


POLITICS  AND  RELIGION. 


With  characteristic  promptness  the  latter  suggested 
that,  since  Cacama’s  real  object  was  evidently  to  usurp 
the  throne,  a Mexican  army  should  be  given  to  aid 
the  Spaniards  in  laying  waste  the  territory  of  the 
conspirators  and  in  capturing  them.  The  emperor 
had  probably  entertained  a hope  that  the  news  would 
frighten  his  guest  and  make  it  safe  to  urge  a retreat 
from  Mexico,  thus  ending  the  whole  trouble.  He 
was  therefore  somewhat  startled  by  this  proposal,  the 
true  tenor  of  which  he  well  understood.  He  feared 
a fratricidal  war  of  doubtful  result,  wherein  he  would 
appear  as  arrayed  against  the  defenders  of  national 
religion  and  liberty;  and  being  now  weak  and  cowed 
he  hesitated  to  arm  at  all,  preferring  peaceful  meas- 
ures. To  this  Cortds  was  not  averse,  for  he  recognized 
on  second  thought  that  aggressive  steps  might  become 
the  signal  for  a general  uprising  which  would  over- 
whelm him,  since  Aztec  troops  could  never  be  re- 
lied on. 

He  accordingly  sent  messages  to  Cacama,  reminding 
him  of  their  friendly  intercourse,  and  representing  the 
danger  of  offending  the  Spanish  king  by  proceedings 
which  could  only  react  on  himself  and  lead  to  the 
destruction  of  his  kingdom.  Montezuma  supported 
this  by  asking  the  king  to  come  to  Mexico  and 
arrange  the  difficulty.  Cacama  had  not  gone  so  far 
to  be  restrained  by  what  he  termed  an  empty  threat, 
and  regardless  of  the  warnings  from  a timid  minority 
he  replied  that  he  knew  not  the  king  of  the  Span- 
iards, and  would  never  accept  the  friendship  of  men 
who  had  oppressed  his  country  and  outraged  his  blood 
and  religion.  He  had  had  enough  of  their  promises, 
but  would  declare  his  determination  when  he  saw 
them.8  To  Montezuma  he  sent  word  that  he  would 


8 Bernal  Diaz , Hist.  Verclad.,  79.  He  would  not  hold  friendship  with  him 
who  took  away  his  honor  and  kingdom.  The  war  was  for  the  good  of  his 
subjects,  and  in  defence  of  their  land  and  religion.  Before  laying  down  arms 
he  would  avenge  his  uncle  and  his  gods.  He  knew  not  who  was  the  king  of 
the  Spaniards,  nor  would  he  listen  to  him,  much  less  know  him.  Gomara, 
Hist.  Mex.,  132. 


CAPTURE  OF  CACAMA. 


333 


come,  “not  with  the  hand  on  the  heart,  however, 
but  on  the  sword.”9 

There  was  considerable  meaning  in  this  threat,  for 
Cacama  had  with  great  energy  set  about  to  mass  his 
forces  at  Oztoticpac,  and  they  in  conjunction  with 
those  of  his  allies  would  make  a formidable  host.10 
Cortes  was  aware  of  this,  and  seeing  that  no  time  was 
to  be  lost  he  firmly  represented  to  Montezuma  the 
necessity  of  securing  the  person  of  the  king,  openly 
or  by  stealth;  and  when  he  still  hesitated,  the  signifi- 
cant hint  was  given  that  the  Spaniards  would  regard 
a refusal  with  suspicion.  This  decided  him,  and  he 
promised  that  it  should  be  done,  if  possible.  Cortes 
broke  forth  in  expressions  of  good-will,  and  again 
offered  him  that  freedom  which  Montezuma  well  knew 
he  would  never  grant. 

In  placing  Cacama  on  the  throne,  the  emperor 
had  seized  the  opportunity  to  introduce  into  the 
Acolhua  government  offices  several  creatures  of  his 
own,  who  were  paid  to  maintain  Aztec  influence  in 
the  council11  and  to  watch  operations.  To  these  men 
he  sent  an  order,  weighted  with  presents,  to  seize  the 
king  and  bring  him  to  Mexico.12  They  accordingly 
prevailed  on  their  victim  to  hold  a council  at  Te- 
petzinco  for  finally  arranging  the  campaign.  This 
palace  was  situated  on  the  lake,  near  Tezcuco,  and 
approached  by  canals.  Here  Cacama  was  seized  and 
thrown  into  a boat  prepared  for  the  occasion,  and 
carried  to  the  Aztec  capital.13 

9 ‘Con  hechizos  le  teniamos  quitado  su  gran  coracon,  y fuer^a;  6 que  nues- 
tros  Dioses,  y la  gran  mnger  de  Castilla ....  nos  da  aqvtel  gran  poder.  ’ In  this 
last  he  did  not  err,  remarks  Bernal  Diaz,  Hint.  Verdacl.,  80. 

10  Over  100,000  men.  IxtUlxockitl,  Hist.  Chirk.,  299. 

11  ‘Tenia  en  su  tierra  del  dicho  Cacamazin  muchas  personas  principales 
que  vivian  con  el  y les  daba  su  salario.  ’ Cortes,  Cartas,  97. 

12  According  to  Bernal  Diaz,  six  chiefs  were  sent  with  the  imperial  signet, 
which  was  to  be  given  to  certain  relatives  and  dignitaries  discontented  with 
Cacama,  and  they  were  to  seize  him  and  his  council.  Hist.  Verdad.,  SO. 

13  ‘Tambien  truxeron  otros  cinco  presos.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  80. 
‘ Prendieron  al  Cacama  vn  dia,  estando  con  ellos  y otros  muchos  en  consejo 
para  cosultar  las  cosas  de  la  guerra.  ’ Gomara,  Hist.  Mrx. , 133.  According  to 
Ixtlilxochitl,  when  Cacama  left  Mexico,  partly  out  of  fear  lest  the  Spaniards 
should  seize  him  for  promoting  a revolt  there,  his  brothers  Cohuanacoeli  and 
Ixtlilxochitl,  all  now  reconciled,  pretended  to  fall  into  his  views.  Ixtlil- 


334 


POLITICS  AND  RELIGION. 


Ashamed,  perhaps,  of  his  share  in  the  transaction, 
and  unwilling  to  face  the  taunts  of  the  captive,  Monte- 
zuma refused  to  see  him,  and  he  was  surrendered  to 
Cortes,  who,  regardless  of  royalty,  applied  the  fetters 
as  the  surest  means  against  escape.14  This  seizure 
scattered  the  conspirators  and  their  schemes  to  the 
winds,  and  the  demoralization  was  completed  by  the 
arrest  of  several  of  the  more  important  personages, 
such  as  the  king  of  Tlacopan  and  the  lords  of  Iztapal- 
apan  and  Co}ruhuacan,  who  were  also  shackled.15  Thus 
we  see  that  Montezuma’s  captivity  did  not  greatly 
affect  his  power,  since  he  could  so  readily  place  under 
restraint  the  confederate  kings,  in  their  own  prov- 
inces; and  it  was  not  wholly  unwelcome  to  him  to  find 
his  misfortune  shared  by  other  prominent  men,  since 
this  made  his  disgrace  less  conspicuous. 

xochitl  recommended  Tepetzinco  as  the  place  best  suited  for  beginning  opera- 
tions on  Mexico,  and  while  proceeding  to  the  place  in  a canoe  he  was  earned 
on  to  Mexico  by  his  faithless  brothers.  Without  Ixtlilxochitl’s  aid  Montezuma 
and  Cortes  could  never  have  been  able  to  overcome  the  powerful  Cacama,  con- 
cludes the  author.  Hist.  Chicli.,  298-9.  In  his  Relaciones,  389,  412,  the  same 
author  states  that  Cacama  was  seized  not  for  plotting,  but  because  Cort6s  de- 
sired to  secure  so  powerful  a personage.  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  follows  the 
former  version,  and  believes  that  Montezuma  favored  the  conspiracy  as  a 
means  to  oblige  the  Spaniards  to  depart.  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  258.  There  may 
be  some  truth  in  this  belief,  so  far  as  the  beginning  of  the  plot  is  concerned, 
but  it  must  be  considered  that  Montezuma  would  have  preferred  not  to  intrust 
such  a movement  to  a probable  rival,  the  ruler  of  a people  jealous  of  Aztec 
supremacy,  and  the  ally  of  his  most  hated  enemy,  Ixtlilxochitl.  If,  again, 
Cacama  was  his  tool,  the  emperor  would  not  have  had  him  seized,  to  be  exe- 
cuted for  all  he  knew,  when  he  could  have  warned  him  to  flee  or  to  defend 
himself.  Had  Ixtlilxochitl  surrendered  the  king,  Cortiis  would  not  be  likely 
to  give  the  credit  to  Montezuma,  as  he  does.  Cartas,  97-8. 

uGomara,  Hist.  M ex. , 133.  Yet  Bernal  Diaz  assumes  that  Montezuma 
examined  him  and  the  other  prisoners,  ‘ y supo  Monteijuma  de  los  conciertos 
en  que  andaua,  que  era  al^arso  por  senor.’  Hist.  Verdad.,  80.  ‘ Y h cabo  de 

pocos  dias  le  dieron  Garrote  secretamente,’  adds  Torquemada,  i.  470,  errone- 
ously. Had  Cort4s  fallen  into  his  hands,  the  stone  of  sacrifice  would  speedily 
have  received  him,  and  the  captive  must  accordingly  have  regarded  himself 
as  mercifully  treated.  The  general  knew  the  value  of  such  prominent  hostages. 
The  leniency  gained  him  besides  great  credit,  as  Solis  rightly  assumes.  Hist. 
Mex.,  ii.  21-2. 

15  ‘ En  ocho  dias  todos  estuuieron  presos  en  la  cadena  gorda.  ’ Bernal  Diaz, 
Hist.  Verdad. , 80.  This  author  includes  the  lord  of  Matlaltzinco,  who  escaped 
his  pursuers  the  longest,  and  when  finally  brought  before  the  emperor  spoke 
his  mind  so  freely  that  he  would  have  been  consigned  to  the  executioner 
had  not  Cortes  interfered.  Duran  adds  the  lord  of  Xochimilco  instead  of 
the  last  two.  Hist.  Ind. , MS. , ii.  444.  ‘ Piglio  ancora  il  Re  di  Tlacopan,  i 

Signori  d’lztapalapan,  e di  Cojohuacan,  fratelli  tutti  e due  del  Re  Motezuma, 
due  figliuoli  di  questo  medesimo  Re,  Itzquauhtzin  Signor  di  Tlatelolco,  un 
Sommo  Sacerdote  di  Messico,  e parecchj  altri.’  Clavigero,  Storia  Mess.,  iii.  107. 


TRIBUTE  DEMANDED. 


335 


He  now  resolved,  with  the  approval  of  Cortes,  to 
depose  the  Tezcucan  ruler,  as  a rebel  against  his 
authority,  and  to  place  on  the  throne  a more  dutiful 
subject,  a younger  natural  brother  of  Cacama,  named 
Cuicuetzcatl,10  whom  his  ill-treatment  had  driven  to 
Mexico  for  protection.  The  nomination  was  for  the 
sake  of  appearance  submitted  for  ratification  to  a 
convention  of  loyal  Tezcucan  chiefs,  many  of  whom 
hoped  no  doubt  to  obtain  greater  influence  under  this 
youth.  The  new  king  was  escorted  to  the  gates  of 
Mexico  by  Cortes  and  Montezuma,  and  received  at 
Tezcuco  with  triumphal  arches  and  processions.17 


And  now,  with  the  three  confederate  rulers  and  a 
number  of  leading  caciques  in  his  power,  the  great 
king[ -maker  thought  the  time  had  come  to  exact  a 
formal  acknowledgment  of  Spanish  sovereignty.  He 
reminded  Montezuma  of  his  promises  to  pay  tribute, 
and  demanded  that  he  and  his  vassals  should  tender 
allegiance.  Instead  of  the  objections  expected,  Cortes 
was  surprised  to  hear  a prompt  acquiescence.  Mon- 
tezuma had  evidently  been  long  prepared  for  the 
demand,  and  said  that  he  would  at  once  convene  his 
chiefs  for  consultation.  Within  little  more  than  a 
week  the  summoned  dignitaries  had  arrived,  and  at  a 
meeting,  attended  by  no  Spaniards  save  the  page,  he 
intimated  to  the  leading  personages,  so  far  as  he  dared 
before  this  witness,  that  the  concession  demanded  of 
them  was  to  satisfy  the  importunate  jailers.  “The 
gods,  alas!  are  mute,”  concluded  Montezuma;  “but 
by  and  by  they  may  signify  their  will  more  clearly, 

16  ‘ Se  llam6  Don  Carlos.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  80;  at  a later  period, 
most  likely.  ‘ Sumomme  Tocpaxochitl ....  batard  de  Nezaliualpilli.  ’ Brasseur 
de  Bourbourg,  Ilisl.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  258.  Cortes  calls  him  a son  of  Cacama, 
Cartas,  98,  but  this  he  afterward  corrects.  The  native  records,  in  Sahagun, 
Hist.  Gen.,  ii.  277,  and  in  Ixtlilxochitl,  ignore  him.  The  latter,  indeed,  assumes 
that  Cacama  continued  to  reign,  though  captive  like  Montezuma.  Hist.  Chick. , 
299  et  seq. 

11  Herrera  gives  the  speeches  on  the  occasion,  dec.  ii.  lib.  ix.  cap.  iii.  ‘ Era 
mas  bien  quisto,  que  no  Cacama.... Y Cortes  hazia  reyes,  y mandaua  con 
tanta  autoridad,  como  si  ya  vuiera  ganado  el  imperio.’  Gomara,  Hist.  AT ex., 
133.  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  assumes  that  Cohuanacoch  and  Ixtlilxochitl  at 
once  managed  to  obtain  control  of  the  weak  youth  and  of  the  government. 


336 


POLITICS  AND  RELIGION. 


and  I will  then  say  what  further  is  to  be  done.”18 
All  declared  sorrowfully  that  they  would  do  as  he 
bade,  and  Cortes  was  informed  that  on  the  following 
day  the  required  ceremony  would  take  place. 

On  this  occasion  the  chiefs  mustered  in  force  be- 
fore Montezuma,  who  was  seated  on  a throne  having 
on  either  side  the  new  king  of  Tezcuco  and  he  of 
Tlacopan.19  All  being  prepared,  the  Spanish  general 
entered  with  his  captains  and  a number  of  soldiers. 
The  emperor  now  addressed  his  vassals,  reminding 
them  of  the  relation  so  long  and  happily  maintained 
between  them — as  dutiful  subjects  on  the  one  side, 
and  a line  of  loving  monarchs  on  the  other.  Com- 
paring the  Quetzalcoatl  myth  and  other  indications 
with  the  advent  of  white  men'  from  the  region  of 
the  rising  sun,  he  showed  that  they  must  be  the 
long  expected  race,  sent  to  claim  allegiance  for  their 
king,  to  whom  the  sovereignty  evidently  belonged. 
The  gods  had  willed  it  that  their  generation  should 
repair  the  omission  of  their  ancestors.  “ Hence  I 
pray  that  as  you  have  hitherto  held  and  obeyed  me 
as  your  lord,  so  you  will  henceforth  hold  and  obey 
this  great  king,  for  he  is  your  legitimate  ruler,  and  in 
his  place  accept  this  captain  of  his.  All  the  tribute 
and  service  hitherto  tendered  me  give  to  him,  for  I 
also  have  to  contribute  and  serve  with  all  that  he 
may  require.  In  doing  this  you  will  fulfil  not  only 
your  duty,  but  give  me  great  pleasure.”20 

His  concluding  words  were  almost  lost  in  the  sobs 
which  his  humiliated  soul  could  no  longer  stifle.  The 
chiefs  were  equally  affected,  and  the  sympathies  even 
of  the  flint-hearted  Spaniards  were  aroused  to  a degree 
which  moistened  many  an  eye.  With  some  of  the 
lately  arrived  dignitaries,  who  had  not  had  time  to 

18  ‘ El  tiempo  andando  veremos  si  tenemos  otra  mejor  respuesta  de  nuestros 
Dioses,  y como  yiereraos  el  tiempo  assi  haremos . . . .presto  os  dire  lo  que  mas 
no  conuenga.’  Bernal  Diaz , Hist.  Verdad.,  81. 

19  The  latter  had  probably  tendered  his  submission  in  order  to  retain  the 
throne.  Ixtlilxochitl  names  Cacama  as  the  Tezcucan  king  present. 

20  Cortes , Carta*,  98-9.  ‘ Demos  gracias  a los  dioses,  q an  venido  en  nuestros 

dias  los  q tato  dcsseauamos,  ’ et  seq.  Gomara , Hist.  Max. , 134. 


ALLEGIANCE  SWORN. 


337 


fully  grasp  the  situation  at  the  capital,  indignation 
struggled  with  grief  at  the  dismal  prospect.  Others 
recalled  the  prophecy  that  the  empire  would  termi- 
nate with  Montezuma,  whose  very  name  appeared 
fraught  with  evil  omen,21  and  were  quite  reconciled 
to  the  inevitable.  So  were  most  of  them,  for  that 
matter,  either  through  belief  in  the  myth  or  from  a 
sense  of  duty  to  their  master.  One  of  the  eldest 
nobles  broke  the  oppressive  silence  by  declaring  his 
sorrow  at  witnessing  the  grief  of  their  beloved  sov- 
ereign and  hearing  the  announcement  of  coming 
changes.  But  since  the  time  had  come  for  the  ful- 
filment of  divine  decrees,  they,  as  devout  and  dutiful 
subjects,  could  only  submit.  Again  their  grief  broke 
forth,  though  many  a bitter  glance  was  called  up  by 
the  allusion  to  changes  in  store  for  them.  Observing 
the  bad  impression,  Cortes  hastened  to  assure  them 
that  Montezuma  would  not  only  remain  the  great 
emperor  he  had  always  been,  and  his  vassals  be  con- 
firmed in  their  dignities  and  possessions,  but  that 
their  domain  and  power  would  be  increased.  The 
changes  proposed  were  merely  intended  to  stop  wars, 
to  enlighten  them  on  matters  with  which  they  were 
as  yet  unacquainted,  and  to  promote  general  welfare. 
One  after  another,  beginning  with  Montezuma,  they 
now  swore  allegiance,  and  gave  promise  of  service  and 
tribute,  after  which  they  were  dismissed  with  thanks 
for  their  compliance.22 

21  ‘Tenia  del  oraculo  de  sus  dioses  respuesta  muchas  vezes. . . .q  perderia 
la  silla  a los  ocho  aiios  de  su  reynado,  y q por  esto  nunca  quiso  hazer  guerra  a 
los  Espanoles, ....  Bien  que  por  otro  cabo  lo  tenia  por  burla,  pues  auia  mas 
dezisiete  anos  q era  rey.’  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  134-5;  Acosta , Hist,  lad,., 
502-3. 

22  Cortis,  Cartas,  91,  98-9 ; Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  ix.  cap.  iv.;  Tapia,  Bel.,  in 
Jcazbalceta,  Col.  Dor.,  ii.  580-1.  The  allegiance  was  tendered  before  Secretary 
Pedro  Fernandez.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  81.  Solis  assumes  that  Monte- 
zuma of  his  own  accord  offered  allegiance  and  tribute,  in  the  hope  that  this 
would  fill  the  measure  of  the  Spaniards’  expectations  and  cause  them  to  depart. 
In  that  case  the  general  grief  must  have  been  well  counterfeited.  He  regards 
this  act  as  giving  legality  to  the  conquest.  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  23-32.  Pres- 
cott supposes  that  the  submission  was  prompted  less  by  fear  than  by  con- 
science— conscientious  obedience  to  the  myth.  Mex.,  ii.  198.  Oviedo  looks 
cn  the  tears  as  evidence  of  unwillingness,  and  thinks  that  either  the  emperor 
•fas  very  pusillanimous,  or  the  will  of  God  clearly  manifest,  iii.  297.  Ac- 

Hist.  Hfx.,  Vol.  I.  22 


333 


POLITICS  AND  RELIGION. 


The  submission  of  the  sovereigns  appears  to  have 
been  quietly  accepted  throughout  the  country,  and 
the  impunity  with  which  even  single  Spaniards  moved 
about  shows  that  no  hostility  had  been  aroused  by  the 
act,  in  the  provinces  at  least.  Evidently  the  people 
hovered  between  fear  of  men  who  so  few  in  number 
could  yet  perform  so  great  achievements,  and  awe  of 
divine  will  as  indicated  by  the  prophecies  and  tradi- 
tions. Cortes  was  not  slow  in  making  use  of  his  newr 
power  by  representing  to  the  emperor  that,  his  king 
being  in  need  of  gold  for  certain  projects,  it  would  be 
well  for  the  new  vassals  to  begin  tribute  payments  as 
an  earnest  of  their  loyalty.  Montezuma  had  expected 
this,  and  it  was  readily  agreed  that  he  should  send 
officers,  accompanied  by  Spaniards,  to  the  different 
provinces  and  towns  of  the  empire  for  contributions.23 
These  demands  were  met  with  more  or  less  alacrity, 
and  in  poured  gold  and  silver,  in  dust,  and  quoits,  and 
leaves,  and  trinkets,  which  formed  to  a certain  ex- 
tent a medium  for  trade.  Many  towns  remote  from 
the  mines  had  nothing  to  offer  save  a few  jewels,  which 
were  perhaps  heirlooms  among  the  chiefs.24 

cording  to  Ixtlilxochitl  the  kings  and  caciques  were  required  to  leave  hostages 
for  the  observance  of  their  oath.  ‘Cacama,  y con  61  sus  dos  hermanos,  Coliuana- 
cochtzin  y Ixtlilxochitl,  segun  las  relaciones  y pinturas  de  Tezcuco,  dieron  en 
rehenes  ;l  cuatro  hermanos  suyos  y otras  tantas  hermanas.’  He  names  the 
brothers,  and  states  that  Montezuma  also  had  to  leave  sons  and  brothers.  Hist. 
Chich. , 299-300.  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  supposes,  from  a resemblance  in  the 
surname  of  the  new  king  of  Tezcuco  to  that  of  one  of  his  brothers’  hostages, 
that  he  had  already  been  forced  to  abdicate  in  favor  of  Cohuanacoch  and 
Ixtlilxochitl,  and  surrender  himself  to  the  Spaniards.  One  of  his  sisters, 
baptized  as  Dona  Juana,  became  the  mistress  of  Cortbs,  as  Ixtlilxochitl 
observes,  and  ‘perit  dans  la  nuit  de  la  retraite,  enceinte  du  fait  de  Cortes.’ 
Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  262.  The  readiness  with  which  Spaniards  ventured,  often 
singly,  all  over  the  country  to  exact  tribute  and  to  inquire  into  resources  and 
the  condition  of  affairs,  would  mdicate  that  the  prudent  general  had  taken 
the  precaution  of  obtaining  living  guarantees. 

23  ‘Luego  mando  que  le  diese  los  espanoles  que  queria  enviar,  y de  dos  en 
dos  y de  cinco  en  cinco  los  repartib  para  muchas  provincias  y ciudades.  ’ Cort/Zs, 
Cartas,  100. 

24  According  to  the  Tezcucan  records,  twenty  Spaniards  were  sent  with  two 
of  the  king’s  brothers,  Nezahualquentzin  and  Tetlahuehuezquititzin,  to  collect 
the  tribute  of  that  city.  As  they  were  leaving  Mexico,  Montezuma  despatched 
a messenger  to  the  former  prince,  enjoining  him  to  treat  the  Spaniards 
well  and  to  obtain  a large  sum.  This  whispered  advice  was  assumed  by  the 
Spaniards  to  hide  a plot,  and  laying  violent  hands  on  the  prince,  the  leader 
carried  him  to  Cortbs,  who  had  him  hanged  at  once.  The  king  was  of 


IXTLILXOCHITL. 


339 


When  the  collectors  returned,  Montezuma  summoned 
the  Spanish  leaders,  and  surrendered  what  they  had 
brought.  In  addition  to  this,  he  offered  them  the  treas- 

course  deeply  grieved,  but  dared  not  say  anything.  Guided  by  another 
brother,  Tepacxocliitzin,  the  Spaniards  reached  Tezcuco,  and  behaved  out- 
rageously. With  the  aid  of  Ixtlilxochitl  they  seized  the  contents  of  the  royal 
treasury,  filling  with  the  gold  a chest  two  fathoms  in  height  and  length,  and 
one  in  width.  After  this  they  compelled  the  chiefs  to  contribute  as  much 
more.  Ixtlilxochitl  assumes  that  Cacama  is  the  king,  and  that  the  deed 
occurred  before  allegiance  was  sworn,  and  seven  weeks  after  the  Spaniards’ 
arrival  at  Mexico.  Hist.  Chick.,  ‘29S;  Id.,  Rel.,  3SS-9,  411-12.  Brasseur  de 
Bourbourg  repeats  this  story  in  substance,  though  he  corrects  it  by  stating 
that  Montezuma  interfered  and  saved  the  prince.  Hist.  Hat.  Civ.,  iv.  232-3. 
Herrera  writes  that  ‘ the  servant  ’ sent  to  guide  the  Spaniards  disappeared  on 
the  way.  He  was  caught  and  hanged  by  order  of  Cacama,  who  gave  them  a 
more  trusty  attendant.  They  were  received  at  Tezcuco  with  great  pomp,  and 
presented  with  female  slaves.  A large  amount  of  gold,  pearls,  and  other 
valuables  was  obtained,  and  80  carriers  were  sent  to  Mexico  laden  with 
honey,  which  Cortijs  distributed,  while  he  kept  the  treasures,  dec.  ii.  lib.  ix. 
cap.  i.  According  to  Vazquez  de  Tapia,  15,000  pesos  in  gold  were  obtained 
from  Tezcuco,  beside  some  jewels  and  cloth.  Not  satisfied  with  this,  Cortes 
sent  Cacama  in  charge  of  Alvarado  to  exact  more.  But  little  being  obtained, 
boiling  pitch  was  applied  to  the  stomach  of  Cacama  before  he  was  sent  back 
to  Mexico.  Alvarado  denies  this  outrage.  Ramirez,  Proceso  contra  Alvarado, 
3,  35-6,  65. 

Fernando  de  Alva  Cortes  Ixtlilxochitl  claims  our  attention  as  a native 
historian  who  has  labored  zealously  to  vindicate  the  glorious  antecedents  of 
his  race,  particularly  the  Acolhuas,  whose  loyal  devotion  to  the  Spanish  in- 
vaders he  advocates  with  an  enthusiasm  as  unblushing  as  it  is  inconsistent. 
The  chief  hero  of  the  theme  is  his  ancestor  and  namesake.  King  Ixtlilxochitl, 
his  great  great  grandfather,  according  to  Munoz’  genealogic  list.  Little  good 
was  derived  from  this  calculated  zeal,  for  at  Alva’s  birth,  in  about  1568,  the 
family  estate  had  dwindled  to  small  proportions,  while  the  tribute  exemption 
which  testified  to  royal  descent  expired  not  many  years  later.  After  a course 
at  the  Santa  Cruz  College  Alva  figured  as  interpreter  to  the  native  tribunal  of 
the  viceroy.  The  death  of  the  eldest  brother  brought  lawsuits  which  threat- 
ened to  impoverish  him,  but  urgent  representation  procured,  in  1602,  a cedula 
recognizing  him  as  heir  to  the  family  property.  Florencia,  La  Estrella,  103  etc. ; 
Bezrrra  Tamo,  Felicidad Mex. , 49 ; Guadalupe,  Col.,  551 ; Panes,  Teatro  Nrn  va- 
Espaha,  MSS.  The  requirements  of  the  suit  called  forth  more  than  one 
of  his  writings,  which  had  in  view  to  establish  both  his  own  title  and  the 
claims  of  his  family.  Their  research  and  style  attracted  the  attention  of  the 
viceroy,  who  encouraged  him  to  continue  a task  for  which  he  was  so  well 
fitted,  not  only  by  his  Spanish  and  Aztec  studies,  but  as  a native  to  whom 
liis  countrymen  would  readily  communicate  their  views  and  traditions,  and  as 
the  possessor  of  a vast  family  archive.  The  command  accorded  with  his  in- 
clination and  improved  fortune,  and  a number  of  pieces  were  produced,  which 
after  his  death,  about  1648,  passed  to  the  Jesuit  college,"  Clavigero,  8 tori  a 
Mess.,  i.  10,  and  thence  to  the  Archivo  General,  where  they  form  volumes 
iv.  and  xiii. 

The  most  complete  list  of  his  works  is  given  in  Dice.  Univ.,  iv. ; that  by 
Boturini  is  nearly  as  full,  Cataiorjo,  2 etc.;  Beristain,  Bihl.,  ‘Alva,’  gives  it 
less  so,  and  Clavigero’s  is  still  briefer,  while  Pinelo,  Epitome,  ii.  608,  makes 
merely  a general  allusion.  Kingsborough,  on  the  other  hand,  offers  an  almost 
complete  reproduction  of  the  writings  in  volume  ix.  of  his  Mex.  Antiq.  The 
longest  and  most  important  is  the  Historia  Chichimeca,  dedicated  to  the 
viceroy,  in  95  chapters,  of  which  the  first  76  treat  of  the  rise  and  progress  of 
the  Chichimec  empire,  represented  at  the  conquest  by  the  Acolhuas,  and  of 


340 


POLITICS  AND  RELIGION. 


ures  kept  in  his  own  palace,  regretting  that  he  had  not 
more  to  give;  but  previous  offerings  had  diminished 
what  he  possessed.  “When  you  transmit  it  to  your 
king,”  he  said,  “ tell  him  that  it  comes  from  his  good 

its  glories  as  inherited  by  his  ancestors,  the  kings  of  Tezcuco.  The  remaining 
19  chapters  relate  to  the  conquest  by  the  Spaniards,  and  are  incomplete.  It 
is  the  most  carefully  written  of  the  series,  elaborated  partly  from  previous 
manuscripts,  partly  from  fresh  researches,  while  the  account  of  the  conquest 
rests  also  on  the  testimony  of  eye-witnesses,  reinforced  by  additions  from 
Gomara  and  other  sources,  as  he  admits  on  pp.  300,  303.  An  allusion  to 
Torquemada  shows  that  it  could  not  have  been  completed  before  1015,  and  it 
was  probably  his  last  work.  More  than  one  copy  is  extant,  from  one  of 
which  Ternaux-Compans  printed  a French  translation,  while  the  best  issue, 
that  of  Kingsborough,  is  after  a copy  from  Veytia.  The  material  has  been 
largely  used,  and  Yeytia’s  Hist.  Ant.  Mej.  may  be  said  to  rest  upon  it.  The 
more  important  of  the  other  writings  are,  Surhnria  Relation  de  lodas  las  coxa s 
en  la  Nueva-Espana,  y que  las  tultecas  alcanzaron,  in  5 relations,  whi,ch 
treat  of  the  mythical  period  from  the  creation  of  the'  world,  according  to 
native  tradition,  to  the  fall  of  the  Toltecs ; Historia  de  Ins  Senores  Chichimecax, 
in  12  relations,  which  brings  the  history  down  to  the  Spanish  conquest; 
Kotitias  de  los  poh/adorex  y na  clones  de  Nueva  Expaha,  in  13  relations  ; the 
first  12  quite  short,  and  relating  to  native  peoples,;  the  last  of  considerable 
length,  and  dwelling  on  the  conquest.  CArlos  Maria  de  r>ustamante  pub- 
lished the  13th  relation  in  separate  form,  to  which,  under  an  excess  of  patriotic 
zeal,  he  gave  the  abnormal  title  of  Horribles  Crucldades  de  los  Conquista- 
dorcs,  Mexico,  1829.  Notes  were  appended,  and  considerable  liberties  taken 
with  text,  so  as  to  increase  the  odium  against  the  conquerors.  Ternaux- 
Compans  included  a French  translation  of  it  in  his  collection.  Kingsborough 
has  printed  eleven  shorter  pieces  by  Ixtlilxochitl,  and  a few  more  are  at- 
tributed to  his  pen,  as  a translation  of  Nezahualcoyotl’s  poems,  a fragment  of 
the  same  king’s  biography,  and  a history  of  the  Virgin  of  Guadalupe;  but 
the  last  two  are  doubtful.  Several  of  the  pieces  are  mere  repetitions  and 
summaries  under  different  titles,  connected  with  the  author’s  pleadings, 
while  thfe  13th  relation  may  be  termed  a cleverly  prepared  biography  of  his 
great  namesake,  from  the  exaggerated  prominence  given  to  his  services  for  the 
Spanish  cause.  Prescott’s  several  blunders  on  this  and  other  points  are  prob- 
ably due  as  much  to  a want  of  access  to  sufficient  material  as  to  a hasty  study. 

Throughout  these  writings  are  evidences  of  the  patriotic  spirit  which 
prompted  Ixtlilxochitl  in  the  study  and  translation  of  the  painted  records  of 
his  people ; and  every  now  and  thin  gleams  forth  a very  natural  hatred  of 
the  Spanish  oppressor,  so  marked  indeed  as  once  to  call  forth  the  condemna- 
tion of  an  official  censor.  Otherwise  the  narrative  of  events  connected  with 
the  conquerors  are  closely  masked;  for  the  sake  of  private  aims  and  the  com- 
mon fear  of  the  white  masters.  As  a consequence  many  troublesome  facts 
are  hidden  and  many  questions  smoothed  to  the  detriment  of  history.  The 
narratives  are  also  extremely  confusing  in  dates,  and  to  a great  extent  in 
arrangement,  while  the  interest  is  diminished  by  trivial  details  and  im- 
probable stories.  But  these  were  the  faults  of  his  time  rather  than  of  himself. 
He  did  wonderfully  well  in  grappling  with  misty  traditions,  enveloped  as 
they  were  in  the  intricate  mazes  of  hieroglyphics.  And  he  is  justly  entitled 
to  our  admiration,  and  to  the  gratitude  of  his  countrymen,  for  rescuing  from 
now  unattainable  sources  so  large  a mass  of  material  to  illustrate  the  glories 
of  his  race.  His  style  indicates  a scholar  from  whom  even  his  Spanish 
contemporaries  might  have  taken  lessons,  for  the  language  is  exceedingly 
clear  for  this  period,  and  full  of  graceful  sentences  and  striking  descriptions, 
rendering  him  not  unworthy  to  be  called  the  Livy  and  the  Cicero  of  Anahuac, 
as  Prescott  and  Bus'tamante  respectively  en.'itle  him. 


TREASURES  COLLECTED. 


341 


vassal,  Montezuma.”  He  requested  that  certain  fine 
chalcliiuite  stones,  each  valued  at  two  loads  of  gold, 
and -some  finely  chased  and  inlaid  blow-pipes,  should 
be  given  to  the  king  alone.25  This  liberality  evoked 
the  most  profound  •protestations  of  gratitude,  as  may 
be  supposed,  for  they  had  not  expected  so  great  an 
addition  to  the  glittering  heaps  already  in  their  pos- 
session. Tapia  and  another  officer  were  despatched 
in  all  haste  with  the  imperial  mayordomo  to  receive 
the  treasure.  It  was  stored  in  a hall  and  two  smaller 
chambers  of  the  aviary  building,26 and  consisted  of  gold, 
silver,  and  precious  stones,  in  setting  and  in  separate 
form,  with  feathers,  robes,  and  other  articles,  all  of 
which  were  transferred  to  the  Spanish  quarters.27 

These  valuables,  together  with  the  collections  from 
the  provinces  and  the  previously  surrendered  treasures 
of  Axayacatl,  were  given  to  Cortes,  who  placed  them 
in  charge  of  the  treasurer,  Gonzalo  Mejia,  and  the 
contador,  Alonso  de  Avila.  The  famed  smiths  of 
Azcapuzalco  were  called  in  to  separate  the  gold  and 
silver  settings  from  the  jewels  of  less  delicacy  and 
beauty,  which  it  had  been  determined  to  melt.  This 
took  about  three  days.  They  were  then  melted  into 
bars,  three  fingers  in  breadth,  and  stamped  with  the 
royal  arms.28  Iron  weights  were  made  of  one  arroba 
and  downward,  not  very  exact,  it  seems,  yet  suitable 
for  the  purpose,  and  with  these  the  value  of  the 
melted  gold  was  found  to  be  somewhat  over  1G2,000 
pesos  de  oro,  according  to  Cortes’  statement ; the  silver 

25  Bernal  Diaz,  libit.  Verclad.,  83,  gives  a description  of  these  and  other 
presents. 

26  ‘ Que  se  llamaba  Totocalco.  ’ Saha  gun,  Hist.  Conq. , 26. 

27  Tapia , Rid.,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  581 ; Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  135; 
Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  ix.  cap.  iv.  Bernal  Diaz  assumes  that  the  Axayacatl 
treasures  were  those  now  given ; but  the  testimony  of  the  eye-witnesses,  Tapia 
and  Ojeda,  confirmed  and  accepted  by  Gomara  and  Herrera,  shows  that  they 
were  given  on  a previous  occasion  already  referred  to.  Still,  Bernal  Diaz 
does  mention  that  after  the  melting  of  the  rougher  jewels  new  presents  came 
from  Montezuma.  Hist.  Verdad. , 82-3.  He  is  very  confusing,  however,  in  his 
account  of  the  treasures  generally ; and  Clavigero,  Prescott,  and  others,  have 
allowed  themselves  to  follow  him  too  closely  in  this  and  other  instances. 

2S  ‘Como  de  vn  Real,  y del  tamaiio  de  vn  toston  de  a quatro.’  Bernal  Diaz, 
Hist.  Verdad.,  83. 


342 


POLITICS  AND  RELIGIOX. 


weighed  over  500  marcos,  and  the  unbroken  jewels 
and  other  effects  were  estimated  at  over  500,000  du- 
cats, not  counting  the  workmanship.29  The  jewels 
were  set  with  feathers,  pearls,  and  precious  stones, 
fashioned  chiefly  in  animal  forms,  “so  perfect  as  to 
appear  natural.”  A number  of  trinkets  for  the  royal 
share  had  also  been  fashioned  by  the  goldsmiths  after 
designs  by  the  Spaniards,  such  as  saintly  images, 
crucifixes,  bracelets,  and  chains,  all  made  with  won- 
derful fidelity  to  originals.  The  silver  for  the  same 

29  Probama  de  Lejal.de,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  421-2.  Cortes,  Cartas’ 
100-1,  is  not  so  explicit  with  regard  to  the  latter  figure,  saying  merely  that 
he  had  set  apart  for  the  king  unbroken  jewels  and  other  objects  valued  at 
over  100,000  ducats  ; but,  since  this  figure  comes  in  connection  with  the 
account  of  one  fifth  of  all  the  treasures  reserved  for  the  sovereign,  it  may  be 
assumed  that  the  100,000  formed  also  a fifth  of  the  unbroken  lot.  This,  con- 
sisting to  a great  extent  of  precious  stones,  pearls,  cotton,  and  other  effects, 
could  not  have  all  been  ieserved  for  the  king.  It  seems  besides  improbable 
that  so  large  a proportion  of  treasure  as  100,000  ducats  should  a second 
time  have  been  taken  from  the  soldiers,  even  if  Montezuma  had  destined 
them  especially  for  their  ruler.  All  the  treasures  and  gifts  acquired  were 
obtained  by  the  efforts  of  the  expedition,  and  were  always  regarded  as  a part 
of  its  fund.  Yet  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex. , 135-6,  who  had  the  statements  of 
Cortes  and  others  at  his  disposal,  writes  that  the  100,000  lot  was  selected 
from  the  treasures,  previous  to  melting,  in  order  to  form  a present  for  the 
king  in  connection  with  the  one  fifth.  Bernal  Diaz  writes  confusedly  that 
the  heaps  of  unmelted  gold  from  which  feathers  and  other  settings  had  been 
removed  were  valued  at  600,000  pesos.  ‘This  did  not  include  the  plates, 
quoits,  and  dust  of  gold,  nor  the  silver  and  other  treasures.’  A few  lines 
further  he  says  that  the  royal  officials  declared  the  gold,  melted,  and  in 
quoits,  dust,  and  jewels,  to  be  worth  over  600,000  pesos,  beside  the  silver  and 
many  jewels  not  valued.  From  these  lots  the  distribution  was  made  for  king 
and  expedition.  Many  soldiers  declared  that  the  original  amount  was  larger, 
one  third  having  been  abstracted  by  the  leaders.  Hist.  Verdad.,  83.  The 
marginal  print  in  this  authority  calls  the  above  sums  pesos  de  oro,  which 
increases  the  value  three  times.  Confusing  as  this  version  is,  it  confirms 
at  any  rate  the  supposition  that  the  unbroken  jewels  were  also  divided 
among  the  members  of  the  expedition.  Prescott  estimates  the  whole 
treasure  in  the  money  value  of  his  time  at  $6,300,000,  which  may  be 
accepted  as  sufficiently  approximate.  See  Mex. , ii.  202-5.  Robertson  ac- 
cepts Bernal  Diaz’  last  estimate  in  pesos,  which  is  equivalent  to  about 
two  fifths  of  Prescott’s.  The  small  proportion  of  silver  indicates  how  little 
the  natives  understood  and  resorted  to  mining,  and  how  insignificant  a por- 
tion of  the  metallic  wealth  of  the  country  was  represented  by  the  treasures 
so  far  acquired.  Gold  was  obtained  from  loose  and  shallow  alluvial  de- 
posits in  and  near  the  rivers,  and  it  was  only  in  the  extraction  of  tin  and 
copper  that  the  Indians  exhibited  an  advance  in  the  art  of  mining.  Robertson 
is  wrong  in  assuming  that  gold  was  not  used  as  a trade  medium;  still,  it  was 
only  partly  so,  and  it  was  chiefly  sought  for  ornaments.  The  rarity  of  silver 
made  this  metal  far  more  valuable  than  in  Europe,  and  the  stones  most 
esteemed  were  regarded  by  the  Spaniards  as  so  many  pebbles.  For  an  account 
of  mines,  metals,  and  money  among  the  Aztecs,  see  Native  Races,  ii.  In 
vol.  i.  chap.  iii.  note  8 of  the  Central  American  division  of  the  present  work 
is  given  information  on  the  currency  of  this  period. 


DIVISION  OF  SPOILS. 


343 


share  was  made  into  plates,  spoons,  and  similar  arti- 
cles. The  feathers  presented  a brilliant  variety  of 
colors  and  forms,  and  the  cotton,  some  of  the  most 
delicate  texture  and  color,  was  both  plain  and  em- 
broidered, and  made  into  robes,  tapestry,  covers,  and 
other  articles.  Turquoises,  pearls,  toys,  and  trinkets 
were  also  among  the  treasures.30 

Cortes  proposed  to  defer  the  distribution  till  more 
gold  and  better  weights  were  obtained;  but  the  men, 
who  with  good  reason,  perhaps,  suspected  that  a delay 
might  diminish  rather  than  increase  the  treasures, 
clamored  for  an  immediate  division.  The  troops  were 
accordingly  called,  and  in  their  presence  the  partition 
was  made:  first  of  the  royal  fifth;31  then  of  the  fifth 
promised  to  Cortes  when  appointed  captain -general; 
after  this  a large  sum  was  set  apart  to  cover  expen- 
ditures by  Cortes  and  Velazquez  on  the  fleet  and  its 
outfit,  and  the  value  of  the  horses  killed  during  the 
campaign,32  and  another  sum  for  the  expenses  and 
shares  of  the  procuradores  in  Spain,  while  double  or 
special  shares  were  assigned  to  the  priests,  the  cap- 
tains, those  owning  horses,  and  the  men  with  fire-arms 
and  cross-bows.33  After  all  these  deductions  but  little 
remained  for  the  rank  and  file — a hundred  pesos,  if 
we  may  credit  Bernal  Diaz.34  This,  many  indignantly 


30  For  a description,  see  Cortes,  Cartas,  100-1;  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  135-6; 
Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  ix.  cap.  iv.;  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  v.  cap.  iii.;  Oviedo,  iii. 
29S-9. 

31  Consisting  of  32,400  and  odd  pesos  de  oro  of  meltedgold;  100,000  ducats’ 
worth  of  unbroken  jewels,  feathers,  etc. ; and  100  and  more  marcos  of  silver. 
Cortes,  Cartas,  100-1.  ‘Lo  dieron  e entregaron  a Alonso  de  Escobar.’  Pro- 
banza  de  Lejalde,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  i.'  422. 

3-  The  expenditures  were  represented  largely  by  a number  of  unpaid  notes 
of  hand  issued  by  the  captain-general  to  the  owners  of  vessels,  provisions, 
and  arms,  and  held  for  the  most  part  by  captains  and  leading  members  of  the 
party.  Many  of  the  names  and  claims  are  given  in  Probanza  de  Lejalde,  in 
Icaz'ialceta,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  411  et  seq. 

33  Bernal  Diaz  appears  to  say  that  all  these  men,  from  priests  to  archers, 
received  double  rates,  Hist.  Verdad.,  S3-4,  and  Herrera  so  accepts  it,  dec.  ii. 
lib.  ix.  cap.  v.;  but  this  seems  unequal.  In  the  Probanza  de  Lejalde,  in 
Icazbalceta,  Col.  Dor.,  i.  411  et  seq.,  a number  of  special  payments  are  men- 
tioned, and  also  wages  for  sailors. 

3 1 ‘ Soldados  huuo  q tomaron  sus  partes  a cien  pesos.  ’ Bernal  Diaz,  Hist. 
Verdad.,  S4.  But  this  sum  may  mean  pesos  de  oro,  which  according  to  the 
calculation  accepted  represents  nearly  §1200. 


344 


POLITICS  AND  RELIGION. 


refused  to  accept;  others  took  it,  but  joined  in  the 
clamors  of  the  discontented. 

It  is  almost  too  much  to  ask  of  vultures  not  to 
quarrel  over  their  prey.  The  murmur  against  the 
royal  fifth  was  loud  enough,  but  the  second  fifth 
for  Cortds  raised  quite  an  outcry.  “Are  we  to  have 
a second  king?”  they  asked.  Others  inquired,  “For 
whose  fleet  are  we  paying?”  They  further  wished  to 
know  whether  the  fame  and  promotion  acquired  for 
the  general  by  his  men  could  not  satisfy  some  of  his 
claims,  for  the  present,  at  least.  They  had  once  before 
surrendered  hard-earned  money  to  please  him  and  to 
promote  his  credit  with  the  king,  and  now,  when  they 
had  been  led  to  expect  reward,  it  was  again  snatched 
from  them.  Some  said  that  a large  proportion  of  the 
treasures  had  been  secured  by  Cortes  and  his  favorites 
before  the  distribution  began;  and  the  value  of  the 
heavy  gold  chains  and  other  ornaments  displayed  by 
them  was  significantly  pointed  at  as  out  of  proportion 
to  their  share. 

The  suspicion  was  confirmed  by  a quarrel  which 
occurred  shortly  after  between  Velazquez  de  Leon  and 
Treasurer  Mejia  respecting  the  payment  of  the  royal 
fifth  on  certain  unbroken  jewels  found  in  Velazquez’ 
possession,  and  received  by  him  before  the  apportion- 
ment. It  was  enough,  said  Mejia,  for  Cortfis  to  ap- 
propriate unassessed  treasures.  Velazquez  refusing  to 
comply,  they  came  to  blows,  and  if  friends  had  not 
interfered  there  might  have  been  an  officer  or  two 
less  in  the  camp.  As  it  was,  both  received  slight 
wounds,  and  subsequently  shackles.  Mejia  was  re- 
leased within  a few  hours;  but  his  antagonist  retained 
the  fetters  for  two  days,  persuaded  to  submit  with 
grace  thereto  by  Cortes,  it  was  said,  in  order  to  allay 
suspicions  and  to  show  that  the  general  could  be  just, 
even  when  it  affected  a friend.36 

35  ‘ Cortes,  so  color  de  hazer  justicia,  porq  todos  le  temiessemos,  era  con 
grandes  mafias.’  It  appears  that  Mejia,  on  hearing  the  men  complain,  spoke 


DISSATISFIED  SOLDIERS. 


345 


Finding  that  the  murmurs  were  becoming  serious, 
Cortes  brought  his  soothing  eloquence  to  bear  upon 
the  troubled  spirits.  He  represented  that  all  his 
thoughts,  efforts,  and  possessions  were  for  the  honor 
of  his  God,  his  king,  and  his  companions.  With  them 
he  had  shared  every  danger  and  hardship,  and  for 
their  welfare  he  had  watched,  rendering  justice  to  all. 
The  division  had  been  fairly  made  in  accordance  with 
previous  arrangement.  But  he  was  not  avaricious; 
all  he  had  was  theirs,  and  he  would  employ  it  for  them 
as  might  a father.  He  would  surrender  the  fifth  which 
had  been  assigned  him,  if  they  wished  it,  retaining 
only  his  share  as  captain-general;  and  he  would  also 
help  any  one  in  need.  The  treasure  thus  far  secured 
was  insignificant  compared  to  what  lay  before  them. 
What  mattered  a few  hundred  pesos  more  or  less 
in  view  of  the  rich  mines,  the  large  tracts,  and  the 
immense  number  of  towns,  which  were  all  theirs, 
so  long  as  they  held  loyally  together?  “I  will  make 
a lord  of  every  one  of  you,”  he  concluded,  “if  you 
will  but  have  peace  and  patience.”30  And  to  give 
greater  effect  to  this  harangue  he  bribed  with  gifts 
and  promises  the  more  influential  to  sound  his  praises ; 
whereupon  the  murmurs  died  away,  though  rancor 
still  remained  with  many,  awaiting  opportunity.37 


to  Cortes  about  missing  gold,  and  thenceforth  they  were  not  very  friendly. 
Noticing  that  Velazquez  was  in  fetters,  Montezuma  asked  the  general  for  the 
cause,  and  was  told  that,  not  satisfied  with  his  share  of  gold,  he  wished  to 
make  a tour  of  the  towns  to  demand  more,  and  perhaps  to  commit  excesses. 
The  emperor  asked  that  he  be  allowed  to  go,  and  Cortes  consented  with  ap- 
parent reluctance.  A sentence  seems  to  have  been  passed  for  the  culprit  to 
leave  camp,  and  he  proceeded  with  a Mexican  official  to  Choluia,  whence  he 
returned  with  more  gold  a few  days  later.  So  runs  the  story  of  Bernal  Diaz, 
Jfi.it.  Verdi  id.,  84—5.  B.  V.  de  Tapia  declares  that  Cortes  kept  him  ‘muchos 
dias  en  una  casylla  pequena  e con  guardas.’  C'ortds,  liesidencia,  i.  40-1. 

36 Id.,  and  Herrera , dec.  ii.  lib.  ix.  cap.  v. 

37  Among  those  who  took  most  to  heart  the  disappointing  distribution  was 
Juan  de  Cardenas,  a pilot  and  sailor  of  Triana,  who  had  a wife  and  children  in 
Spain.  Tired  of  struggling  with  poverty  at  home  he  had  come  to  seek  a better 
lot  with  the  conquerors  in  America.  The  first  sight  of  the  treasures  to  be 
divided  had  inspired  him  with  an  ardent  hope  of  being  able  to  return  to  his 
family,  for  an  equal  division  would  have  given  him  quite  a little  fortune. 
Finding  his  dream  of  happiness  shattered  he  became  almost  raving.  Cortes 
gave  him  300  pesos,  and  promised  that  he  should  be  sent  home  by  the  first 
opportunity.  Cardenas  appeared  to  be  satisfied,  but  on  reaching  Spain  he 


346 


POLITICS  AND  RELIGION. 


A.  large  proportion  of  tlie  soldiers  imitated  the 
example  of  the  heavy  sharers  in  the  spoils  by  con- 
verting their  allotment,  with  the  aid  of  Azcapu- 
zalcan  goldsmiths,  into  chains,  crosses,  and  other 
adornments  for  their  persons,  so  that  the  display  of 
wealth  became  quite  dazzling.  Others  yielded  to 
the  infatuation  for  gambling,  then  so  prevalent,  and 
lost  without  a murmur  the  hard-earned  share.313 

But  one  thing  now  remained  to  complete  the  triumph 
of  the  conqueror.  The  manacled  kings  were  subservi- 
ent, and  the  people  displayed  their  loyalty  by  pouring 
tribute  into  his  coffers.  But  his  god  was  not  theirs, 
and  this  the  pious  pilferer  could  not  endure.  He  and 
his  priests  had  lost  no  opportunity  to  preach  the  faith 
to  emperor  and  subjects;39  but  the  hearts  of  the  natives 
were  obdurately  fixed  on  the  idols  of  the  pyramid. 
He  never  beheld  the  temple  without  being  tempted  to 
lay  low  the  effigies  of  Satan,  and  it  was  owing  only  to 
Father  Olmedo’s  prudent  counsel  that  the  temptation 
was  resisted.  Repeatedly  had  he  urged  on  the  weak 
emperor  to  begin  the  great  work  by  some  radical  re- 
form, but  could  obtain  only  the  promise  that  human 
sacrifices  would  be  stopped.  Finding  that  even  this 
was  not  observed,  he  consulted  with  his  captains,  and 
it  was  agreed  to  demand  the  surrender  of  the  great 
temple  for  Christian  worship,  so  that  the  natives 
might  be  made  to  feel  the  holy  influence  of  its  symbols 
and  rites.  Montezuma  was  prepared  with  excuses,  but 
the  deputation  declared  with  fierce  vehemence  that 

came  forward  as  a bitter  opponent  of  the  general.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad. , 
S4.  Solis  speaks  up  in  behalf  of  his  hero,  and  condemns  the  men  as  avaricious 
and  ungrateful  for  demanding  more  than  their  share.  The  leaders  and  best 
men  deserved  larger  gains.  As  for  Bernal  Diaz,  ‘ Habla  mas  como  pobre  sol 
dado,  (pie  como  historiador.’  Hist.  Mex. , ii.  35.  The  share  for  Villa  Rica  was 
sent  to  Tlaseaia,  says  Bernal  Diaz,  whither  rumor  had  it  that  large  sums  were 
forwarded  for  Cortes  and  others,  who  claimed  afterward  that  they  had  been 
lost  during  the  uprising.  ‘Las  piedras  bajas  y plumages,  todo  lo  tomaron  lo» 
Indiosdc  Tlaxcala.  ’ Saha  gun,  /list.  Cong.,  26. 

3S  The  cards,  made  by  Pedro  Valenciano  from  drumskins,  were  as  neatly 
painted  as  those  of  Spain.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  84. 

39  Herrera  gives  lengthy  specimens  of  the  warrior  preacher’s  effusions, 
occupying  more  than  one  chapter,  dec.  ii.  lib.  viii.  cap.  vi.-vii. 


CORTES  CRIES  TO  GOD. 


347 


if  this  were  refused  they  would  forcibly  remove  the 
idols  and  kill  the  priests  who  resisted.  “ Malinelie,” 
exclaimed  the  monarch  in  alarm,  “do  you  then  seek  the 
destruction  of  the  city?  Our  gods  are  incensed  against 
us,  and  the  people  imbittered.  Even  your  lives  will 
not  be  safe.  Wait,  I entreat  you,  till  I call  the  priests 
for  consultation.”40 

Cortes  saw  that  nothing  more  could  then  be  at- 
tained, but  with  the  indiscreet  zeal  for  religion  which 
often  blinded  him  he  determined  that  there  should 
be  no  further  delay.  He  apprehended  no  uprising 
among  a people  which  had  so  patiently  submitted 
to  all  exactions,  yet  he  feared  that  the  priests,  if 
warned,  might  prevent  an  entry  into  the  temple,  and 
so  he  resolved  to  anticipate  them,  and  to  demon- 
strate the  impotency  of  their  gods.  Giving  orders 
for  a strong  force  to  follow  after  a short  interval,  he 
went  forward  with  hardly  a dozen  men  in  order 
not  to  arouse  suspicion.41  Entering  the  sanctuary, 
and  finding  that  he  could  not  draw  aside  the  costly 
curtain  with  its  golden  pellet  fringe  which  shielded 
the  bejewelled  idols  from  profane  gaze,  he  had  it  cut 
asunder.  The  reason  for  the  obstruction  now  became 
apparent.  The  idol  showed  traces  of  fresh  human 
blood.  At  this  evidence  of  broken  promises  and  dis- 
regarded orders  Cortes  began  to  rave.  “Oh  God!” 
he  cried,  “why  dost  thou  permit  the  devil  to  be  thus 
honored  in  this  land?  Let  it  appear  good  that  we 
serve  thee.” 

Turning  to  the  temple  attendants,  who  had  followed 
with  apprehensive  mien,  he  upbraided  them  for  their 
blind  adherence  to  a bloody  worship,  and  compared 
the  evil  of  idolatry  with  the  saving  rites  of  Chris- 
tianity. He  was  determined,  he  said,  to  remove 
the  idols  and  install  an  image  of  the  virgin.  They 

40  According  to  Bernal  Diaz  Cortes  made  a sign  that  he  and  Olmedo  desired 
to  speak  privately  to  Montezuma.  He  now  proposed  that  in  order  to  prevent 
tumult  his  captains  might  be  persuaded  to  rest  content  with  a space  in  the 
great  temple  for  an  altar  and  cross.  Hist.  Verdad. , S3. 

41  Tapia  leaves  the  impression  that  he  called  casually  at  the  temple,  and 
afterward  sent  for  more  troops. 


34S 


POLITICS  AND  RELIGION. 


must  take  away  all  within  the  sanctuary  and  cleanse 
it.  The  priests  shook  their  heads  at  such  an  insane 
idea.  All  the  city  and  country  around  adored  these 
gods,  and  they  would  die  rather  than  see  them  dese- 
crated. They  further  intimated  that  the  deities  would 
themselves  know  how  to  chastise  the  sacrilegious. 
This  reply  only  fired  the  fury  of  Cortes,  and  unable 
further  to  restrain  himself,  he  seized  a bar,  dashed  at 
the  idol,  and  striking  it  a blow  which  caused  the  golden 
mask  to  fall  off,  he  exclaimed,  “ Shall  we  not  do  some- 
thing for  God?”  Captain  Andres  de  Tapia,  one  of 
the  dozen  Spaniards  present  on  the  occasion,  testifies 
to  the  rash  proceeding:  “I  swear  by  my  faith  as  a 
gentleman  and  by  God  that  it  is  true.  It  seems  as  if 
I now  see  the  marquis  springing  with  excitement  and 
striking  at  the  idol.”42 

When  the  real  intentions  of  Cortes  had  first  be- 
come apparent  to  the  priests,  they  sent  to  warn 
Montezuma,  as  emperor  and  high-priest,  that  some 
outrage  might  be  perpetrated.  Suspecting  that  the 
recent  threat  was  about  to  be  carried  out,  he  de- 
spatched a messenger  to  the  general  asking  permission 
to  come  to  the  temple,  and  imploring  him  meanwhile 
to  respect  the  idols.  The  message  arrived  before 
much  damage  was  done,  and  with  the  advice  of  his 
followers  Cortes  was  induced  to  yield.  He  recognized 
that  the  attitude  assumed  might  lead  to  more  serious 
results  than  had  been  at  first  supposed.  The  rumor 
had  spread  of  extraordinary  proceedings  on  the  temple 
summit,  and  armed  and  threatening  crowds  were 
gathering  at  the  foot,  impeded  only  by  the  Spanish 
reserve  escort43  from  ascending  to  defend  their  gods. 
Why  should  not  they  fight  for  their  religion  as  well 
as  others?  Seeing  that  the  emperor’s  presence  was 
necessary  to  calm  them,  Cortes  permitted  him  to  come. 
He  soon  arrived,  under  a strong  guard,  and  pointing 
to  the  excited  masses  he  reasoned  with  Cortes  upon 

12  In  Bel.,  in  Icazbalcetn,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  585. 

43  Of  30  or  40  men,  says  Tapia. 


HUMILIATION  OF  THE  IDOLS. 


349 


the  uselessness  and  danger  of  his  hasty  project.  The 
latter  stubbornly  insisted,  and  after  a consultation 
with  the  priests  it  was  agreed  to  surrender  both  the 
summit  chapels  of  Huitzilopochtli  and  Tezcatlipoca 
to  Christian  worship,*4  on  condition  that  the  idols 

41  * Ficc  limpiar  aqtiellas  capillas . . . . y puse  en  ellas  imdgenes  de  nuestra 
Sefiora  y de  otros  santos.’  Cortes,  Cartas,  10G.  Andres  de  Tapia  is  still  more 
explicit  in  relating  how  Cortds  insisted  on  having  both  chapels  cleared  of  idols. 
‘ El  marques  hizo  liacer  dos  altares,  uno  cn  una  parte  de  la  torre,  que  era  par- 
tida  en  dos  lraecos,  <5  otro  cn  otra.’  ltd.,  in  Ic.nzbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  5S5-6. 
In  testifying  to  the  proceedings  in  the  temple  previous  to  the  massacre  by 
Alvarado,  B.  V.  de  Tapia  states  that  the  Indians  intended  to  restore  Iluitzilo- 
pochtli  to  the  tower,  ‘ dondc  solia  estar  por  que  lo  habia  quitado  de  alii  D. 
Hernando  e puesto  a nuestra  Senora.  ’ Ramirez,  Proceso  contra  A Ivarado,  36. 
Alvarado  confirms  this  in  different  words.  Id.,  GG-7.  The  ofily  other  eye- 
witness who  refers  with  any  detail  to  the  above  is  Bernal  Diaz,  and  he  accords 
only  a space  on  the  summit  to  the  Christian  emblems.  But  his  different  allusions 
to  the  temple  are  confused  and  contradictory ; yet  he  has  been  followed  by 
modern  writers:  first,  because  the  preceding  three  testimonies  have  not  been 
accessible  till  late  years;  and  second,  because  they  have  been  content  to  copy 
Prescott,  who  adopts  Bernal  Diaz  in  only  too  many  instances.  The  mistake 
appears  also  to  rest  on  the  finding  of  Huitzilopochtli’s  image  in  one  of  the 
summit  chapels  when  it  was  recaptured  by  the  Spaniards  during  the  later 
siege.  It  is  only  natural  that  the  Aztecs,  on  obtaining  possession  of  their 
temple,  should  have  reinstalled  the  war  god.  Peter  Martyr  does  assume  that 
one  image  was  too  large  to  be  removed,  dec.  v.  cap.  iv.  And  Gomara  intimates 
that  idols  remained.  ‘ Pusiero  cruzes  e imagines. . . .entre  sus  ldolos.’  Hist. 
Alex.,  128.  The  phrase  can  apply  to  those  in  the  court,  although  his  state- 
ment may  be  founded  on  Martyr,  as  that  of  Ixtlilxochitl  is  on  him:  ‘Y  did 
[Montezuma]  permiso  que  en  la  capilla  del  tcmplo  mayor  . . . . se  pusiesen 
entre  los  dos  idolos  de  Huitzilopochtli,  un  crucinjo,  una  imagen  de  Nuestra 
Senora  y una  cruz.’  Hist.  Chick.,  297.  As  regards  the  casting-down  of  idols, 
Prescott,  in  common  with  most  modem  writers,  assumes  this  to  be  a mere 
boast  on  the  part  of  Cortds;  but  a careful  investigation,  supported  by  the 
‘solemn’  assurance  of  Tapia,  not  accessible  to  them,  confirms  this  statement 
in  the  main.  The  general  probably  exaggerates  somewhat  in  saying:  ‘Los  mas 
principales  destos  idolos. . . . derroqud  yo  de  sus  sillas  y los  flee  echar  por  las 
escaleras  abajo.’  Cartas,  10G.  This  probably  strikes  Oviedo,  who,  while  re- 
peating the  account,  expresses  a doubt  about  its  truth:  ‘Bien  pudo  Dios  dar 
lagar  & cllo;  pero  para  mi  yo  tengo  por  mara villa,  6 grande,  la  mucha  paci- 
cn^ia  de  Montecuma  & de  los  indios.  ’ iii.  303.  Soli3  even  doubts  that  altar 
and  cross  were  ever  erected  in  so  unclean  a spot,  amid  idols  and  idolatrous 
priests:  it  would  have  been  sacrilege;  besides  the  Mexicans  would  never  have 
permitted  the  intrusion.  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  9-12.  The  doubt  expressed  against 
Cortes’  boast  rests  chiefly  with  Bernal  Diaz,  whose  faulty  account  states  that 
Montezuma,  by  mere  persuasion  sent  for  the  priests,  and  after  consulting  with 
them  had  a space  on  the  temple  summit  quietly  assigned  to  the  Spaniards. 
Hist.  Verdad. , 83.  Gomara  devotes  several  pages  to  the  casting  down  of  the 
idols,  which  he  justly  regards  as  a memorable  feat : ‘ Mas  lionra  y prez  gano 
Cortes  con  esta  hazana  Christiana,  que  si  los  venciera  en  batalla.  ’ He  applies 
it,  however,  to  the  occasion  of  the  imperial  prisoner’s  first  visit  to  the  temple. 
Montezuma  stops  Cortds  in  the  midst  of  his  destructive  work  and  checks  the 
fury  of  the  crowd,  which  the  general  thereupon  appeases  with  a long  profound 
speech  on  theologic  mysteries,  carefully  prepared  by  Gomara.  Hist.  Mex., 
12G-8.  The  preceding  points  assume  importance  when  it  is  considered  that  the 
usurpation  of  the  great  pyramid  by  Christian  emblems  gave  the  strongest 
impulse  to  the  uprising  soon  to  follow. 


350 


POLITICS  AND  RELIGION. 


within  might  • be  removed  by  the  reverent  hands  of 
priests  alone.  This  was  effected  while  the  emperor 
remained  on  the  summit.  The  chapels  were  then 
whitewashed,  a cross  was  planted,  and  two  altars  rose, 
on  which  were  placed  the  image  of  the  virgin  and  of 
a saint  whom  Tapia  calls  San  Cristobal.45 

Preparations  were  next  made  to  consecrate  the 
sanctuary,  now  festive  with  garlands  and  flowers. 
The  Spaniards  marched  in  procession  through  the 
streets,  to  the  chant  of  psalms,  headed  by  the  two 
priests  who  bore  the  crucifix  and  images.  Crowds  of 
wondering  natives  lined  their  path,  and  remained  to 
watch  the  cross  winding  its  way  round  the  pyramid 
in  a sanctifying  orbit.  Cortes  was  the  first  to  kiss 
the  installed  crucifix,  while  tears  of  joy  rolled  down 
his  cheeks.  Mass  followed  the  consecration,  and  with 
a swelling  Te  Deum  the  soldiers  rendered  thanks  to 
the  supreme  being  for  the  triumph  accorded  them 
over  paganism. 

It  was  but  a partial  victory,  however,  for  in  the 
court  the  priests  were  even  then  gathered  in  adora- 
tion of  the  chief  idol,  bewailing  their  own  impo- 
tency,  and  imploring  it  to  rise  and  avenge  its  outraged 
majesty  and  their  humiliation.  An  old  soldier  was  left 
as  guard  to  keep  the  candles  burning,  and  to  prevent 
intrusion  from  temple  attendants,  save  to  clean  the 

45  ‘ fi  puso  en  una  parte  la  imdgen  de  Nuestra  Senora  en  tin  retablico  de 
tabla,  6 en  otro  la  de  Sant  Cristobal,  porque  no  liabie  estonces  otras  imagines.’ 
Pel.,  loc.  cit.  It  is  generally  assumed  by  the  faithful  that  the  virgin’s  image 
is  identical  with  the  one  now  known  as  the  Virgen  de  los  Remedios,  in  its 
celebrated  shrine  near  Mexico.  It  had  been  given  to  Juan  Rodriguez  de 
Villafuerte  by  his  brother,  an  Augustine  friar,  when  he  departed  for  the  Indies. 
During  the  uprising  in  June,  1520,  the  image  is  believed  to  have  of  its  own 
accord  taken  flight  to  the  site  where  a shrine  afterward  rose  in  its  honor. 
Medina , Chrdn.  de  San  Die'rjo  de  Mex. , 30;  Cabrera,  Escudo  Armas,  100-25; 
Loremana,  in  Cortes,  Hist.  N.  Esp.,  138  et  seq. ; Bustamante,  Mem.  Piedad 
Mex.  Unfortunately  for  this  belief,  Tapia’s  testimony  describes  the  image  as 
a picture  on  a board,  while  the  Remedios  image  is  a little  battered  doll.  The 
testimony  is  contradicted  by  nothing  but  pious  supposition.  In  preparing  the 
site  for  altars  the  Spaniards  noticed  that  the  walls  were  of  unusual  thickness. 
Breaking  them  open  they  found  a number  of  jewels.  Gold  was  also  obtained 
from  tombs  on  the  summit  platform,  and  the  curtain  pendants  and  other  valu- 
ables were  of  course  appropriated.  Tapia,  Rel.,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc., 
53G;  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  viii.  cap.  vi. 


EFFECTIVE  PRAYER. 


351 


place  for  the  frequent  services  which  were  hence- 
forth held  here.46 

Taking  advantage  of  the  step  thus  gained,  the 
priests  and  their  followers  sought  to  impress  upon  the 
natives  the  superiority  of  their  faith,47  and  numbers 
were  convinced,  says  Tapia,  although  few  accepted 
baptism  out  of  fear  of  their  countrymen.43  There 
was  a drought  prevailing  at  the  time,  and  the  priests, 
having  in  vain  appealed  for  a remedy,  ascribed  the  evii 
to  the  anger  of  the  gods  at  the  presence  of  the  wor- 
shippers of  strange  deities  and  their  hateful  symbols. 
A few  days  after  the  consecration  of  the  altars  a dep- 
utation of  natives  appeared  at  the  Spanish  quarters, 
bearing  withered  corn-stalks,  and  demanding  that, 
since  the  Europeans  had  removed  the  idols  to  whom 
they  prayed  for  rain,  they  should  ask  their  god  for  it, 
so  that  the  people  .might  not  die  of  hunger.  Cortes  re- 
assured them,49  and  ordered  a general  prayer  for  relief. 
“The  following  day,”  says  Tapia,  “we  marched  in  pro- 
cession to  the  temple,  under  a blazing  sun.”  While 
mass  was  being  said  a cloud  might  be  seen  gather- 
ing on  Mount  Tepcaquilla,  and  “on  our  way  back 
the  rain  fell  so  heavily  that  we  had  to  wade  in  water 
up  to  our  ankles.”  The  rain  continued  for  several 
days,  and  the  harvest  turned  out  abundant.60  Each 
party  claimed  the  meteorological  display  as  a direct 
answmr  to  its  prayer,  for  the  Mexicans  were  hardly 

46  Montezuma  received  the  returning  procession  with  a forced  welcome, 
and  gave  orders  to  destroy  a series  of  brothels  in  Tlatelulco,  containing  over 
400  women,  whose  iniquity,  he  said,  had  brought  the  present  evil  upon  the 
city.  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  viii.  cap.  vi. 

47  Herrera  devotes  five  columns  to  Cortes’  sermon,  dec.  ii.  lib.  viii.  cap. 

vii.  ; Torqvemada,  i.  465-7. 

48  Or  perhaps  of  the  teachers  of  the  faith,  who  appeared  with  sword  in 
hand  to  enforce  their  cruel,  rapacious,  and  immoral  demands.  Herrera  be- 
lieves Montezuma  would  have  become  a Christian  had  he  dared,  dec.  ii.  lib. 

viii.  cap.  ix.  But  Duran  states  that  according  to  the  native  records  all  the 
three  captive  rulers  were  baptized,  and  that  Father  Olmedo  had  told  him 
he  believed  such  was  the  case,  although  the  rite  had  not  been  administered 
by  himself,  llist.  Ind.,  MS.,  ii.  445.  This  question  will  be  discussed  in  a later 
chapter. 

43  ‘Sed  ciertos,  que  de  aqui  a maiiana  llouera,  y tendreys  el  mejor  aiio  que 
jamas  aueys  tenido.  ’ Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  viii.  cap.  vi. 

80  Tapia,  /‘el. , in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  586;  llazart,  Kirchen  Geschiclde, 
ii.  520;  Torquemada,  i.  464. 


3o2 


POLITICS  AND  RELIGION. 


prepared  to  yield  everything  without  a struggle.  To 
this  insignificant  and  hated  band  of  intruders  they 
had  practically  abandoned  their  country,  by  acknowl- 
edging serfdom  with  tribute.  Daily  they  submitted 
to  wrongs  and  indignities.  The  sacred  person  of  their 
king  had  been  profaned,  their  nobles  brought  to  the 
dust.  Now  should  they  submit  to  this  destruction  of 
their  gods?  If  so,  the  heavens  and  earth  would  come 
together,  grinding  them  to  powder  1 


CHAPTER  XX. 


THE  CUBAN  GOVERNOR  IN  PURSUIT. 

1519-1520. 

The  Mexicans  Threaten  Revolt— The  Clergy  in  Arms — They  De- 
nounce the  Conduct  of  Montezuma — The  Emperor  Declares  he 
can  no  longer  Restrain  his  People — Tidings  of  Velazquez’  Fleet- 
Sailing  from  Cuba  of  an  Expedition  under  Narvaez — Arrival 
in  Mexico— Conflict  with  Cortes — Interchange  of  Threats  and 
Courtesies — Attempted  Union  of  Forces — Narvaez  Remains  Loyal 
to  Velazquez — Desertion  of  Some  of  his  Men  to  Cortes. 


War  now  seemed  inevitable;  for  if  earthly  powers 
availed  not  against  the  invaders,  heaven’s  artillery 
should  disperse  the  impious  foe.  If  feeble  man  by 
fearful  combinations  be  brought  low,  surely  the  gods 
may  yet  defend  themselves  from  insult. 

Hitherto  it  had  been  the  higher  nobles  only  who 
harbored  designs  against  the  Spaniards,  but,  while  no 
longer  cemented  by  the  accustomed  despotism,  they 
were  held  in  check  by  their  jealousies,  their  party 
politics,  and  fear  for  their  possessions.  A stronger 
influence  than  these  was  at  hand,  however.  Now  for 
the  first  time  the  lesser  nobles  and  the  common  people 
were  aroused.  The  outrage  on  the  idols  affected  all. 
And  the  clergy,  who  out  of  regard  for  their  higli- 
priest,  the  emperor,  had  remained  passive,  now  felt 
themselves  struck  in  a vital  part.  Their  influence, 
supremacy,  and  means  of  support  were  all  involved, 
and  the  power  of  the  priesthood  was  as  great  here  as 
among  other  superstitious  peoples.  How  far  they 
worked  upon  the  nobles  and  plebeians  is  not  clear, 
but  their  interviews  with  Montezuma,  although  held 

Hist.  Met.,  Vol.  I.  23  ( 353) 


354 


THE  CUBAN  GOVERNOR  IN  PURSUIT. 


in  secret,  out  of  the  reach  even  of  the  favorite  page,  be- 
came ko  frequent  and  earnest  as  to  rouse  the  suspicions 
of  the  guard.  It  was  said  that,  assisted  by  influential 
courtiers,  they  represented  how  deeply  the  sacrilegious 
act  had  stirred  the  people,  already  incensed  by  the 
shameful  captivity  of  their  sovereigns.  Further  than 
this,  oracles  had  announced  that  the  gods  would  aban- 
don the  cit}^  and  its  inhabitants  to  their  fate  if  the 
obnoxious  strangers  were  not  quickly  killed  or  driven 
hence.  The  masses  would  rise,  and  if  Montezuma, 
forgetful  of  his  dignity  and  duty,  still  declined  to  be 
liberated,  preferring  the  fate  of  Quauhpopoca,  which 
must  surely  overtake  him,  then  they  would  choose 
another  monarch.1  This  last  threat  struck  home. 
Sorely  had  Montezuma  sighed  for  liberty,  and  he  had 
feared  for  his  throne;  now  his  own  subjects  threatened 
him  with  what  he  dreaded  most.  In  this  dilemma  he 
turned  to  Cortes.2 

The  apprehensions  of  the  Spaniards  had  been 
aroused  not  only  by  the  secret  interviews  of  the 
priests,  but  by  the  somewhat  distant  manner  of  the 
emperor,  and  at  this  unusual  summons  they  became 
seriously  alarmed.  Even  the  general  could  not  sup- 
press his  misgivings  as  he  hurried  to  the  emperor’s 
apartments,  attended  by  Olid,  then  captain  of  the 
guard.  With  solemn  visage  Montezuma  bade  him  be 
seated.  Then  he  reminded  him  of  the  warnings 
against  his  many  rash  proceedings,  particularly  the 
installation  of  the  cross  upon  the  pyramid.  The  in- 
censed gods  at  last  had  spoken,  had  ordered  him  to 
attack  and  drive  the  Spaniards  into  the  sea,  and  the 
people  were  stirred  almost  beyond  control.  He  had 

1 Qoviara,  Hist.  Mex. , 136-7;  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Vcrdad.,  85-6.  ‘Eldiablo 
q muchas  vezes  le  hablana,  le  arnenazaua.  ’ Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  ix.  cap.  vi. 
‘ Hi 90  Montezuma  apercebir  (jient  mill  hombres  de  pelea.  ’ Oviedo,  iii.  507. 
Others  make  the  number  less.  To  this  Clavigero  objects:  ‘ Mi  persuado  che 
vi  sia  stata  in  fatti  qualche  truppa  allestita,  non  perb  per  ordine  del  Re,  ma 
soltanto  d’alcuni  Nobili.’  Storia  M ess. , iii.  112. 

2 Solis  sees  in  this  determination  only  a proof  of  his  supposition  that  the 
offer  of  vassalage  and  tribute  was  but  a bribe  to  satiate  the  Spaniards,  since 
he  now  bids  them  go.  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  35-6. 


AGAIN  CORTES  DISSEMBLES. 


355 


only  to  give  the  signal;  nay,  did  he  delay  to  do  so, 
they  would  rise.  But  he  loved  Malinclie;  had  he  not 
proved  this  by  his  devotion?  He  wished  to  save  the 
Spaniards;  and  now  he  warned,  he  implored  them  to 
leave  the  city  before  it  * would  be  too  late.  They 
might  take  all  his  treasures;  nay,  he  would  give  each 
man  a load  of  gold  if  they  would  only  go.3 

The  tone  and  manner  of  the  prince  convinced  them 
that  his  words  were  sincere.  Cortes  deemed  it  best 
to  feign  compliance.  He  thanked  the  emperor  for  the 
interest  manifested  in  their  safety,  and  replied  that 
since  he  and  his  gods  and  people  so  desired  it,  they 
would  comply;  but  having  no  vessels,  time  must  be 
allowed  to  build  them.4  This  was  perplexing,  but 
Montezuma  overlooked  everything  on  hearing  that 
the  Spaniards  were  ready  to  leave.  He  insisted  no 
further,  knowing  well  enough  that  he  and  the  other 
captives  would  have  to  follow  if  a withdrawal  from 
the  city  was  required  before  the  means  of  transport 
had  been  found.5  He  had  seen  that  it  did  not  take 
long  to  construct  ships,  and  offered  the  necessary 
carpenters  to  fell  and  prepare  timber,  as  before. 
Meanwhile  he  would  endeavor  to  appease  his  vassals, 
pointing  out  that  an  uprising  would  be  disastrous 
also  to  himself  and  them.  Martin  Lopez  was  at 
once  sent  down  to  Villa  Rica  with  Andres  Nunez, 

3 ‘ Yo  os  dare  para  vos  dos  cargas  de  oro,  & una  para  cada  chripstiano.  ’ Ovierlo , 
iii.  507;  Gomara,  Jlist.  Mex.,  13S.  Herrera  increases  this  to  four  loads  for 
Cortes  and  two  loads  for  each  horseman,  dec.  ii.  lib.  ix.  cap.  vi.  And  Duran 
heard  that  a ship-load  of  treasures  was  offered;  but  the  pious  Cortes  was  too 
intent  on  converting  souls  to  accept  the  bribe.  Pizarro  y Orellana,  Varones 
II  r sires,  91;  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  S6.  Montezuma  had  become  at- 
tached to  many  of  the  Spaniards,  including  the  courteous  general,  and  really 
wished  them  well. 

4 ‘ Dixo  a vn  Espanol  de  los  doze,  q fuesse  a auisar  a los  compaheros  q se 
aparejassen  por  quanto  se  trataua  co  el  de  sus  vidas.’  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex., 
137-8.  This  author  and  others  state  that  Cortes  gives  thanks  for  the  warning, 
and  offers  to  go  whenever  he  is  bidden.  Montezuma,  equally  polite,  tells  him 
to  select  his  own  time.  When  ready  to  leave  he  will  give  a load  of  gold  to 
each  man,  aud  two  for  himself.  CorttSs  thereupon  brings  up  the  question  of 
Vessels. 

’5  ‘Cortes  le  dixo. . . .q  por  fuerca  auia  de  ir  el  Motecuma  con  nosotros,  para 
que  le  vea  nuestro  gran  Emperador.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  86.  It  is 
not  probable  that  this  was  said  on  the  present  occasion,  however,  and  it  would 
only  have  irritated  the  emperor. 


336 


THE  CUBAN  GOVERNOR  IN  PURSUIT. 


some  chiefs,  and  a number  of  Indian  workmen,  to 
build  three  vessels,  but  with  secret  instructions  to 
delay  the  work  in  every  manner.6 

% 

Cortes  had  no  intention  to  surrender  his  hold  on 
the  country.  It  was  now  more  than  eight  months 
since  the  procuradores  had  left  for  Spain,  and  he 
began  to  look  for  their  return  with  a royal  com- 
mission, if  not  with  reinforcements.  Once  provided 
with  this  worshipful  paper  he  could  brave  Velazquez 
and  all  the  world.  He  could  send  to  the  Islands  and 
buy  vessels,  arms,  and  supplies;  and  he  could  easily 
enlist  all  the  troops  necessary  to  the  achievement  of 
1 1 is  great  project.  Meanwhile  he  hoped  to  maintain 
his  position,  supported  by  native  allies,  such  as  the 
Tlascaltecs,  Chinantecs,  Goazacoalcos,  and  Cempoalans. 
It  needed  not  the  warning  of  Montezuma  to  convince 
the  Spaniards  that  a serious  attitude  had  been  as- 
sumed against  them  by  the  natives,  and  that  the 
precautions  for  defence  must  be  redoubled.  The  at- 
tendants appeared  less  obsequious,  and  the  supplies 
had  materially  diminished — owing  to  the  late  drought, 
they  said.1  This  was  remedied  by  the  commands  of 
the  emperor.  But  even  the  prospect  of  a speedy  de- 
parture of  the  strangers  did  not  appear  to  conciliate 
the  people;  and  less  sanguine  than  their  leader,  the 
soldiers  of  Cortes  felt  oppressed  by  gloomy  fore- 
bodings. In  addition  to  this  they  were  harassed  by 
extra  guard  duty  and  by  being  obliged  to  sleep  in 
their  accoutrements,  ready  for  instant  defence.8 

6 ‘Yd  con  essos  indios,  6 cortese  la  madera,  y entretanto  Dios  nos  proveera 
de  gente  6 socorro : por  tanto,  poned  tal  dilation  que  parezea  que  haceys  algo.  ’ 
Oviedo,  iii.  507-S;  Gomara,  Hist.  Max.,  138.  Bernal  Diaz  considers  this 
wrong.  He  knows  not  what  CortAs  told  Lopez,  ‘ mas  muy  secretamente  me 
dixo  el  Martin  Lopez,  que  de  heeho,  y apriessa  los  labrava.’  Montezuma  had 
demanded  that  ‘uohuviesse  mas  palabras,  sino  obras.’  Hist.Ve.rdad.,  86.  Per- 
haps Lopez  did  hurry,  from  personal  fear  of  remaining  in  the  country;  or  he  may 
have  been  instructed  by  CortAs  to  say  so  to  the  soldiers,  in  order  to  calm  them. 

7 ‘ Comenzb  A faltar  todo  lo  necessario  para  comer  y beber.’  To  remedy 
this,  strict  orders  had  to  be  issued  to  purveyors,  and  the  Tlascaltecs  were 
sent  on  foraging  expeditions,  which  led  to  much  abuse.  Sahagun,  Hist.  Conq., 
23  (ed.  1S40),  90. 

* Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  138.  In  speaking  of  this,  Bernal  Diaz  says  that  he 


ANOTHER  EXPEDITION  PLANNED. 


337 


We  must  now  go  back  to  Cuba  for  a moment,  where 
long  since  we  left  the  irate  governor  cursing.  Poor 
Velazquez  1 Cordoba,  Grijalva,  Cortes,  all  the  dep- 
uties sent  out  to  conquer  for  him  new  lands,  had  only 
been  a drain  on  him,  bringing  back  little  compensation 
in  slaves  and  gold.  Deeply  as  he  felt  these  troubles 
they  had  not  yet  affected  his  obesity,  and  it  was  with 
difficulty  that  he  waddled  about  his  island  stirring  up 
avengers.  With  the  aid  of  Fonseca  the  chaplain, 
Benito  Martin,  whom  Velazquez  had  sent  to  Spain 
on  his  behalf,  had  obtained  for  him  a royal  commis- 
sion,9 with  the  title  of  adelantado  of  the  lands  lately 
discovered  under  his  auspices  to  the  westward;  and 
October,  1519,  saw  busy  preparations  on  the  island 
for  an  expedition  as  well  against  Cortes  as  Monte- 
zuma.10 

There  was  no  trouble  in  obtaining  men.  The  rumors 
created  by  the  visit  of  Puertocarrero  and  Montejo 

became  so  used  to  sleeping  in  his  clothes,  and  enduring  hardships  generally, 
that  he  almost  discarded  the  bed  during  his  later  encomendero  life,  and 
could  take  only  short  naps.  ‘ Esto  he  dicho,  por  que  sepfi  de  que  arte  andamos 
los  verdaderos  Conqnistadores,  y como  estavamos  tan  acostubrados  a las 
armas,  y a velar.  ’ Hist.  Venlad. , 86. 

9 This  was  dated  Saragossa,  November  13,  1518,  within  a week  of  Cortes’ 
usurpation  of  the  fleet,  as  Las  Casas  observes,  and  conceded  to  Velazquez  the 
position  of  adelantado  not  only  over  Yucatan,  Cozumel,  and  ‘other  islands’ 
discovered  by  his  expeditions,  but  over  any  further  lands  that  he  might  find. 
In  connection  with  this  title  was  granted,  to  him  and  one  heir,  one  fifteenth 
of  the  revenue  accruing  to  the  king  from  these  lands;  and  after  their  con- 
quest and  settlement  one  twentieth  of  the  same  revenue,  in  perpetuity  for  him- 
self and  heirs,  from  any  one  island  that  he  might  select — the  discoveries  were 
supposed  to  be  all  islands.  All  supplies  of  food,  clothes,  and  arms,  introduced 
by  him  during  his  life,  were  to  be  free  of  duty.  In  support  of  his  expenses  a 
royal  plantation  near  Habana  was  transferred  to  him,  and  an  annual  salary 
conferred  of  300,000  maravedis.  A number  of  other  provisions  were  made  for 
the  promotion  of  economic,  politic,  and  spiritual  welfare  in  the  new  region. 
A synopsis  of  the  commission  is  given  in  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind. , v.  2-5.  Prescott 
misunderstands  the  Carta  de  Velazi/uez  of  October  12,  1519,  in  supposing  that 
the  governor  had  not  received  notice  of  his  appointment  by  that  time,  and  is 
therefore  wrong  in  taking  Gomara  to  task  for  saying : ‘ Estando  pues  en  aqueste 
pensamieto  [to  thwart  Cortes],  auino  que  llego  a Santiago ....  cartas  del  Em- 
perador,  y el  titulo  de  Adelantado,  y cedula  de  la  gouemacion . . . . de  Yucata.  ’■ 
Hist.  Alex.,  140. 

10  Carta  de  Velazquez,  October  12,  1519,  in  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doe., 
xii.  246-51.  Solis  assumes  that  the  preparations  of  Velazquez  were  influenced 
by  the  news  of  the  reception  accorded  in  Spain  to  the  procuradores  of  Cortes. 
11  bit.  Alex.,  ii.  42-4.  But  this  supposition,  based  partly  on  a vague  ex- 
pression of  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  ix.  cap.  xviii.,  is  wrong,  for  the  procura- 
dores reached  Spain  only  in  October,  and  were  detained  for  some  time  before 
they  saw  the  emperor. 


338 


THE  CUBAN  GOVERNOR  IN  PURSUIT. 


left  the  impression  that  ship-loads  of  gold  had  been 
forwarded  from  the  new  region  to  Spain,  and  the 
island  was  consequently  in  a ferment  with  excite- 
ment. So  great  indeed  became  the  desire  to  enlist 
that  Velazquez  would  in  any  case  have  been  obliged 
to  form  an  expedition  to  prevent  the  people  from 
going  on  their  own  account  to  reinforce  Cortes.11  At 
first  it  was  announced  that  the  governor  would  go  in 
person,  and  so  prevent  further  rebellion.  But  Velaz- 
quez never  thought  of  such  a thing:  he  was  too 
corpulent,  he  lacked  courage,  and  he  could  not  aban- 
don his  interests  and  his  post  in  Cuba,  leaving  the 
island  scantily  provided  with  defenders.  Further  than 
this,  he  had  confidence  in  the  legal  right  conferred  on 
him  over  the  new  country  and  over  any  expedition  he 
might  send.  His  announced  reasons  were  the  duties 
of  his  office,  which  demanded  his  presence  more  than 
ever  owing  to  the  prevalent  small-pox  epidemic.12 

Among  the  many  candidates  eager  for  the  command 
were  Baltasar  Bermudez,  a relative,  Vasco  Porcallo 
de  Figueroa,  and  Pdnfilo  de  Narvaez,  the  first  two 
mentioned  already  in  connection  with  Cortes’  appoint- 
ment. With  Bermudez  the  governor  could  come  to 
no  arrangement,  and  with  Porcallo  he  managed  to 
quarrel  after  selecting  him,13  so  that  he  was  left  with 
no  other  choice  than  Narvaez.  This  was  the  hidalgo 
of  Valladolid,14  whom  we  have  met  before,  who  had 
joined  Velazquez  shortly  after  his  arrival  in  Cuba, 
and  had  taken  a leading  part  in  its  conquest.  This 
over,  he  had  married  a rich  widow,  Maria  de  Valen- 
zuela, possessing  a number  of  towns,  and  had  accepted 
civil  positions,  such  as  procurador  for  the  island,  and 
contador  in  the  newly  discovered  region.  Narvaez 

11  ‘Conociendo  que  la  gete,  de  vna  manera  o de  otra,  se  auia  de  yr,  acordd 
de  recogerla.  ’ Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  ix.  cap.  xviii. 

12  Letter  to  Fiijueroa,  Nov.  17,  1519,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  400. 

13  It  appears  that  Velazquez’  suspicious  nature  had  led  him  to  cast  reflec- 
tions upon  Porcallo,  who  resented  them  by  throwing  up  the  appointment. 
Herrera  tells  the  story,  which  is  not  very  interesting,  dec.  ii.  lib.  ix.  cap.  xviii. 

14  Bernal  Diaz  says  also  ‘Ualladolid,  6 de  Tudela  de  Duero.’  Hist.  Verdad., 
246,  38. 


NARVAEZ  SELECTED  AS  LEADER. 


359 


was  about  forty-two  years  of  age,  tall  and  strongly 
built,  with  a long  face,  ruddy  complexion,  and  sandy 
beard.  To  a deep  voice  might  be  added  agreeable 
manners,  being  quite  fascinating  in  conversation.  His 
qualities  were  such  as  created  favorable  impression. 
Ordinarily  he  exhibited  good  judgment,  but  he  was 
careless,  headstrong,  and  arrogant.  As  a soldier  he 
was  undoubtedly  brave,  but  deficient  in  discipline  and 
foresight ; as  a general  he  was  far  from  being  the  equal 
of  Cortes.15 

By  virtue  of  his  commission  Velazquez  appointed 
this  man  captain-general  and  lieutenant-governor  of 
the  new  country,  with  orders  to  send  Cortes  and  any 
rebellious  captain  in  chains  to  Cuba,  to  carry  on  the 
conquest,  and  to  administer  for  the  best  interests  of 
the  settlement.16  But  the  friends  of  Cortes  were  not 
idle.  They  caused  representations  to  be  secretly  made 
to  the  audiencia17  that  a fratricidal  war  was  about  to 
be  opened  in  the  new  region,  ruinous  to  the  interests 
of  God  and  the  king,  and  legal  steps  were  at  once 
taken  by  the  promotor  fiscal.18  The  policy  of  Cortes 

15  ‘A  este  Narvaez  hizo  Diego  Velazquez  su  Capitan  principal,  siempre 
honrindolo,  (le  manera  que  despues  ddl  tuvo  en  aquella  isla  el  primer  lugar.  ’ 
Las  Casas,  Hist,  hid.,  iv.  4-G;  Oviedo,  i.  496.  ‘Dezian  que  era  muy  escaco.’ 
liernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  247. 

10  In  a letter  to  Judge  Figueroa,  of  the  Espanola  audiencia,  dated  Novem- 
ber 17,  1519,  he  gives  notice  of  this  appointment,  and  states  that  the  object 
of  the  expedition  is  to  prevent  injury  to  the  royal  interest  and  outrages  upon 
the  natives.  That  very  day  he  was  leaving  for  Trinidad  and  other  parts  to 
aid  Narvaez  in  the  preparations.  Icazbalceta,  Col,  Doc.,  i.  399-403.  Narvaez’ 
appointment  is  mentioned  already  in  the  letter  of  October  12tli,  addressed  to  a 
Spanish  dignitary,  wherein  he  is  spoken  of  as  contador  for  the  new  countries. 
Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  xii.  250. 

17  ‘Auiso  y relacion  dellos  les  embio  desde  Cubas  el  licenciado  Zuaijo,  que 
auia  venido.  . . .a  tomar  residencia. ’ Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  87.  But  we 
are  safe  in  saying  that  Duero  gave  the  impulse. 

18  This  official,  Juan  Carrillo,  laid  the  case  before  the  audiencia,  December 
24th,  representing  that  Cortes  had  without  superior  permission  made  war 
on  the  natives  of  the  new  lands  and  conquered  them.  He  had  also  appro- 
priated Velazquez’  fleet  and  captured  men  from  Garay’s  party,  greatly  to  the 
injury  of  both.  Velazquez  was  now  preparing  an  expedition  against  him.  The 
two  parties  would  meet  and  fight,  giving  the  natives  the  opportunity  to  rise 
and  recover  the  country.  Both  Cortes  and  Velazquez  being  guilty  in  under- 
taking such  expeditions  without  authority,  the  fiscal  prays  that  they  be 
punished  in  person  and  estate.  An  oidor  or  his  proxy  should  at  once  be  sent 
to  investigate  the  case  and  prevent  such  war.  During  the  following  weeks 
Carrillo  presented  letters  and  witnesses  in  support  of  his  petition.  Proceso  por 
Ileal  Audiencia  dc  la  Espanola,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  404-10. 


3G0 


TIIE  CUBAN  GOVERNOR  IN  PURSUIT. 


in  sending  procuradores  to  Spain,  with  presents  and 
messages  to  the  king,  had  its  effect  on  the  audiencia, 
which  considered  not  only  that  his  case  had  passed 
beyond  them,  but  that  he  was  rendering,  and  likely 
to  render,  greater  service  to  the  royal  interest  than 
was  his  rival.  By  no  means  predisposed  in  favor  of 
Velazquez,  they  moreover  sent  to  Cuba  the  prudent 
licentiate  Lucas  Vazquez  de  Aillon,  a member  of 
their  body,  with  instructions  to  prevent  the  threatened 
danger. 

Accompanied  by  Pedro  de  Ledesma,  secretary  to  the 
audiencia,  and  the  alguacil  mayor,  Aillon  met  Narvaez 
at  Yagua,19  preparing  with  a portion  of  the  fleet  to  join 
the  rest  at  Guaniguanico.  Placing  the  captain  under 
injunction  not  to  leave  Cuba,  he  proceeded  to  the 
rendezvous  and  represented  to  Velazquez  the  evil 
which  must  result  from  his  project,  urging  that  his 
duty  as  governor  and  loyal  subject  demanded  him  to 
forego  personal  vengeance  and  interest,  and  finally 
forbidding  the  expedition  without  express  permission 
from  the  king.  The  governor,  who  appears  to  have 
obtained  more  definite  news  from  Spain  regarding  the 
wealth  and  promises  of  New  Spain,  was  more  deter- 
mined than  ever  to  carry  out  liis  scheme.  Relying 
upon  the  grant  of  the  country  to  himself,  he  consid- 
ered that  he  had  every  right  to  claim  his  own  and  to 
treat  Cortes  as  an  interloper.  At  first  he  refused  to 
recognize  the  jurisdiction  of  the  audiencia  in  the 
matter,  but  pretended  finally  to  fall  in  with  Aillon’s 
views. 

It  was  accordingly  agreed  that,  in  order  to  pro- 
mote the  interests  both  of  king  and  governor,  by 
rendering  available  the  costly  preparations  made,  the 
fleet  should  proceed  to  its  destination,  but  without 
Indians,  and  with  a less  number  of  settlers  than  had 
volunteered.  Narvaez  might  present  the  claims  of 
his  principal  upon  Cortes,  but  only  in  a peaceable 
manner,  without  landing  any  forces.  If  they  were 

19  Fourteen  leagues  west  of  Trinidad. 


A MAGNIFICENT  FORCE. 


3G1 


not  entertained,  he  must  sail  onward  in  quest  of  new 
discoveries.20 

In  the  presence  of  Aillon  instructions  were  given 
to  Narvaez  in  accordance  with  the  agreement,  but  the 
former  nevertheless  resolved  to  accompany  the  expe- 
dition and  watch  over  their  observance,.  for  he  sus- 
pected the  sincerity  of  both  parties.21 

The  expedition  Avas  the  largest  which  had  as  yet 
been  fitted  out  in  the  New  World,  and  consisted  of 
eleven  large  and  seven  small  vessels,  with  somewhat 
over  nine  hundred  soldiers,  including  eighty  men  with' 
fire-arms,  one  hundred  and  tAventy  with  cross-boAvs, 
and  eighty  horsemen.  There  Avero  also  several  hun- 
ched Indians,  a large  force  of  sailors,  and  a park  of 
artillery,  together  with.  ample  stores  of  all  kinds.22 

20‘Todo  lo  qual  se  asentd  desta  manera,  y lo  did  por  instruccion  en  mi 
presencia  al  dicho  Pdnfilo  de  Narvaez.’  Ayllon,  in  Carta  dr  Audiencia,  in 
Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  xiii.  337.  For  fuller  text  of  this  agreement 
seo  Ayllon,  Pareccr,  in  Col.  Doc.  Died.,  i.  470-9.  By  the  time  the  discovery 
voyage  was  concluded  the  king  would  have  decided  the  case. 

21  This  creeps  out  in  his  report,  to  which  he  adds:  ‘Pareciome  que,  pues 
yo  principalmente  liabia  ido  a cstorbar  que  no  oviesen  debates  y cscdnclalos, 
quo  debia  seguir  mi  camino  hasta  los  dexar  pacihcos.’  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas, 
Col.  Doc.,  xiii.  337.  The  account  of  his  efforts  in  Cuba  i3  also  given  in  a 
special  letter  to  the  king,  written  by  him  at  Guaniguanico  March  4th,  on  the 
eve  of  departure  for  New  Spain.  This  letter  was  detained  in  Cuba  till  August. 
Pacheco  and.  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc.,  xi.  439-42;  Col.  Doc.  I.icd.,  i.4Sl-G.  Herrera, 
who  is  not  aware  of  the  agreement  with  Aillon,  assumes  that  Velazquez  and 
Narvaez  answer  his  protests  by  mere  assurances  that  they  intend  no  harm,  but 
will  take  care  of  the  king’s  interest,  Narvaez  ending  the  discussion  by  saying : 
‘de  qualquiera  manera  sc  pensaua  embarcar  dentro  de  dos  boras.’  dec.  ii.  lib. 
ix.  cap.  xviii.  Bernal  Diaz  .also  states  that  Velazquez  relied  so  much  on  the 

f avor  of  the  bishop  that  he  totally  ignored  the  protests  of  Aillon.  ‘Sohlado3  , 
dixeron,  que  venia  con  intencion  de  ayudamos,  y si  no  lo  pudiesse  hazer,  tomar 
la  tierra  en  si  por  su  Magestad,  como  Oidor.’  Hist.  Vordad.,  87.  Solis  sup- 
poses that  Aillon  hoped  to  prevail  on  Narvaezwhen  once  outof  Velazquez’  reach. 
Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  47 ; Cortes,  Carta*,  117;  Comara,  Hist.  Mex.,  140.  The  governor 
evidently  feared  to  oppose  Aillon’s  distasteful  resolution  to  embark,  lest  he 
should  induce  the  audiencia  to  adopt  a more  forcible  interference ; and  perhaps 
he  thought  that  his  protests  could  be  more  safely  disregarded  the  farther  he 
was  removed  from  the  centre  of  government. 

22  At  the  review  in  Cempoala,  New  Spain,  were  found  80  musketeers,  120 
archers,  GOO  infantry, and  80  horsemen.  Comara,  Hist.  Mex.,  14G.  Cortes  was 
told  by  Guevara  that  there  were  800  infantry,  including  80  archers  and  120 
musketeers.  Car 'os,  116.  Oviedo  has  only  800  men,  but  with  200  horses, 
iii.  50S,  while  Bernal  Diaz  raises  the  totals  to  19  vessels,  with  1300  to 
1400  soldiers,  including  80  horsemen,  90  archers,  and  70  musketeers,  but  not 
counting  the  sailors.  The  artillery  of  guns  was  in  charge  of  Captain  Rodrigo 
Martin.  Hist.  Vcrdad.,  8G-7.  Clavigero  adopts  18  vessels,  800  infantry,  83 
cavalry,  over  500  sailors,  and  12  guns.  Storia  Mess. , iii.  1 IX.  Aillon  vaguely 
nentions  ‘over  GOO  Spaniards  in  sixteen  vessels.’  ‘Sin  que  yo  lo  supiese. 


3G2 


THE  CUBAN  GOVERNOR  IN  PURSUIT. 


Sail  was  set  early  in  March,  1520,  and  after  touch- 
ing at  Cozumel  Island  to  pick  up  the  party  which  had 
been  left  there23  some  time  before,  they  entered  Rio 
de  Tabasco  to  obtain  water  and  provisions.  The  in- 
habitants fled  from  the  town  on  seeing:  so  lame  a 
force,  but  with  the  aid  of  an  interpreter  found  there 
they  were  reassured,  and  brought  maize  and  fowl, 
together  with  three  women,  as  presents  for  the  cap- 
tain. Four  days  after  leaving  the  river  the  fleet  was 
dispersed  by  a storm,  with  the  loss  of  six  vessels  and 
a number  of  soldiers  and  sailors.24  The  rest  of  the 
vessels  arrived  at  San  Juan  de  Ulua  in  the  latter  part 
of  April.25 

Three  soldiers,  deserters  from  the  exploring  expe- 
dition26 of  Cortes,  came  on  board,  and  after  declaring 

llevaron  hasta  mil  indios.’  Carta,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  xiii. 
337;  and  Tapia  says  1030  and  odd  men.  Bel.,  in  Icazbalcela,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  587. 
The  figures  from  the  review  in  New  Spain  must  be  increased  by  the  number  lost 
with  six  of  the  vessels  off  that  coast,  and  this  may  be  what  Bernal  Diaz  at- 
tempts to  do,  although  he  evidently  makes  the  estimate  too  high.  Agustin 
Bermudez  was  alguacil  mayor,  and  Cortes’  old  friend,  Duero,  managed  to  join 
a3  contador.  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  i. 

23  Eighty  Spaniards  had  been  landed,  and  a number  of  Indians,  but  most 
of  the  latter,  together  with  a large  proportion  of  the  natives,  had  died  of 
small-pox  introduced  by  the  Cubans.  To  judge  from  Aillon’s  report  he  ap- 
pears to  have  allowed  a number  of  Spaniards  to  remain,  with  a view  to  make 
there  a calling-place  for  ships,  and  which  might  serve  as  a base  for  operations 
tending  to  the  conquest  of  Yucatan.  He  refers  to  the  latter  country  as  an 
island  adjoining  Ulua,  which  he  believes  is  a continent,  lying  near  the  land 
discovered  by  Solis  and  Yaiiez.  Carta  de  Audiencia,  Aug.  30,  1520,  in  Pacheco 
and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc.,  xiii.  338. 

21  ‘Se  ahogaron  cinqiienta  ombres  6 los  demas  escapamoscon  harto  riesgo.’ 
Carta  da  Audiencia,  in  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc.,  xiii.  .338-9.  Monte- 
zuma informed  Cortes  of  this  shipwreck,  ‘6  le  mostrd  en  una  manta  pintados 
dicz  y ocho  navios,  6 los  cinco  dellos  A la  costa  quebrados  <5  trastomados  en  cl 
arena.  ’ Tapia,  Bel. , in  Icazbalcela,  Col.  Doc. , ii.  58G.  ‘ Tuuo  vn  viento  de  Norte 

y de  noche  se  le  perdio  vn  nauio  de  poco  porte,  que  dio  al  traues;  Capitan 

. . . . Christoval  de  Moran te y se  ahogo  cierta  gente.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist. 

Verdad.,  87. 

25Aillon  was  among  the  first  to  arrive,  Narvaez  and  the  other  captains 
coming  in  during  the  following  two  days.  Carta  de  Audiencia,,  in  Pacheco  and 
Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc.,  xiii.  339.  Hence  Prescott’s  date  of  April  23d  is  somewhat 
too  accurate.  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  assumes  that  a landing  is  effected  on 
April  20th.  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  27G.  Cortds  states  that  the  news  reached  him 
in  the  beginning  of  May.  Cartas,  113.  Taking  four  days  to  travel  to  Mexico. 
The  fleet  arrived  eight  days  after  the  ship-building  party  had  left  the  capital. 
Gomara,  Hist.  Hex.,  13S;  Aluman,  Disert.,  i.  109.  Narvaez’  agent  in  Spain 
states  that  the  fleet  numbered  eleven  vessels  on  arrival.  Demanda  de  Ceballos, 
in  Icazbalceta,  CoL  Doc.,  i.  437. 

23  Three  of  the  men  left  in  Chinan tla,  ‘que  se  dezian  Ceruantes  el  chocar- 
rero,  y Escalana,  y . . . . Alonso  Hernandez  Carretero.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist, 


NARVAEZ  LANDS  AT  VERA  CRUZ. 


3G3 


allegiance  to  Narvaez,  poured  into  tlie  ears  of  their 
wondering  countrymen  the  story  of  their  general’s 
brilliant  achievements.  They  told  of  the  vast  exte.  it 
and  resources  of  the  country,  of  the  wealth  accumu- 
lated, the  unfairness  of  Cortes  in  dividing,  and  the 
consequent  discontent  of  the  soldiers  and  the  danger 
of  their  position.27  This  tended  to  render  the  conceited 
Narvaez  over-confident,  so  that  his  rival  was  rather 
benefited  than  injured  by  the  story  of  the  deserters. 
He  now  told  Aillon  that  he  would  land,  since  Cortes 
was  so  far  in  the  interior  and  the  vessels  in  a bad 
condition.  He  was  also  determined  to  form  a settle- 
ment, and  regardless  of  the  oidor’s  protest  a town 
was  founded  for  a second  time  upon  the  site  of  the 
present  Vera  Cruz.28  The  governor  of  Cuetlachtlan 
hastened  to  send  presents  of  supplies,  as  an  act  of 
courtesy  to  a captain  whom  he  supposed  to  be  the 
friend  of  Cortes.  He  was  undeceived,  however,  and 
told  by  the  deserters  that  Narvaez  was  the  real  envoy 
and  captain  sent  by  the  king,  while  Cortes  and  his 
men  were  fugitive  adventurers  whom  Narvaez  would 
punish.  His  king  had  heard  of  the  outrage  on  the 
emperor,  and  had  sent  him  to  procure  his  release,  to 
restore  order,  and  thereupon  to  return.  The  governor 
reported  this  to  Montezuma,  who,  thinking  no  doubt 

Verdad.,- 87;  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  ix.  cap.  xviii.  Porras  gives  several  and  dif- 
ferent names.  Cortes,  Rcsidencia,  ii.  503.  Cortes  appears  to  say  that  they  were 
the  men  sent  by  him  to  bring  news  of  Narvaez  and  who  deserted.  Cartas,  1 15. 
Ai'.lon  speaks  of  one  man  who  came  on  board  of  his  vessel.  Finding  that 
Cortes  had  instructed  the  Indians  to  regard  any  foreign  arrivals  as  inimical, 
this  man  was  sent  to  reassure  them.-  C t r!a  de  A udiencia,  in  P i ch-co  and  Cdrde- 
nas,  Co’.  Doc.,  xiii.333.  It  appears  probable,  however,  that  Cor  1 6s’  expectation 
of  messengers  from  his  king  was  known  to  the  Indians. 

2,1  Al^auan  las  manos  a Dios,  que  los  librb  del  poder  de  Cortes,  y de  salir 
de . . . . Mexico,  donde  cada  dia  esperauan  la  muerte . . . . y au  dezia  el  Cervantes, 
....  0 Narvaez,  Narvaez,  que  bien  aveturado  que  eres ....  que  tiene  esse  traidor 
de  Cortes  aliegados  mas  de  setecietos  mil  pesos  de  oro,  y todos  los  soldados 
estan  mui  mal  con  el.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  87. 

23  This  was  speedily  abandoned  for  a camp  at  Cempoala.  Aillon  wanted 
merely  a camp  to  bo  formed  near  a well  supplied  town.  The  municipal  officers 
were:  ‘Alcaldes  hordinarios  d Francisco  Verdugo,  cunado  del  dicho  Diego 
Velazquez,  casado  con  una  hermana  suya,  <5  un  Juan  Yuste,  su  cunado  6 mayor- 
domo,  6 regidores  a Diego  Velazquez  6 Pero  Velazquez,  sus  sobrinos,  6 d Gon- 
zalo  Martin  do  Salvatierra  (5  Juan  de  Gamarra.  ’ Carta  de  Audiencia,  in  Pacheco 
and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc.,  xiii.  342. 


364 


THE  CUBAN  GOVERNOR  IN  PURSUIT. 


that  it  would  be  prudent  to  secure  the  friendship  of 
so  powerful  a commander,  whether  he  came  as  liberator 
or  oppressor,  sent  him  a number  of  valuable  presents, 
and  gave  orders  to  provide  his  army  with  supplies. 
Narvaez  kept  the  valuables  for  himself,  a course  which 
did  not  tend  to  increase  his  popularity,  and  transmitted 
in  return  a few  trinkets  to  the  monarch,  with  as- 
surances of  his  good-will.29 

Hearing  that  Velazquez  de  Leon  was  leading  a large 
force  not  far  off,  Narvaez  sent  a message,  appealing 
to  him  as  a relative  and  old  friend  to  join  him  with 
his  men;  but  Velazquez,  who  was  still  in  the  region 
in  and  above  Chinantla,  looking  for  tribute  and  gold, 
deigned  not  even  to  reply,  but  forwarded  the  letter  to 
his  general  and  asked  for  orders.  Meanwhile  he  and 
his  lieutenant,  Rangel,  assembled  their  men  and  made 
them  swear  allegiance  to  Cortes,  a few  suspected  of 
sympathy  with  the  Cuban  governor  being  placed 
under  surveillance.30  The  next  step  of  Narvaez  was 


29‘Conocian  en  el  Narvaez  ser  la  pnra  miseria,  y el  oro,  y ropa. . . .toilo  se 
lo  guardaua.’  D-rmtl  Diaz,  Hint.  Verdad.,  89,  87.  According  to  Oviedo’s 
version  Montezuma  held  a council,  wherein  some  members  favored  the  plan 
of  attacking  and  killing  the  Spaniards  then  in  Mexico,  so  as  to  prevent  a 
junction  of  forces.  This  might  frighten  the  rest  into  departing.  Others,  who 
were  more  confident,  urged  that  the  new  arrivals  should  be  allowed  to  come 
to  Mexico,  so  as  to  swell  the  list  of  victims  for  the  sacrifices,  and  this  propo- 
sition was  carried,  iii.  509.  Oviedo’s  informant  evidently  ignores  the  declared 
object  of  Narvaez;  or,  like  Solis,  Hist.  M<-x. , ii.  04-6,  he  does  not  believe  that 
any  communication  could  have  taken  place,  for  want  of  an  interpreter.  But  Solis 
forgets  the  three  deserters,  and  Indian  mediums,  perhaps.  Prescott  takes  the 
peculiar  ground  that  for  Montezuma  to  ‘have  entered  into  a seci'et  communi- 
cation, hostile  to  the  general’s  interests,  is  too  repugnant  to  the  whole  tenor 
of  his  conduct.’  Max.,  ii.  236.  Cort(5s  states  that  Father  Olmedo  had  evidence 
of  communication  and  interchange  of  presents  between  Montezuma  and 
Narvaez.  Cartas,  129-1.  Others  confirm  this,  as:  Tapia,  R“l.,  in  IcazbidceJa, 
Col.  Doc.,  ii.  587;  Gomara,  Hist.  Max.  141-2;  Carta  del  Ejercito  de.  Cortes,  in 
Icazbalreta,  Col.  Doc. , i.  42S-30.  The  position  of  the  emperor  as  prisoner,  and 
the  speedy  succession  of  events,  did  not  permit  the  relationship  between  the 
two  to  develop. 

30  Francisco  de  Lugo  being  actually  secured  with  shackles.  Tirado,  in  Cortes, 
Desidencia,  ii.  6 ; Cortes,  Cartas,  1 18 ; Carta  de  Audiencia,  in  Pacheco  .and  Cdrde- 
vas.  Col.  Doc.,  xiii.  342.  Oviedo  reviews  Velazquez’  conduct  in  this  instance, 
and  concludes  that,  since  Cortes  gave  him  the  men  and  appointed  him  captain, 
he  was  bound  to  obey  this  his  immediate  principal,  unless  royal  orders  to  the 
contrary  had  been  exhibited.  ‘Si  aquel  capitan,  Johan  Velazquez  de  Leon,  no 
estovicra  mal  con  su  pariente  Diego  Velazquez,  6 se  passara  con  los  (jiento  6 
y.nquenta  hombres,  que  avia  llevado  ii  Guacacalco,  <1  la  parte  de  Pamphilo  de 
Narvaez,  su  cuuado,  acabado  oviera  Cortes  su  officio.’  iii.  316-17. 


HOW  SANDOVAL  MANAGES. 


365 


to  demand  the  surrender  of  Villa  Rica,  which  the 
deserters  represented  as  held  by  less  than  four  score 
men.  This  task  was  intrusted  to  the  clergyman 
Juan  Ruiz  de  Guevara,  accompanied  by  Notary  Ver- 
gara, Amaya  a relative  of  Velazquez,  and  three  wit- 
nesses,31 and  letters  were  given  them  for  distribution 
among  Cortes’  soldiers,  with  a view  to  gain  their 
allegiance.32 

Sandoval  had  been  advised  concerning  the  fleet, 
and  suspecting  the  object  he  sent  to  warn  Cortes, 
despatching  at  the  same  time  two  dark-complexioned 
soldiers,  disguised  as  Indian  fruit  venders,  to  learn 
further  particulars.  The  spies  remained  in  Narvaez’ 
camp  a whole  day,  and  by  mingling  with  the  leaders 
they  picked  up  valuable  information,  escaping  during 
the  night  with  two  horses.33  Sandoval  now  sent  off 
the  old  and  infirm  soldiers  to  a town  called  Papalote, 
in  the  hills,  and  obtained  the  promise  of  the  re- 
mainder to  hold  the  fort  with  him,  a gallows  being 
erected  in  a conspicuous  site  as  a warning  to  the 
faint-hearted.  About  this  time  Guevara  appeared 
before  the  quarters  of  Sandoval.  No  one  came  to 
receive  him,  and  he  had  to  find  his  way  to  the  com- 
mander’s house.  The  priest  had  been  led  to  believe 
that  little  or  no  objection  would  be  made  by  the  ad- 
herents of  Cortes  to  his  demands,  and  confidently 
he  began  his  harangue,  speaking  of  the  claims  of 
Velazquez  and  the  treason  of  Cortes.  The  word 
treason  fired  Sandoval.  His  party  were  the  better 
servants  of  the  king,  he  said,  and  were  it  not  for 


31  ‘Alonso  de  Vergara,  eseribano,  6 con  Antonio  de  Maya.’  Demanda  de 
Ccbdlos,  in  fcazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  439;  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Vcrdad.,  SS, 
writes  Amaya;  Cortes,  Residencia,  ii.  168,  412. 

32  ‘Me  trajeron  mas  de  cien  cartas,’  wherein  the  soldiers  were  told  to  give 
credit  to  the  statements  of  Guevara  and  his  companions,  and  to  rest  assured 
that  they  would  be  rewarded  on  joining.  Cortes,  Carlas,  116. 

33  While  selling  cherries  to  Captain  Salvatierra  they  heard  him  refer  to 
the  treasures  of  Cort6s  as  a magnificent  prize.  The  designs  of  Cortes  against 
Montezuma  and  his  subjects  were  painted  in  dark  colors.  One  of  the  stolen 
horses  belonged  to  this  captain,  whose  raving  against  the  spies  afforded 
great  amusement  to  the  camp.  licr.al  Diaz,  Hist.  Vcrdad.,  92;  Tapia,  Rel., 


3G6 


THE  CUBAN  GOVERNOR  IN  PURSUIT. 


Guevara’s  character  as  a clergyman  he  would  have 
him  chastised  for  his  impudence.  As  it  was,  he  re- 
ferred him  to  Cortes  as  captain-general  and  justicia 
mayor  of  New  Spain.  Guevara  likewise  grew  warm,34 
and  a war  of  words  followed,  which  the  commander 
cut  short  by  ordering  some  Indians  to  bundle  the 
three  principals  into  net  hammocks.  In  these  they 
were  carried  to  Mexico,  under  a Spanish  guard,  to  be 
delivered  to  the  general.35 


When  Montezuma  first  received  news  from  the 
coast  governor  of  the  arrival  of  the  great  fleet,  he 
supposed  that  these  were  the  vessels  which  Cortds 
had  said  that  he  expected,  and  by  which  it  was  hoped 
he  would  depart.  Montezuma  at  once  sent  for  Cortes 
to  impart  the  tidings.36  The  Spanish  general  was  not 
a little  surprised  at  this  second  unusual  summons,  and 
still  more  when  told  that  his  vessels  had  arrived,  and 
that  new  ones  need  not  be  built.  While  he  was  yet 
puzzling  over  the  words,  the  emperor  produced  the 
painted  message  showing  a fleet  at  anchor  off  Chal- 
chiuhcuecan.  “You  can  now  leave  in  safety,  and  all 
will  be  well,”  continued  the  monarch,  overjoyed  at  the 
thought  of  release.37  “Thanks  be  to  God,  who  pro- 

31  He  ordered  Vergara  to  read  the  provisions.  Sandoval  declared  that 
none  but  a royal  notary  should  do  so;  and  threatened  him  with  100  lashes 
unless  he  desisted.  Guevara  interfered,  and  was  told  that  he  lied,  and  was 
a low  clergyman.  Bernal  Diaz , Hi.it.  i’erdad.,  88. 

33  Alguacil  Pedro  de  Solis  was  in  charge.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  88, 
describes  how  they  wondered  at  the  succession  of  great  cities,  etc.  The 
guard  consisted  of  twenty  men.  Cortes,  Cartas,  115. 

33  Goinara  describes  somewhat  minutely  the  apprehension  created  among 
the  soldiers  by  this  summons,  in  face  of  the  threatening  aspect  of  affairs.  Hi  t. 
Alex.,  138-9.  Bernal  Diaz  states  that  Montezuma  kept  the  news  back  for 
three  days,  while  he  communicated  with  Narvaez.  He  might  have  delayed 
longer,  but  feared  that  Cortds  would  suspect  something.  Hist.  Verdad. , 87. 

3‘  While  still  talking,  they  received  another  message,  saying  that  troops, 
horses,  and  guns  had  been  landed.  In  his  joy  Montezuma  embraced  Cortes, 
exclaiming  that  he  loved  him  more  than  ever,  and  saying  that  he  would  dine 
with  him.  While  at  table  both  were  in  good  humor,  the  emperor  thinking  of 
the  departure,  the  general  of  renewed  conquests.  After  this  Montezuma  gave 
daily  feasts,  in  the  belief  that  the  task  of  entertaining  would  soon  be  over. 
Gomara,  Hist.  M ex. , 139.  It  is  more  likely  that  apprehensions  prevailed  on 
both  sides.  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  calls  attention  to  the  fact  that  no  stranger 
had  till  then  been  so  far  honored  as  to  sit  at  the  same  table  with  the  monarch. 
Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  277. 


THE  TIDINGS  AT  THE  CAPITAL. 


3G7 


vidos  all  things!”  was  the  fervent  utterance  of  the 
general,  while  the  soldiers  sent  up  shouts  of  joy 
mingled  with  discharges  of  fire-arms.  “Surely,”  they 
said,  “ Puertocarrero  and  Montcjo  have  returned  in 
good  time.”  Further  consideration  of  the  matter, 
however,  convinced  Cortes  that  these  were  not  the 
ships  of  his  friends,  but  that  they  belonged  to  his 
archenemy  of  Cuba.  His  captains  thought  the  same, 
and  talked  with  calculated  effect  to  the  men  of  the 
great  wrong  to  them  if  the  hirelings  of  Velazquez 
were  to  step  in  and  reap  the  results  of  their  hardsh  ips. 

Anxious  to  learn  something  definite,  Cortes  sent 
two  messengers  by  different  routes  to  bring  news 
about  the  expedition,  a third  being  instructed  to  follow 
Velazquez  cle  Leon  with  instructions  to  await  orders 
before  proceeding  to  Goazacoalco ; a fourth  messenger 
was  despatched  to  Villa  Pica.38  Learning  meanwhile 
from  Sandoval  that  the  expedition  was  inimical  to 
him,  Cortes  sent  letters  from  himself  and  his  regidores 
to  the  commander,  stating  the  progress  of  conquest 
on  behalf  of  the  Spanish  king,  and  demanding  his 
object.  If  he  needed  no  succor,  and  came  not  pro- 
vided with  royal  authority,  he  must  at  once  depart; 
otherwise  Cortes  would  march  against  him,  supported 
by  the  vast  forces  of  the  empire.39  The  letters  were 

38  Monjaras  gives  their  names.  ‘ Fuesen. . . .tiznados  como  los  yndios,’  et 
seq.  Cortes,  Residencia,  i.  442-3;  ii.  47-49,  134-5.  Andres  de  Tapia,  who  had 
just  returned  from  Cholula,  after  settling  a boundary  dispute  with  Tlascala, 
was  the  fourth  messenger.  lie  followed  by-paths,  walking  by  day  and  being 
carried  by  Indians  at  night,  so  that  he  reached  his  destination  in  three  days 
and  a half.  Finding  that  Sandoval  had  already  sent  messages,  he  remained 
with  him.  Rd.,  in  Icazhalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  583-7.  Cortds  writes  that  after 
being  informed  by  Montezuma  he  received  a letter,  by  a Cuban  Indian,  from 
a Spaniard  who  had  been  stationed  on  the  coast  to  watch  for  vessels.  This 
announced  that  a vessel  had  anchored  at  San  Juan  de  Ulua,  which  was  supposed 
to  be  that  of  the  returning  procuradores.  The  general  now  despatched  his  four 
messengers.  Fifteen  days  passed  without  further  news — this  is  probably  a 
misprint — after  which  native  paintings  were  received  showing  the  number 
of  men  landed,  and  with  them  the  report  that  the  messengers  from  Mexico 
were  detained  by  the  new  arrivals.  Cartas,  114—15.  A man  named  Pinedo, 
who  fled  from  the  capital,  was  overtaken  by  Aztecs,  at  Cortes’  order,  and 
brought  back  dead.  Demanda  de  Ceballos,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  440. 

38  Cortes  intimates  that  a friar  carried  this  message,  and  that  one  of  the 
questions  was  the  nationality  of  the  expedition.  Cartas,  115.  The  friar  ap- 
pears to  have  carried  a later  message.  Gomara  assumes  that  Cortes  already 
knew  who  the  commander  was,  and  offered  his  friendship.  Ilist.  Hex.,  142. 


3GS 


THE  CUBAN  GOVERNOR  IN  PURSUIT. 


made  the  subject  of  jest  among  the  officers  of  Nar- 
vaez, the  veedor  Salvatierra  declaring  that  the 
messages  of  traitors  should  receive  no  attention. 
He  urged  the  expediency  of  marching  upon  them 
without  loss  of  time,  and  swore  that  he  would, broil 
and  eat  the  ears  of  Cortes. 

Shortly  after  the  letters  had  been  sent,  the  ap- 
proach of  Guevara  and  his  companions  was  announced. 
And  now  for  more  of  that  deep  diplomacy  in  which 
Cortes  was  so  skilled.  Perceiving  the  importance  of 
conciliating  men  of  their  standing,  he  despatched  an 
escort  with  horses  to  bring  them  with  all  honor  into 
the  city,  and  he  himself  went  to  meet  them,  expressing 
regret  at  the  rude  treatment  they  had  received.  With 
smooth  tongue  and  promises  he  wove  his  web  round 
them,  and  “oiled  their  hands  with  gold,”  as  Bernal 
Diaz  expresses  it.  He  showed  them  the  greatness  and 
wealth  of  the  country,  and  explained  to  them  how  it 
was  all  in  his  power;  and  lie  sought  to  convince  them 
of  the  injury  dissension  must  occasion  to  God,  to  the 
king,  and  to  themselves.  Ah,  rare  talent,  the  talent 
of  tongue ! Guevara,  at  least,  was  won  over,  and  went 
back  delighted  with  his  courtesy  and  liberality,  and 
in  full  sympathy  with  his  caused0  On  reaching  the 
camp  he  told  of  what  he  had  seen,  the  great  extent 
of  country,  its  vast  population,  and  the  number  of 
well  built  towns  on  every  side.  Nor  did  he  fail  to 
sing  the  praises  of  Cortes,  and  speak  of  his  treasures, 
of  which  he  displayed  specimens.  Every  captain  and 
soldier  under  him,  he  said,  could  boast  of  heavy  gold 
ornaments  and  well  filled  purses,  of  numerous  ser- 
vants and  beautiful  women ; and  they  lived  on  the  fat 
of  the  land,  having  the  country  and  all  its  inhabitants 
at  their  disposal.  The  general  had  taken  care  to  ex- 
hibit only  the  attractive  features  of  his  position,  which 
as  now  detailed  by  the  priest  captivated  the  hearts  of 


40  ‘Acabo  de  dos  dias donde  venian  muy  bravosos  leones,  bolvieron 

mtiy  mansos,  y se  le  ofrecieron  por  servidores.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad., 
SS;  Cortes,  Residencia,  ii.  1G8,  465,  500. 


CORTfiS’  TACTICS. 


309 


the  listeners,  who  longed  to  be  with  so  fortunate  and 
liberal  a leader.  Even  before  this  many  were  disaf- 
fected, and  despised  the  arrogant  and  narrow-minded 
Narvaez ; others  took  an  impartial  view,  and  recog- 
nized the  evil  of  dissension  in  a country  only  half 
subdued,  while  yet  others  were  intent  only  on  securing 
treasures. 

The  priest  brought  a letter  to  Narvaez,  wherein 
Cortes  expressed  delight  at  finding  his  old  friend  com- 
mander of  the  expedition,  although  he  regretted  that 
hostile  measures  had  been  taken  against  him,  who  as  a 
loyal  servant  held  the  country  for  the  king.  If  Narvaez 
carried  a royal  commission,  it  had  only  to  be  presented 
to  be  obeyed;  otherwise  he  was  willing  to  come  to  a 
friendly  agreement,  since  hostilities  must  be  prejudicial 
not  only  to  them  both,  but  to  the  crown.41  Guevara 
supported  these  expressions  by  recommending  a peace- 
ful arrangement  and  withdrawal  to  new  territory,  for 
Cortes  was  evidently  loyal,  and  had  hosts  of  Indians 
to  aid  him  in  maintaining  his  position.  Narvaez  not 
only  refused  to  listen  to  any  overtures,  but  became 
indignant  with  the  clergyman  and  his  companions  for 
idvocatingr  them.  He  knew  that  the  forces  of  Cortes 

O 

were  inferior  to  his  own,  and  of  Indians  he  had  no  fear. 

Cortes  had  elicited  from  Guevara  a number  of  facts 
regarding  the  expedition,  among  them  that  the  arro- 
gance and  parsimony  of  Narvaez  had  alienated  a large 
proportion  of  his  followers,  and  that  a little  gold 
would  have  a wonderful  effect.42  Indeed,  they  had 
come  for  gold,  and  had  no  desire  to  raise  the  sword 
against  their  brethren  if  it  could  be  avoided.  This 
information  was  not  lost  on  the  astute  conqueror. 

41  Cortes  said  that  he  could  not  leave  Mexico,  where  his  presence  was 
necessary  for  the  preservation  of  peace  and  treasures.  Cartas,  117-18.  ‘Y  qse 
viessen  solos.’  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex. , 142.  According  to  Bernal  Diaz  a letter  of 
similar  tenor  had  been  sent  on  before,  by  a swift  messenger,  to  clear  the  way 
for  Guevara’s  recommendations,  and  Cort6s  therein  intimated  that  the  hostile 
utterances  attributed  to  Narvaez  must  be  due  to  the  interpreters,  fur  he  was 
sure  that  so  wise  and  brave  a captain  would  not  utter  anything  to  the  preju- 
dice of  king  and  comrades.  Hist.  Verdad. , S9. 

42  ‘ Porq  dadivas  quebrantan  penas.  ’ Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad. , 89. 

Hist.  Mex..  Yon.  I.  21 


370  THE  CUBAN  GOVERNOR  IN  PURSUIT. 

Shortly  after  the  departure  of  the  clergyman,  Cortds 
took  counsel  with  Father  Olmedo,  that  most  admi- 
rable of  friars,  whose  knowledge  of  the  world,  calm 
judgment,  and  clear  foresight  had  more  than  once 
saved  Cortes  from  himself.  Olmedo  now  undertook 
the  conversion  of  Narvaez  and  his  men.  Laden  with 
instructions  and  jewels,  he  proceeded  to  their  camp 
and  endeavored  to  win  Narvaez  to  peaceful  measures. 
Special  letters  and  presents  were  given  Duero,  Ai- 
llon,  and  others,  who  were  supposed-  to  be  friendty, 
with  a view  of  obtaining  their  active  cooperation. 
Cortds  wished  especially  that  Narvaez  should  under- 
stand that  he  was  friendly  to  him.  Dissension  would 
react  on  both,  particularly  on  Narvaez;  unity  of  action 
could  alone  promote  their  common  aim  and  preserve 
the  country  to  the  king.  Cortes  had  fewer  soldiers, 
but  was  nevertheless  stronger,  from  possessing  inter- 
preters, knowledge  of  the  country,  and  control  of  its 
forces  and  resources.  Were  not  the  kings  already  his 
servants  ? 

But  Narvaez  was  stubborn.  Olmedo,  however, 
overcame  the  scruples  of  a number  of  his  counsellors, 
who  advised  him  to  negotiate  with  a man  so  strongly 
established.  Narvaez  called  them  all  traitors,  and 
told  Olmedo  that  he  ought  to  be  ashamed  of  himself 
for  promulgating  such  base  sentiments;  whereat  the 
priest  became  indignant,  and  devoted  himself  all  the 
more  assiduously  to  the  subordinates,  among  whom 
he  found  the  way  well  prepared  by  Guevara.  His 
arguments  found  willing  ears,  and  his  gold  confirmed 
the  arguments.  Among  his  companions  from  Mexico 
was  one  Usagre,  an  artillerist,  whose  brother  occupied 
a similar  position  under  Narvaez.  This  man  also  did 
Cortes  good  service.  These  doings  could  not  escape 
notice,  and,  warned  by  Salvatierra,  the  commander 
would  have  arrested  the  friar  had  not  Duero  and 
others  interfered.  They  called  attention  to  his  diplo- 
matic and  religious  character,  and  the  courteous  treat- 
ment Cortes  had  given  his  own  messengers.  Narvaez 


NARVAEZ’  PROCEEDINGS. 


371 


hurried  him  away,  however,  with  a letter  for  his  gen- 
eral, wherein  he  claimed  authority  to  take  possession 
of  the  country  for  Velazquez.  If  Cortes  resisted,  it 
would  fare  ill  with  him.43 

It  was  an  easy  escape  for  Olmedo,  for  Narvaez 
had  not  scrupled  shortly  before  to  deal  with  the 
royal  oidor  in  a most  peremptory  manner.  Aillon 
had  remonstrated  with  him  about  his  proceedings, 
such  as  forming  a settlement,  threatening  to  enter  the 
country,  spreading  harsh  reports  among  the  natives 
against  Cortes,  and  neglecting  to  restraiu  his  men 
from  taking  property  and  otherwise  abusing  the  in- 
habitants. No  attention  being  paid  to  this,  he  for- 
mally called  upon  Narvaez  to  make  a peaceful  demand 
for  the  surrender  of  the  country,  and,  if  refused,  to 
go  elsewhere  to  settle.  He  intimated  publicly  that 
the  measures  of  Narvaez  were  actuated  by  malice, 
rather  than  by  loyal  wisdom.  This  the  vain  and  arro- 
gant commander  could  not  endure.  It  was  to  the 
oidor,  he  said,  that  the  present  growing  disaffection 
among  his  men  was  due.  He  was  becoming  danger- 
ous,  and  the  municipal  officers  were  directed  to  seize 
and  carry  him  on  board  the  same  vessel  in  which  he 
had  arrived.  His  secretary  and  alguacil  were  placed 
on  board  another,  and  a day  or  two  after  sail  was  set 
for  Cuba,  the  captains  and  crews  having  been  sworn 
to  deliver  them  to  Velazquez.44  During  the  voyage, 
however,  Aillon  persuaded  his  jailers  to  take  him  to 
Espahola,  which  he  reached  in  the  last  days  of  August, 
after  a long  and  dangerous  trip  of  three  months  and 


43  According  to  Bernal  Diaz,  Duero  persuaded  Narvaez,  at  the  instigation 
of  the  friar,  to  invite  the  latter,  and  to  seek  by  friendly  efforts  to  win  him 
over.  Pretending  to  yield  to  his  persuasions,  Olmedo  told  him  that  if  the 
proper  persons  were  sent  to  confer  with  Cort6s,  he  could  no  doubt  be  brought 
to  terms.  It  was  then  agreed  that  Duero  and  others  should  arrange  a pri- 
vate interview  between  the  two  generals.  Hist.  Verdad.,  93;  Herrera , dec. 
ii.  lib.  ix.  cap.  xxi. 

44  The  reason  for  this  separation  of  oidor  and  officers  was  to  prevent  the 
former  from  issuing  authoritative  orders.  This  seizure  had  been  effected  just 
as  Guevara  returned  from  Mexico.  Cortis,  Cartas,  118.  Hence,  CortOs’  letter 
failed  to  reach  him ; yet  Bernal  Diaz  assumes  that  he  received  it,  and  cooper- 
ated accordingly.  Hist.  Verdad.,  89. 


372 


THE  CUBAN  GOVERNOR  IN  PURSUIT. 


a half.  The  consort  vessel  was  separated  from  him 
during  a storm  shortly  after  leaving  Ulua,  and  the 
secretary  and  alguacil  did  not  rejoin  the  oidor  till 
October.  A report  of  the  outrage  was  promptly 
forwarded  to  the  king,  signed  by  the  whole  audi- 
encia,  with  a request  that  severe  chastisement  be 
inflicted,  in  order  to  maintain  respect  for  that  august 
tribunal.45 

Among  others  falling  under  the  wrath  of  Narvaez 
was  Gonzalo  de  Oblanco,  whose  advocacy  of  Cortes 
and  condemnation  of  Aillon’s  arrest  brought  impris- 
onment, which  so  wrought  upon  him  that  he  died 
within  a few  days.46  These  harsh  and  foolish  meas- 
ures engendered  further  discontent,  and  half  a dozen 
of  Aillon’s  supporters,  including  Pedro  de  Villalobos, 
deserted  to  Sandoval,  who  received  them  with  open 
arms.  Others  sent  to  signify  their  willingness  to  join 


Cortes.47 


After  Aillon’s  arrest  Narvaez  had  been  persuaded 
to  move  his  camp  to  Cempoala,  as  a healthier  place, 
more  suitable  for  head-quarters,  and  better  provided 
with  supplies.  The  cacique  was  intimidated  to  sur- 
render some  effects  belonadnor  to  Cortes  and  to  accord 
the  new-comers  a welcome,  which  seemed  to  stamp  his 
conduct  as  desertion.  “Oh,  well!”  said  Cortes  when 


45  This  report,  embodying  Aillon’s,  is  dated  August  30,  1520.  A formal 
statement  of  the  case,  prepared  on  the  arrival  of  the  secretary,  was  forwarded 
on  November  10th.  Carta  de  Audiencia,  in  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc., 
xiii.  332-48;  Ayllon,  Belacion,  in  Id.,  xii.  251-2;  Carta  a / Hey  de  los  Oidores, 
in  Col.  Doc.  Inid.,  i.  405-511.  The  report  proved  a heavy  argument  against 
Velazquez’  case,  although  Bishop  Fonseca  at  first  sought  to  keep  it  back. 
Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  90;  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  v.  cap.  v. 

46  Two  soldiers  were  also  imprisoned  for  speaking  favorably  of  Cortes. 
One  of  them  was  Sancho  de  Barahona  who  settled  in  Guatemala.  Bernal 
Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  89,  100.  To  Bernardino  de  Santa  Clara,  who  had  aided 
Aillon  in  the  formal  demands  upon  Narvaez,  nothing  was  done,  owing  to  his 
many  friends  in  the  camp.  Herrera , dec.  ii.  lib.  ix.  cap.  xx.-xxi.  This  man 
was  not  actuated  by  friendship  for  Cort<$s,  however.  He  had  been  treasurer 
of  Espanola,  where  his  prodigality  nearly  made  him  a defaulter.  Cortes,  Eesi- 
dencia,  ii.  1G6-8. 

47  ‘Villalobos,  y vn  Portugues,  y otros  seys  o siete  se  passaron  a Cortes. 
Y otros  le  escriuieron,  a lo  quo  algunos  dizen  ofreciendo  se  le,  si  venia  para 
ellos  y que  Cortes  leyo  las  cartas,  callando  la  firma . . . . y que  publicaua  tener 
en  Zempoalla  dozientos  Espanoles.’  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex. , 143.  Bernal  Diaz 
says  five  deserters,  relatives  and  friends  of  Aillon.  Hist.  Verdad. , 90,  92. 


SANDOVAL’S  PRUDENCE. 


373 


told  of  it,  “ long  live  the  last  victor.”48  But  lie  could 
hardly  blame  the  natives  for  yielding,  when  even 
Sandoval  himself,  on  hearing  of  this  approach,  aban- 
doned Villa  Bica  and  took  refuge  in  the  mountains, 
where  he  remained  till  the  general  bade  him  join  his 
forces.49 

JS  Herrera  assumes  that  he  was  deceived  by  Narvaez,  dec.  ii.  lib.  ix.  cap. 
xix. , but  intimidation  was  no  doubt  the  leading  motive,  for  he  could  not  pos- 
sibly relish  the  prospect  of  Montezuma’s  release  by  the  new-comers,  nor  the 
licentiousness  and  greed  of  the  soldiers.  ‘ This  conduct  of  the  men  drove  the 
inhabitants  to  flight,’  says  Cortes,  Cartas,  119,  125.  When  the  jewels  and 
other  effects  belonging  to  Cortes’  party  were  seized,  together  with  the  Indian 
wives  of  the  conquerors,  the  cacique  became  seriously  alarmed,  exclaiming 
that  he  would  surely  be  killed  for  permitting  the  outrage.  This  excited  only 
derision,  Salvatierra  remarking:  ‘Aueys  visto  que  miedo  que  tienen  todos 
estos  Caciques  desta  nonada  de  Cortesillo.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdatl.,  90. 

19  Tapia,  Bel.,  in Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  587.  ‘ Elios  dejaban  la  villa  sola 
por  no  pelear  con  ellos.’  Cortis,  Cartas,  119. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

THE  COUP  DE  MAtTRE  OF  CORTES. 

May,  1520. 

Dismal  Prospects — Empire  to  Hold,  Invasion  to  Repel — The  Army 
Divides — Alvarado  Guards  Montezuma,  while  Cortes  Looks  after 
Narvaez — The  March  Seaward — The  Rendezvous — The  Chinan- 
TECS  AND  THEIR  PlKES — CORTES  SOWS  ALLURING  WORDS  IN  THE  CAMP 

of  the  Enemy — Proposals  of  Peace — Defiance — Night  Attack 

Cortes  Captures  Narvaez  and  his  Army. 

It  now  behooved  Cortes  to  look  well  to  himself. 
He  might  win  a score  of  Marathons,  but  one  Paros 
would  ruin  all.  When  embarking  in  this  enterprise, 
he  was  to  all  appearance  little  above  the  common 
adventurer.  But  rare  talents  were  constantly  ap- 
pearing as  required  by  occasion.  Though  sometimes 
carried  away  by  excess  of  zeal,  he  had  proved  him- 
self an  adept  in  diplomacy.  And  for  one  hitherto  so 
sportive  and  pleasure-loving,  his  temper  was  now 
grave,  particularly  in  times  of  peril,  when  his  calm 
self-mastery  increased  with  increasing  danger.  The 
rhythm  of  battle  was  the  sweetest  harmony  that  could 
stir  his  soul,  and  yet  he  never  fought  but  for  a pur- 
pose. On  gaining  an  advantage  he  indulged  in  no 
holiday  of  retrospect  or  repose;  so  long  as  anything 
remained  to  be  done  no  time  was  wasted  in  self- 
gratulations.  He  never  turned  from  danger,  but 
hastened  to  seek  it  out,  perceiving  it  even  in  the 
darkness,  intuitively,  and  always  looking  it  full  in  the 
face.  It  was  while  preparing  to  strike  that  the  enemy 
received  the  staggering  blow,  and  the  advantage  thus 
gained  was  followed  up  to  yet  greater  advantage. 

(374) 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  A HERO. 


37o 


At.  no  time  appears  this  hero  stronger,  grander,  than 
now,  when,  without  authority,  without  the  royal 
sanction,  in  one  sense  an  outlaw,  with  the  people  of 
the  country  against  him,  his  own  countrymen  coming 
to  war  on  him,  his  force  insignificant  as  compared 
with  that  of  any  one  of  his  several  enemies,  he  yet 
holds  them  all  at  bay,  by  his  iron  nerve  and  ever 
ready  strategic  resources,  keeping  them  asunder, 
pitting  one  against  another,  playing  on  the  foibles 
of  them  all  as  easily  and  serenely  as  a lady  fingers 
her  guitar. 

Greatly  imperilled  were  now  the  conqueror’s  bril- 
liant visions  of  conquest  and  conversion,  of  fame 
and  wealth.  If  Narvaez  were  to  advance  on  Mexico, 
the  Aztecs  could  not  fail  to  take  advantage  of  the 
opportunity,  either  to  join  the  professed  liberator  of 
their  emperor  and  themselves,  or  to  attack  the  for- 
eigners’ quarters  on  their  own  account.  This  would 
place  him  between  two  fires,  to  which  famine  would 
prove  an  effective  ally.  If  Narvaez  remained  on  the 
coast,  it  would  be  to  cut  off  both  retreat  and  re- 
inforcement, leaving  him  to  Aztec  vengeance.  To 
abandon  Mexico  for  a campaign  against  the  enemy 
would  be  to  surrender  the  most  important  part  of 
the  conquest. 

To  divide  his  forces,  so  as  at  once  to  retain  his 
hold  on  the  capital  and  meet  this  new  visitation — 
such  a measure  would  render  his  already  small  force 
less  able  to  cope  with  an  enemy  not  only  its  equal 
in  courage  and  military  art,  but  far  superior  to  it  in 
number  and  resources.  Yet  this  he  determined  to  do. 
The  revelations  of  Narvaez’  messengers  had  shown 
how  possible  it  might  be,  by  judicious  gifts  and 
promises,  to  sow  discord  in  the  enemy’s  camp.  The 
priests  Guevara  and  Olmedo,  and  others  of  both 
parties,  were  even  then  at  work,  and  chiefly  on 
their  efforts  depended  his  prospects.  Thus  would 
he  seduce  to  his  purpose  the  opponent’s  troops,  in 
so  far  at  least  as  to  effect  a compromise  by  which 


376 


THE  COUP  DE  MAlTRE  OF  CORTES. 


Narvaez  might  leave  him  in  comparative  peace.1  Who 
shall  say  that  his  good  fortune  may  not  still  favor 
him!  And  thereupon  he  resolved  to  move  his  camp 
nearer  to  the  enemy,  so  as  to  be  ready  for  any  emer- 
gency, and  further,  to  give  himself  a more  imposing 
appearance  by  the  addition  of  native  auxiliaries.  An- 
other reason  for  this  advance  was  by  his  presence  to 
counteract  the  defection  of  Indian  allies,  arising  from 
the  parade  of  a superior  force  by  Narvaez,  and  from 
the  stamping  of  Cortes  as  an  impostor. 

He  laid  the  project  before  his  council,  showing  the 
danger  of  awaiting  the  advance  of  Narvaez,  whose 
ill-will  had  already  caused  their  property  to  be  de- 
clared confiscated  and  their  names  branded  with  dis- 
honor. Deserters  to  Sandoval  had  brought  news  of 
serious  discontent  in  the  enemy’s  camp.  Hundreds, 
they  said,  would  be  ready  to  come  over  or  to  remain 
netitral  if  Cortes  showed  a bold  front.  Indeed,  the 
protests  of  Aillon  against  a fratricidal  war  had  been 
echoed  by  most  of  them,  intent  as  they  were  on  ob- 
taining gold,  not  on  slaughtering  countrymen.  It 
was  in  any  case  better  to  advance  and  secure  a good 
position,  perhaps  to  surprise  the  careless  Narvaez. 
With  God  and  the  king  on  their  side,  so  they  claimed, 
they  could  not  fail  to  conquer.  Some  objections  were 
ventured  upon,  but  promptly  suppressed  by  one  of 
the  captains,  who  reminded  his  comrades  of  their 
glorious  achievements  under  Cortes,  and  their  prob- 
able fate  should  Narvaez  gain  the  ascendancy.  The 
result  was  an  unanimous  approval  of  the  plan  proposed ; 
and  Cortes  thereupon  commissioned  the  captains  to 
represent  the  matter  to  the  men,  and  to  ascertain 
who  were  willing  to  follow,  and  who  should  remain  in 
Mexico.2 

1 ‘ V elazquez ....  si  yua  en  persona  no  podia  escusar  de  respetarle,  aunque  por 
su  buena,  y blada  condicion,  confiaua  que  le  traeria  a qualquier  buen  partido ; 
pero  temia  que  yendo  otro  qualquier  General.  ’ Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  ix.  cap.  xix. 

1 Gomara,  Hist.  Hex.,  144 ; Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  ix.  cap.  xxi. ; Bernal  Diaz, 
Hist.  Verdad.,  90.  ‘ Afirman  muchos,  que  en  essa  sacon  estaba  tan  bien  quisto 
Cortes,  que  si  a todos  los  quisiera  llevar,  todos  se  fueran  tras  61.’  Oviedo,  iii. 
509.  Which  is  exaggerated,  as  we  have  seen. 


CORTES  EXPLAINS  TO  MONTEZUMA. 


377 


On  acquainting  Montezuma  with  his  intention,  the 
monarch  questioned  him  as  to  the  reason  of  the  hos- 
tility shown  by  the  other  force.  Cortes  well  knew 
that  it  was  useless  wholly  to  conceal  the  state  of 
affairs.  He  had  been  silent,  he  replied,  in  order  not 
to  give  him  pain.  He  and  his  men  had  been  sent  by 
their  king  on  this  mission,  and  were  from  the  royal 
province  of  Castile,  whilst  the  forces  on  the  coast 
were  a rebellious  horde  from  the  outside  province  of 
Biscay,  and  inferior  to  them,  as  Otomfs,  for  instance, 
were  inferior  to  the  nobler  Aztecs.  They  had  come 
with  the  design  of  injuring  the  natives,  and  Cortes  as 
their  protector;  but  with  the  aid  of  his  patron  saint 
he  would  have  no  trouble  in  chastising  them,  and 
in  securing  their  vessels  for  his  speedy  departure.3 
Alvarado,  the  tonatiuh,  would  remain  in  Mexico,  and 
him  he  recommended  to  the  monarch’s  consideration, 
requesting  that  supplies  be  provided  and  peace  main- 
tained. Any  attempt  at  revolt  would  react  with  ter- 
rible effect  on  himself  and  his  people.  The  emperor 
promised  that  this  should  be  done,  and  offered  not 
only  guides,  but  an  army  to  aid  him.  The  latter  was 
declined,  chiefly  because  Aztec  troops  could  not  be 
relied  on.4 


3 ‘ Debia  ser  alguna  mala  gente,  y no  vasallos  de  Y.  A. , ’ is  Cortes’  version 
of  the  reply,  Cartas,  119-20,  while  his  interpreter,  Aguilar,  gives  it  more  liter- 
ally as  ‘una  gente  vizcaynos  e que  no  los  enbiava  el  enperador.’  Testimonio,  in 
Cortes,  Residencia,  ii.  47,  184.  Gomara  adds  that  Cortes  said  he  was  going  to 
protect  Montezuma’s  subjects,  and  to  keep  the  strangers  on  the  coast  till  he 
was  ready  to  depart.  The  emperor  probably  dissimulated,  ‘holgando  que  vnos 
Christianos  a otros  se  matassen.’  Hist.  Mex.,  145.  Forgetting  that  the  de- 
clared purposes  of  Narva,  z were  well  known  in  Mexico,  Herrera  renders  the 
answer  that  this  captain  was  a brother  of  Cortds,  sent  with  a present  from 
their  king.  Both  would  come  up  to  the  capital  and  then  leave  the  country. 
The  rumored  enmity  was  due  to  an  order  from  Spain  to  avenge  any  injury 
suffered  at  the  hands  of  the  natives,  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  i.  Brasseur  de 
Bourbourg  follows  him. 

4 ‘Aquellos  espanoles  le  dejaba  encomendados  con  todo  aquel  oro  y joyas 

que  cl  me  habia  dado y le  di  muchas  j oyas  y ropas  a cl,’  et  seq.  Cortes,  Cartas, 

119-20.  ‘Aun  prometib,  que  embiaria  en  nuestra  ayuda  cinco  mil  hombres 
de  guerra,  e Cortes ....  bien  entendio  que  no  los  auia  de  embiar,  e le  dixo,  que 
no  auia  menester.  ’ Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad. , 91 ; Vetancvrt,  Teatro  Mex. , 
pt.  iii.  135.  Ixtlilxochitl  assumes  in  one  place  that  Cortds  asked  for  men,  and 
was  told  that  Aztecs  dared  not  fight  Spaniards,  but  would  go  as  earners.  In 
another  version  the  confederate  kings  grant  the  auxiliaries.  Hist.  Chick.,  300; 
Relaciones,  389,  412.  Solis  assumes  that  Montezuma  is  devoted  to  Cortes ; so 


373 


THE  COUP  DE  MAlTRE  OF  CORTfiS. 


It  was  decided  that  all  who  were  not  wholly  in 
sympathy  with  Cortes,  should  remain  with  the  garri- 
son left  in  charge  of  Mexico,  since  self-preservation 
would  constrain  them  to  act  in  the  direction  of  his 
interest.  This  force  numbered  one  hundred  and  forty 
men,  and  with  the  loyal  Alvarado  for  captain,  Mexico 
was  regarded  as  secured.  The  defences  of  the  Span- 
ish quarters  were  strengthened ; all  the  guns  and  most 
of  the  fire -locks,  cross-bows,  and  ammunition  were 
left  with  the  garrison,  also  seven  horses.  Supplies 
being  not  over  abundant,  owing  to  the  drought,  maize 
and  other  provisions  were  brought  from  Tlascala  to 
serve  in  case  of  need.  The  men  were  promised  wealth 
and  honors  if  they  remained  faithful,  and  their  some- 
what hot-headed  commander  was  exhorted  to  pru- 
dence. “You  are  few  in  number,”  said  Cortes  to  them 
on  leaving,  “and  yet  you  are  strong;  finally,  have  a 
care  of  your  prisoner.”6 

About  the  middle  of  May  Cortds  set  out  from 
Mexico  with  seventy  Spaniards,  sworn  to  implicit 
obedience.6  There  were  also  native  carriers,  a number 
of  prominent  Mexicans  as  hostages,  and  guides  who 
were  to  take  them  by  a short  southern  route  through 

does  Zamacois,  who  sees  a proof  thereof  in  the  offer  of  troops.  He  could  not 
communicate  with  Narvaez  for  want  of  interpreters,  and  had  he  •wished  to  aid 
the  latter  he  would  have  attacked  the  Spanish  quarters.  Hist.  Mex. , ii.  70-1. 
All  of  which  shows  that  this  author  is  not  profound  either  in  investigation  or 
argument. 

5 Bernal  Diaz  places  the  force  at  83  men,  with  10  cross-bows,  14  firelocks, 
4 large  guns,  falconets,  7 horses,  and  all  the  ammunition;  150  men  were  left, 
and  150  taken,  Oviedo;  a little  over  50  were  left,  Tapia;  all  wished  to  go,  but 
200  were  left  and  250  taken,  including  the  men  of  Velazquez,  with  8 to  9 
horses,  and  a force  of  carriers,  Gomara;  150  left,  250  taken,  with  a number 
of  Indians,  IxtlUxochitl ; 150  left,  Probanza  de  Lejalde.  B.  V.  de  Tapia,  who 
remained  with  Alvarado,  says  130;  Ramirez,  Proceso  contra  Alvarado,  3G. 
Cortes’  own  account  distributes  the  total  of  his  force  as  follows : 140  left  at 
Mexico,  150  absent  underVelazquez,  70  taken  by  himself,  150at  Villa  Rica;  but 
this  is  more  than  the  original  number  given  on  setting  out  for  the  plateau.  The 
Villa  Rica  force  may,  however,  have  been  deduced  by  later  drafts,  for  other 
authorities  allow  only  about  70  men  for  this  fortress.  In  the  Ramusio  edition 
of  the  Cartas  140  men  are  given  as  the  garrison  left  under  Alvarado,  while  00 
are  taken  by  Cortes,  Viajgi,  iii.  244,  but  later  issues  place  the  former  figure 
at  500,  which  is  evidently  a misprint.  However  much  the  figures  of  different 
writers  may  vary,  it  seems  to  be  admitted  that  war  and  disease  had  made  a 
considerable  inroad  upon  them. 

0 ‘Fizo  capitan  dellos  a Alonzo  Davila.’  Monjaras  and  Aguilar,  in  Cories, 
Residencia,  ii.  48,  184. 


THE  MOVEMENT  SEAWARD. 


379 


Aztec  territory  to  the  coast.  Montezuma  accompanied 
him  to  the  Iztapalapan  causeway,  and  there  took  his 
leave  with  friendly  demonstration,  while  a number  of 
chieftains  continued  with  him  for  some  distance  on 
the  way  to  the  Huitzilapan  plateau.  He  had  no  in- 
tention of  encumbering  himself  with  heavy  war 
material,  for  the  little  he  possessed  could  not  avail 
against  the  superior  armament  of  the  enemy.  His 
must  be  a light  corps,  capable  of  quick  movements; 
stratagem  should  supply  the  place  of  numbers.  And 
now  what  hopes  and  fears  were  theirs  as  they  marched 
on  toward  the  sea!  Surely  so  brave  a little  army  was 
never  more  beset  by  pitfalls  and  snares. 

On  reaching  Cholula  they  were  joined  by  Velazquez 
and  Rangel,  with  one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  who 
were  now  the  mainstay  of  the  expedition.  About  a 
score  of  these,  suspected  of  favoring  too  strongly  the 
Cuban  governor,  were  sent  back  to  Mexico,  so  that 
the  enterprise  might  not  be  imperilled  by  treason. 
Among  the  remainder  were  distributed  the  gold 
collected  by  the  expedition  in  the  Tochtepec  and  ad- 
joining region,  in  order  to  encourage  loyalty.7 

Unable  himself  to  visit  Tlascala,  Cortes  sent  Fran- 
cisco Rodriguez,  with  instructions  to  raise  a force  of 
her  stanch  warriors.  He  succeeded  in  enlisting  sev- 
eral thousand;  but  as  it  became  evident  whom  they 
were  to  meet,  the  natives  recalled  only  too  vividly  the 
terrible  effect  of  Spanish  arms  and  prowess,  and  began 
rapidly  to  desert,  so  that  only  a few  presented  them- 
selves before  Cortes,  and  they  were  dismissed  with 
presents.8 

7 ‘Que  seria  fasta  catorze  mill  Castellanos.’  Mon  jar  as,  in  Cortes,  Residencia, 
ii.  49.  ‘Cinco  o seys  mill.’  Tirado , in  Id.,  7. 

8 ‘ Pori]  le  parecio  i]  ania  conseguido  su  intento.  ’ Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  x. 
cap.  i.  Perhaps  in  spreading  the  rumor  that  he  came  with  Indian  auxilia- 
ries. Among  the  auxiliaries  were  400  men  from  Huexotzinco,  under  Pedro 
Gonzalez  de  Trujillo.  Tirado,  and  others,  in  Cortfs,  Residencia,  i.  247  et  seep; 
ii.  7 et  seq.  It  is  this  expedition  of  Rodriguez,  assisted  by  Diego  Garcia,  Alonso 
de  Ojeda,  and  Juan  Marquez,  as  captains,  that  has  misled  Gomara,  and  par- 
ticularly Herrera,  in  supposing  that  the  whole  expedition  received  a grand 
reception  at  Tlascala ; but,  beside  the  above  reference,  Cortes  intimates  clearly 
enough  that  he  did  not  go  that  way,  and  he  certainly  did  take  a more  southerly 


3S0  THE  COUP  DE  MAiTRE  OF  CORTES. 

During  the  march  to  the  coast  scouts  were  sent 
out  by  the  main  road  and  through  by-paths  to  gather 
information  of  the  enemy.  Not  far  from  Cholula 
Olmedo  rejoined  the  army,  with  a letter  from  Narvaez 
demanding  submission.  Of  this  no  notice  was  taken, 
for  although  the  latter  had  endeavored  to  intimidate 
the  envoy  by  holding  a review  of  his  troops,  the  brave 
friar  had  sounded  the  disposition  of  the  men  too  truly 
to  be  alarmed.  He  seemed  rather  disposed  to  under- 
rate the  strength  of  Narvaez,  and  with  a sense  of 
the  ludicrous  he  amused  the  camp  with  his  description 
of  the  vanity  and  carelessness  of  the  leader,  and  the 
arrogant  assumption  of  the  officers.  When,  therefore, 
at  Quecliolac9  they  encountered  Alonso  de  Mata,10 
notary  of  Narvaez,  who  had  been  sent  with  four 
witnesses  to  advise  Cortes  of  his  commission  and 
demands,  he  was  told  first  to  produce  his  own  creden- 
tials as  royal  notary,  and  being  unable  to  do  so  he 
was  refused  a hearing.11  The  official  mission  of  the 
messengers  being  thus  disposed  of,  Cortes  soothed 
their  wounded  pride  with  soft  words  and  hospitable 
cheer;  he  gave  them  presents,  and  took  care  before 
dismissing  them  to  feast  their  eyes  on  the  gold  and 
jewels  which  he  caused  his  men  to  display,  and  to  let 
them  know  that  thousands  of  Tlascaltec  and  other 
troops  were  on  the  way  to  join  him.  Their  report  to 
Narvaez  was  a confirmation  of  Guevara’s  statement, 
and  did  much  to  promote  the  growing  disaffection 
toward  Narvaez. 


route  to  the  coast  than  on  the  previous  journey.  Cartas,  120.  Bernal  Diaz 
also  says : ‘ embi6  Cortes  a Tlascala  a rogar ....  que  nos  embiassen  de  presto 
quatro  mil  liombres.’  Hist.  Verdatl.,  91.  Prescott  falls  not  only  into  this 
generally  adopted  error,  but  states  that  600  troops  were  asked  for,  Me x.,  ii. 
243,  whilst  the  chroniclers  all  say  from  4000  to  10,000.  ‘ La  maior  parte  de  ellos 
se  bolvio,  porque  aquella  Nacion  no  estaba  acostumbrada  ii  pelear  fuera  de 
su  Tierra.’  Torquemada,  i.  4S2.  A not  very  sound  excuse,  since  their  troops 
had  already  gone  to  Mexico. 

9 About  twenty  leagues  east  of  Cholula. 

10  ‘ Vezino  de  la  Pueblo,  que  era  ballestero.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  90. 

11  ‘ Piisole  preso  en  su  pie  de  amigo.’  Demanda  de  Ceballos,  in  fcazb/tlceta, 
Col.  Doc.,  i.  441.  But  this  is  not  likely.  Bernal  Diaz  says  that  Narvaez  wa-s 
told  to  send  communications  to  Tampaniquita.  Hist.  Verdad.,  91;  Cortes, 
Jlesidencia,  i.  248,  ii.  185. 


THE  CniXAXTEC  SPEAR. 


3S1 


The  army  now  descended  from  the  plateau  to 
Ahuilizapan,  and  followed  the  slope  northward  to 
Huatusco.  This  town  appears  to  have  been  situ- 
ated on  the  head- waters  of  the  present  Rio  Jamapa. 
Half-way  down  this  river,  about  ten  leagues  south  of 
Cempoala,  lay  the  town  of  Tampaniquita,12  which  was 
the  rendezvous.  A number  of  Indians  who  here  ap- 
peared with  complaints  of  outrages  by  Narvaez  were 
consoled  with  promises  of  speedy  relief.  Sandoval 
had  come  by  a long  and  difficult  mountain  route  to 
avoid  the  enemy,  and  had  brought  with  him  about 
sixty  able-bodied  soldiers,  the  old  and  infirm  remaining 
at  Papalote.13 

This  addition  raised  the  force  to  about  two  hundred 
and  sixty  men,  according  to  common  statement,  in- 
cluding the  deserters  from  Narvaez.*  Among;  the 
number  were  five  horsemen,  and  a few  archers  and 
musketeers.14  They  were  poorly  equipped,  for  they 
brought  from  Mexico  little  else  than  well-worn  escau- 
piles,  or  quilted  cotton  armor,  shields,  swords,  and 
dirks,  a miserable  outfit  in  which  to  meet  the  well 
armed  troops  of  Narvaez.15  But  the  ready  resource 
of  Cortes  had  found  a remedy.  He  had  noticed  in 
the  hands  of  the  Chinantecs  a spear,  twenty  feet 
in  length,  which  struck  him  at  once  as  a formidable 
weapon,  either  in  defence  or  attack.  It  would  be  par- 
ticularly serviceable  against  cavalry.  Immediately  on 
hearing  of  Narvaez’  arrival  he  had  sent  a messenger 

12  Torquemada  and  Clavigero  attempt  to  correct  this  spelling,  but  Bernal 
Diaz  is  sustained  by  Orozco  y Berra,  in  Max. , Noticing  Ciudad,  244-6.  Bernal 
Diazalso  mentions  Mitalaguita,  which  may  be  Metlangutla,  a few  leagues  farther 
east.  His'.  Verdad.,  91.  Herrera  states  that  they  passed  through  Cotastlan, 
by  which  he  means  probably  the  province,  and  not  the  town,  of  Cuetlacht- 
lan.  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  i. 

13  Herrera,  ubisup.,  leaves  Ircio  in  command  at  Villa  Rica,  which  is  im- 
probable. Sandoval  arrived  at  the  rendezvous  the  day  after  us.  Bernal  Diaz, 
Jiist.  Verdad.,  92;  Cortes,  Residrncia,  ii.  3-9.  Prescott  makes  him  join  long 
before  this,  on  the  high  plateau,  but  he  misunderstands  his  authorities,  and 
is  quite  at  sea  with  respect  to  the  route  followed  by  the  forces. 

1 * Bernal  Diaz  and  Herrera  say  266  in  all ; Torquemada  has  266,  beside 
captains  and  five  horsemen;  Cortes,  250  in  all;  Tapia,  about  250. 

u * por  vn  peto,  6 capacete,  6 casco,  6 babera  tie  hierro,  dieramos  aquella 
noche  quatonos  pidiera  porello.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Ilisl.  Verdad.,  98. 


3S2  THE  COUP  DE  MAlTRE  OF  CORTES. 

to  that  province  with  an  order  for  three  hundred 
of  the  pikes,  to  be  finished  not  with  the  usual  iztli 
head,  but  with  double  points  of  copper,  a metal 
which  abounded  in  that  region.  The  natives  having 
previously  tendered  submission  to  the  Spaniards, 
Cortes  also  asked  them  for  two  thousand  warriors,  to 
join  him  on  pentecost  day  at  the  rendezvous.  Both 
of  these  requests  were  promptly  granted,  and  before 
the  Spaniards  were  on  the  ground  the  messenger  had 
returned  with  a force  of  Indians  bearing  the  weapons,16 
with  points  superior  in  finish  to  the  models  sent.  The 
messenger  was  Tobilla,  a soldier  from  the  Italian  wars, 
and  an  expert  at  arms,  particularly  with  the  lance. 
Under  his  instruction  the  soldiers  soon  became  expert 
pikemen,  and  gained  no  little  praise.  Add  to  this 
courage,  increased  by  many  victories,  their  admirable 
discipline,  their  influence  over  the  natives,  and  their 
knowledge  of  the  country,  and  the  little  band  assumes 
more  formidable  proportions. 

Under  the  several  influences  surrounding  him  the 
original  fierce  design  of  Narvaez  in  his  dealings  with 
Cortes  had  cooled  somewhat.  The  calm  confidence 
and  caustic  wit  of  Olmedo  tended  to  inspire  respect 
for  his  commander,  which  was  not  lessened  by  the 
rumor  of  vast  Indian  armies  massing  under  his  banner. 
Nor  were  his  men  apparently  inclined  to  turn  the 
sword  against  their  countrymen. 

Before  the  return  of  Mata  he  despatched  a com- 
mission to  Cortes  demanding  the  surrender  of  the 
country,  but  offering  him  liberty  to  depart  for  any 
other  region,  accompanied  by  those  who  wished  to 
follow  his  fortunes.  With  this  object  vessels  and 
stores  would  be  provided.  The  bearers  of  this  pro- 
posal were  his  old  friend  Andres  de  Duero,  Guevara, 
another  clergyman  named  Juan  de  Leon,  and  one  or 
two  others.17 

16  Thirty-eight  palmos  long.  Herrera , dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  iii. 

17  According  to  Bernal  Diaz  this  commission  was  arranged  by  the  combined 
influence  of  Olmedo  and  Duero,  during  Olmedo’s  second  visit  to  the  camp. 
The  friar  appears,  however,  to  have  been  there  but  once,  when  he  was 


DUERO  PLAYS  TRAITOR. 


3S3 


Duero,  it  will  be  remembered,  had  greatly  assisted 
Cortes  in  fitting  out  his  expedition  from  Cuba;  in 
fact,  without  his  intervention  Cortes  would  never 
have  been  appointed  to  the  command.  Ldres  was 
dead,  and  it  was  quite  natural,  after  this  lapse  of  time, 
that  Duero  should  desire  to  look  in  on  Mexico,  and 
for  that  reason  had  joined  the  expedition  of  Narvaez. 
Yet  his  sympathies  were  wholly  with  his  partner,  and 
after  a warm  embrace  he  came  at  once  to  the  subject 
of  his  ducats.  Their  interview  was  private  and  pro- 
tracted, and  appears  to  have  been  satisfactory,  Cortes 
receivin'?  on  the  one  hand  valuable  information  about 
Narvaez’  plans  and  position,  and  Duero,  on  the  other, 
coming  forth  with  weighted  pockets,  as  an  instalment 
of  the  larger  sum  to  follow.  According  to  Bernal 
Diaz  it  was  arranged  that  Duero  should  receive  valu- 
able grants  and  offices  if  he  persuaded  the  alguacil 
mayor  and  other  leaders  so  to  manage  affairs  that 
Narvaez  should  be  captured  or  killed,  and  Cortes 
acknowledged  captain-general  over  all  the  troops.19 
Whatever  may  have  been  the  agreement,  there  is  no 
doubt  that  Duero  promised  to  promote  his  friends 
schemes  in  the  other  camp. 

Guevara  and  the  other  members  of  the  commission 
were  also  loaded  with  presents,  and  confirmed  as  sup- 
porters of  Cortes.  As  for  Narvaez’  proposition,  he 
charged  them  to  reply  that  he  would  listen  to  none 


expelled.  Knowing  Salvatierra  to  be  a blusterer,  Bermudez,  the  alguacil 
mayor,  proposed  that  he  should  join  the  commission,  but  his  intended  victim, 
not  caring  to  trust  himself  within  the  power  of  Cortes,  pleaded  sickness  and  a 
dislike  to  speak  with  a traitor.  ‘ Senor  Veedor,’  chimed  in  Olmedo,  ironically, 
' best  it  is  to  be  prudent,  and  you  may  have  him  prisoner  before  long.  ’ Ilist. 
Verdad.,  93. 

18  Duero  was  to  receive  the  share  of  treasures  claimed,  a command  in  the 
expedition  equal  to  that  of  Cortes,  and  after  the  conquest  a grant  of  towns 
similar  to  his  own.  As  a further  inducement,  sufficient  gold  was  given  to  load 
his  two  Cuban  servants.  On  taking  leave  of  the  general,  on  pentecost  morning, 
Duero  asked : ‘ What  has  your  worship  to  say,  before  I leave  ?’  ‘ God  be  with  you,  ’ 
was  the  reply,  ‘and  see  to  it,  Senor  Duero,  that  it  be  done  as  arranged,  or  by 
my  conscience  [Cortes’  favorite  oath]  I’ll  be  in  your  camp  within  three  days, 
with  all  my  companions,  and  the  first  to  receive  the  lance  will  be  your  worship, 
if  I see  aught  contrary.  ’ Bernal  Diaz , Hist.  Verdad. , 94.  Monjaras  states  that 
Duero  and  Leon  warned  Cortes  against  opposing  Narvaez’  army  and  commis 
sion.  Cortes,  Besidencia,  ii.  49. 


334 


THE  COUP  DE  MAtTPvE  OF  CORTES. 


but  a royal  mandate,  and  would  hold  the  country  for 
the  king,  as  was  the  duty  of  a loyal  subject,  and  to 
this  he  and  his  followers  were  prepared  to  pledge 
their  lives.  Still,  he  was  ready  to  meet  Narvaez,  each 
accompanied  by  ten  attendants,  in  order  that  their 
respective  claims  might  perad venture  be  happily  ad- 
justed. It  was  supposed  by  the  captains  of  Cortes, 
who  had  influenced  the  proposal,  that  the  result  would 
be  a division  of  territory,  and  to  this  they  were  willing 
to  asree.19 

O 

Duero  had  been  requested  by  Narvaez  to  persuade 
Velazquez  de  Leon  to  visit  their  camp,  in  the  hope  that 
a personal  meeting  might  win  him  to  tlie'.r  cause.20 

Velazquez’  disregard  of  the  former  summons  from 
the  enemy  had  confirmed  the  faith  of  Cortes  in  his  loy- 
alty, and  since  a visit  to  the  camp  of  Narvaez  migh+ 
lead  to  important  information,  he  advised  him  to  go, 
at  the  same  time  intimating  that  his  heavy  ornaments 
might  have  a happy  effect  on  that  gold-thirsty  crew.21 
With  a view  to  temporize  he  was  authorized  to 
offer  himself  as  mediator  between  the  two  generals, 
and  with  a supply  of  gold  for  bribes  he  went  over  to 
the  camp  of  Narvaez.  There  he  met  a most  cordial 
reception.  Gently  the  commander  remonstrated  at 
his  adherence  to  a traitor  who  had  so  deeply  injured 
his  relatives.  “He  is  no  traitor,”  replied  Velazquez 


19  Cortes  to  remain  governor  of  the  part  to  be  allotted  him  till  the  king 
should  decide.  Tapia,  Bel.,  in  Icazbaleeta,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  588.  According  to 
Gomara,  who  sends  Veedor  Alvarez  Chico,  Juan  Velazquez,  and  Juan  del 
Rio,  to  carry  the  message,  Cortes  proposed  a private  interview  for  the  dis- 
cussion of  two  points,  whether  Narvaez  would  leave  Mexico  to  him  and  go  to 
Panuco  or  elsewhere,  aided  by  Cortes  with  gold  and  supplies,  or  whether 
Narvaez  preferred  to  take  Mexico  and  give  him  330  or  400  men  wherewith  to 
pass  on  to  new  conquests.  Hist.  Max.,  144.  The  last  proposal  could  only 
have  been  a trap  to  secure  Narvaez’  men.  Prescott  chooses  to  omit  the  pro- 
posal for  an  interview,  and  sends  instead  the  ultimatum  with  Duero,  a 
glaring  disregard  of  Cortes’  own  text,  as  confirmed  by  others.  CortCs,  Cartas, 
121-2;  Oviedo,  iii.  314. 

20  ‘ Dize  Narvaez,  y en  todo  su  Real  ay  fama,  qui  siU.  merced  [Velazqusz] 
va  alia,  que  luego  yo  [Cortes]  soy  deshecho.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  95. 

21  Bernal  Diaz  states  that  Cortes  made  the  request  in  a manner  that  ap- 
peared to  Velazquez  an  attempt  to  probe  his  loyalty.  He  therefore  refused 
to  take  any  valuables  with  him,  but  was  finally  persuaded  Juan  del  Rio, 
Cortes’  equerry,  kept  him  company. 


VELAZQUEZ  DE  LEON. 


383 


warmly,  “there  has  been  no  treason  either  acted  or 
intended.”  He  would  not  listen  to  any  overtures, 
even  when  coupled  with  the  promise  of  a command 
second  only  to  that  of  Narvaez.  “I  have  sworn  loy- 
alty to  Cortes,”  he  said,  “ and  I will  remain  true.” 
Nevertheless,  that  he  might  not  appear  ungracious, 
he  promised  to  use  his  efforts  toward  the  recognition 
of  Narvaez’  supremacy.  A review  of  the  troops  was 
held  to  impress  him  with  the  superiority  of  the  forces 
with  which  he  might  soon  have  to  contend. 

A courtier  in  manner,  and  with  a fine  presence, 
Velazquez  quickly  won  his  way  among  the  captains 
and  staff;  nor  did  he  fail  to  improve  the  opportunity 
by  presenting  his  general’s  cause  in  the  most  attract- 
ive light.  No  little  weight  was  given  to  his  words 
by  the  heavy  gold  chain  which  fell  in  several  coils 
upon  his  breast.22 

Cortes  affirms  that  the  proposal  for  an  interview 
with  Narvaez  had  been  accepted,  and  that  he  was 
preparing  to  attend  it  when  the  warning  came  that 
advantage  would  be  taken  of  the  meeting  to  seize  or 
kill  him.23  If  treachery  was  intended,  it  is  more  likely 

22  Bemal  Diaz  adds  that,  these  efforts  being  observed  by  Salvatierra,  Nar- 

vaez was  urged  to  seize  Velazquez,  and  this  would  have  been  done  but  for  the 
representations  of  Duero  and  others.  During  the  dinner  given  in  his  honor. 
Captain  Diego  Velazquez,  nephew  of  the  Cuban  governor,  alluded  in  one  of 
his  remarks  to  Cortes  as  a traitor.  The  guest  appealed  to  Narvaez  against 
such  expressions.  Diego  repeated  the  term,  and  added  that  Juan  did  not 
deserve  to  bear  the  name  Velazquez.  Grasping  his  sword  the  latter  retorted, 
calling  him  a liar.  He  would  prove  himself  a better  man  than  either  uncle 
or  nephew,  if  permission  was  granted.  The  others  had  to  interfere  to  pre- 
vent the  clashing  of  swords,  and  Narvaez  was  persuaded  to  order  the  turbu- 
lent visitor  away.  At  leave-taking  the  general  showed  his  annoyance,  and 
said  that  it  would  have  been  better  had  he  not  come.  Diego  Velazquez,  who 
stood  by  his  side,  added  a threat,  to  which  J uan  rashly  retorted,  with  a twirl 
of  his  beard : ‘ Before  many  days  I shall  see  if  your  prowess  equals  your 

boast.’  Alarmed  at  his  want  of  self-control,  Duero  and  other  sympathizers 
hurried  him  away  before  he  could  utter  any  more  indiscretions.  He  and  the 
equerry  had  hardly  left  camp  before  some  horsemen  appeared,  as  if  in  pursuit, 
and  caused  them  to  increase  their  pace.  Hist.  Verdad.,  95-6;  Herrera,  dec.  ii. 
lib.  x.  cap.  i. 

23  Cartas,  122.  Bemal  Diaz  assumes  that  the  proposal  for  an  interview 
came  from  Narvaez,  through  Duero,  to  whom  he  also  confided  the  intended 
treachery.  Olmedo,  who  had  pretended  to  be  won  over,  %vas  also  informed. 
Hist.  Verdad.,  93.  Herrera  supposes  that  Sandoval  warns  Cortes,  who,  ac- 
cording to  Gomara,  is  still  at  Mexico  when  the  proposal  comes.  Hist.  M<-x., 
144.  Solis  is  more  correct  in  ascribing  the  warning  to  Duero.  Hist.  Ji ex. , ii.  83. 

Hist.  Hex.,  Von.  1.  25 


3S6 


THE  COUP  DE  MAiTRE  OF  CORTES. 


to  have  originated  with  Cortes,  who  was  by  no  means 
scrupulous,  as  we  have  seen,  while  Narvaez  appears 
to  have  borne  the  reputation  of  a man  of  honor.24  It 
is  still  more  probable  that  Cortes  invented  the  warn- 
ing in  order  to  be  free  before  his  followers,  and  before 
Narvaez,  to  carry  out  a more  momentous  project, 
which,  with  the  increased  knowledge  of  affairs  in  the 
enemy’s  camp,  and  with  the  growth  there  of  his  party, 
had  begun  to  unfold  in  his  mind. 

It  was  a grand  conception;  yet  grander  still  the 
execution.  It  was  a different  matter  with  a small 
force  to  fall  upon  a well  appointed  army  of  country- 
men; different  from  war  on  naked  savages,  to  sur- 
prise them  by  night,  or  otherwise  to  vanquish  them. 
Yet  this  was  what  Cortes  now  proposed  to  do.  Nor, 
in  adopting  this  bold  measure,  does  he  lay  himself 
open  to  the  charge  of  rashness  or  recklessness.  His 
situation  was  desperate:  he  must  conquer  or  be  con- 
quered. Cortes  was  no  abstract  theorist:  he  dealt 
mainly  in  concrete  facts;  not  necessarily  demonstrated 
facts,  but  facts  reached  often  by  intuition  alone. 
With  facts,  intuitively  or  practically  arrived  at,  he 
kept  himself  well  stored.  He  possessed  many  noble 
qualities,  but  on  the  whole,  as  we  have  seen,  his 
character  was  not  cast  in  an  immaculate  mould.  He 
was  exceedingly  religious;  and  while,  as  I have  said, 
he  would  not  let  religion  stand  in  the  way  of  his 
ambition,  yet  he  was  more  bigoted  than  any  of  his  fol- 
lowers. Aside  from  the  chivalrous  abandonment  of 
himself  to  fate,  and  the  brilliant  achievements  thence 
arising,  there  was  little  admirable  in  him.  He  knew 
nothing  of  lofty  magnanimity,  although  he  did  many 
magnanimous  acts;  he  knew  nothing  of  pure  disin- 
terestedness, or  a generosity  of  soul,  although  he  was 
ofttimes  exceedingly  generous.  He  had  none  of  that 
sense  of  unswerving  justness  and  sensitiveness  to 
wrong  which  characterized  Grijalva.  His  self-posses- 

24  The  fact  that  he  allowed  such  dangerous  men  as  V elazquez  de  Leon  and 
Olmedo  to  go  free  indicates  that  he  harbored  no  treachery. 


LOFTY  ASSEVERATIONS. 


3S7 


sion  never  left  him.  He  was  a power  within  himself, 
and  he  knew  it.  Thus  it  was  in  Mexico  now;  and  for 
years  afterward  when  Mexico  was  all  America,  he 
was  Agamemnon,  king  of  men,  the  greatest  of  Greece 
when  Greece  was  all  the  world. 

Under  the  present  inspiration,  he  sent  Rodrigo 
Alvarez  Chico  and  a notary25  to  withdraw  the  proposal 
he  had  made  Narvaez  for  an  interview,  and  to  demand 
of  him  the  production  of  a royal  commission,  author- 
izing his  presence  there,  which  commission  would  be 
respected;  otherwise  he  must  cease  meddling  with 
the  affairs  of  the  country.  The  followers  of  Narvaez 
were  to  be  formally  forbidden  to  obey  his  orders ; and 
they  were  to  appear  before  Cortes  within  a specified 
time,  and  learn  from  him  what  the  interests  of  the 
king  required  of  them.  Failing  in  this,  he  would 
have  them  seized  and  dealt  with  as  rebels  against  his 
majesty.26 

The  cool  impudence  of  this  demand,  coming  from 
the  captain  of  a little  band  of  outlaws  hemmed  in 
between  hostile  forces,  gave  rise  to  no  small  amuse- 
ment in  the  enemy’s  camp.  Narvaez  chose  neverthe- 
less to  regard  the  matter  seriously,  receiving  the 
message  as  an  insolent  defiance.  He  declared  he 

23  Gomara  sends  them  with  Velazquez  de  Leon.  Hist.  Mix. , 1 44.  ‘Chico,  6 
Pedro  Hernandez,  escribano.’  Demanda  de  Ceballos,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc., 
i.  440.  Velazquez  having  gone  on  a mediatory  mission,  Chico  must  have 
been  sent  after  his  departure. 

23  ‘ La  respuesta ....  fu6  premier  al  escribano  y 4 la  persona  que  con  mi  poder 

los  cuales  estuvieron  detenidos  hasta  que  lleg6  otro  mensajero  que  yo 

envie.’  ‘Escribi  una  carta  al  dicho  Narvaez  y otra  &.  los  terceros,  diciendoles 
como  yo  habia  sabido  su  mala  intencion.’  Corlis,  Cartas,  122-3.  The  refer- 
ence to  a messenger  indicates  Cortes’  meaning  to  be  that  Chico  preceded  V elaz- 
quezde  Leon.  Gomara  assumesthatCortes’pretextfor  withdrawing  the  proposal 
for  an  interview  was  that  Narvaez,  had  declined  to  entertain  the  points  to  be 
there  discussed.  See  note  19.  Chico  had  warned  him  of  the  intended  treachery. 
Hist.  Mex.,  144.  ‘Y  que  supiesse  que  no  auian  de  can  tar  dos  gallos  en  vn 
muladar,  y que  aparejasse  las  manos.  ’ Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  ix.  cap.  xxi.  Bernal 
Diaz  sends  the  message  with  Olmedo,  ‘since  no  royal  notary  dare  carry  it,’ 
and  gives  Narvaez  three  days  in  which  to  send  in  any  commission  he  may 
possess  signed  by  the  king.  Without  such  commission  he  must  leave  the 
country,  or  Cortes  will  seize  him  and  inflict  punishment  for  the  outrage  on 
Aillon  and  on  the  Indians.  This  ultimatum  was  signed  also  by  the  captains 
and  some  soldiers,  including  Bernal  Diaz.  Hist.  Verdad.,  92-3.  An  answer 
was  demanded  through  the  same  messengers.  Tapia,  Bel. , in  Icazbalceta,  Col. 
Doc.,  ii.  588. 


388 


THE  COUP  DE  MAiTRE  OP  CORTES. 


would  no  longer  show  forbearance  toward  the  traitor; 
he  set  a price  on  the  head  of  Cortds,  announced  the 
estate  of  his  followers  to  be  confiscated,  and  pro- 
claimed open  war  against  them.27 

Immediately  after  despatching  his  ultimatum  Cortes 
broke  camp  and  followed  his  messengers  at  a quick 
march.28  At  Rio  de  Canoas,  or  La  Antigua,  Velazquez 
came  up  with  letters  from  Duero  and  others.  They 
had  probably  been  written  under  a preconcerted  ar- 
rangement, for  they  were  read  to  the  leaders  and 
discussed,  the  result  being  a unanimous  resolution  to 
advance.  So  forward  they  went,  Cortes  exclaiming, 
“ Death  to  the  ass  or  to  him  who  drives  it!”29 

Crossing  the  swollen  river  with  some  difficulty,30 
he  hurried  on  to  Rio  Cliachalacas,  over  a league  from 
Cempoala,  where  camp  was  formed  quietly  and  with- 
out fires.31  This  sudden  movement,  coming  immedi- 
ately after  Duero’s  interview  with  Cortes,  confirms  the 
supposition  that  a plot  had  been  concocted  by  them, 
which  was  to  surprise  Narvaez  under  advantageous 
circumstances  arranged  by  confederates.  There  were 
% to  be  no  half-way  measures ; all  must  be  staked  on 
one  cast.32 

27  ‘ Daria  dos  mil  pesos,  a quien  matasse  a Hernando  Cortes,  o a Gon^alo 

de  Sandoual.’  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  i.  ‘Traia  mandado  de  Diego 
Velazquez  que  A mi  y A ciertos  de  los  de  mi  compania  que. . . .nos  ahorcase.’ 
Cortes,  Cartas,  121.  ‘ Hizo  proceso  en  forma  contra  Cortes,  y por  su  sen- 

tencia,  le  condeno  A muerte.’  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  300;  Gomara,  Hist. 
Mex.,  143,  146. 

28  ‘Dende  a dos  horas  que  se  partiO  el  Juan  Velazquez,  ’ says  Bernal  Diaz, 
Hist.  Verdcul.,  95. 

29  Implying  that  since  Narvaez  would  not  listen  to  reason,  Cort4s  or  he 
should  die.  ‘ V elazquez  dixo  al . . . . Cortes  que  adonde  yva  que  yva  a la 
carnesceria. ’ Tcstimonio,  in  Cortes,  Residencia,  i.  249;  ii.  9,  50,  1S5-6.  On 
the  way  to  Rio  de  Canoas,  where  they  arrived  the  day  after  leaving  camp, 
two  hogs,  with  navel  on  the  back,  were  killed,  an  incident  which  many  in- 
terpreted as  a sign  of  victory.  Velazquez  having  arrived  with  the  messenger 
who  carried  the  ultimatum,  the  army  proceeded.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad., 
93.  ‘ Anduviinos  aquel  dia  casi  diez  leguas.’  Tapia,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc., 
ii.  5S8. 

30  Two  men  were  drowned  in  crossing  the  stream.  Herrera,  dec.ii.  lib.  x.  cap.ii. 

31  ‘Dos  leguas  de  los  contrarios.’  Tapia,  Rel.,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc. 

‘ Fuimos  a dormir  a vn  riachuelo,  adode  estava  en  aquella  sazon  vna  puete 
obra  dc  vna  legua  de  Cepoal. ’ Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  96.  Prescott  here 
evidently  follows  the  erroneous  topography  of  Solis,  who  confuses  this  creek 
with  Rio  Canoas.  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  85;  Cortes,  Residencia,  i.  249;  ii.  50. 

32  ‘Como  yo  deseaba  evitar  todo  escAndalo,  pareciome  que  seria  el  menos. 


MANUFACTURING  ENTHUSIASM. 


3S9 


Calling  his  men  round  him,  he  made  one  of  those 
stirring  appeals  in  which  he  knew  so  well  how  to  ani- 
mate their  spirit  and  touch  their  heart.  He  reviewed 
their  right  to  the  conquest,  and  their  promises  to  hold 
the  country  for  the  king.  “And  now  comes  this 
emissary  of  Sehor  Velazquez,”  Cortes  continued,  “full 
of  envy  and  treacherous  design,  to  appropriate  the 
fruit  of  your  hard- won  victories.  This  pompous  Nar- 
vaez, while  seizing  your  riches  and  clothing  himself 
in  your  glory,  would  load  you  with  impositions  and 
brand  you  with  dishonor.  Will  you  submit  to  this? 
Will  you,  who  have  overcome  mighty  hosts,  who  have 
seized  empires,  who  even  now  hold  monarchs  in  your 
hands,  will  you  place  your  necks  in  the  yoke  and 
humbly  submit  to  the  unjust  demands  of  this  instru- 
ment of  your  ancient  enemy?  God,  who  has  always 
been  with  us,  will  still  fight  on  our  side,  if  we  will 
be  true  to  him  and  true  to  our  king.  We  must  fight, 
and  it  is  for  life;  ay,  and  more  than  life — for  honor 
and  glorious  inheritance.”  Cheer  after  cheer  burst 
from  the  men,  while  the  captains  hastened  to  assure 
Cortes  that  they  would  follow  him  to  the  death.33 

Although  it  was  generally  understood  that  coopera- 
tion was  expected  within  the  enemy’s  camp,  the 
prudent  general  made  no  mention  of  the  fact,  lest  it 
might  render  the  men  less  self-reliant.  He  pointed 
out,  however,  that  their  opponents,  although  more 
numerous  than  they,  were  unused  to  war,  effeminate, 
disheartened  from  hardships,  and  discontented  with 
their  commander.  He  explained  the  arrangement  of 
Narvaez’  camp,  and  divided  the  force  into  three 
parties,  under  the  command  respectively  of  Sandoval, 

yo  ir  de  noche,  sin  ser  sentido y prenderlo  [Narvaez] ; . . . . porque  los  dernds 

querian  obedecer  & la  justicia,  en  especial  que  los  mas  dellos  venian  por  fuerza.  ’ 
Cortes,  Cartas,  123-4. 

33  He  also  stated  that  offers  had  been  made  favorable  to  him  alone,  not  to 
them,  hence  he  had  declined  them.  ‘Muera  el  asno  6 quien  lo  aguija.’  Any 
other  course  will  disgrace  us,  was  the  concluding  remark,  whereupon  we  lifted 
him  upon  our  shoulders  and  carried  him  round.  Tapia,  Rel.,  in  Icazbalceta, 
Col.  Doc. , ii.  5SS-9.  ‘ Hizo  muchas  ofertas,  y prometimietos,  que  seriamos 
todos  muy  ricos.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  9S.  It  would  be  his  fault, 
not  theirs,  if  success  failed.  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  ii. 


390 


THE  COUP  DE  MAtTRE  OF  CORTES. 


Olid,  and  himself,  the  position  of  the  former  as  algua* 
cil  mayor  and  comandante  on  the  coast,  and  the 
second  as  maestre  de  campo,  entitling  them  to  this  dis- 
tinction, young  as  they  were,  particularly  since  Cortes 
retained  the  direction  of  affairs.  To  the  former,  aided 
by  Jorge  and  Gonzalo  Alvarado,  Alonso  de  Avila,  and 
eighty  men,  was  intrusted  the  task  of  attacking  Nar- 
vaez’ special  quarters,  with  the  formally  worded 
command  to  seize  him,  dead  or  alive.34  As  a further 
inducement  toward  the  accomplishment  of  this  im- 
portant end,  rewards  of  three  thousand,  two  thousand, 
and  one  thousand  pesos  respectively  were  promised 
to  the  first  three  soldiers  who  should  secure  the 
general.35  Olid  received  the  important  order  to  capture 
the  artillery,  from  which  the  greatest  danger  was  to 
be  apprehended.  With  him  were  Andres  de  Tapia, 
Diego  Pizarro,  and  others.  Cortes  himself  was  to 
follow  and  render  aid  where  most  needed,  supported 
by  Ordaz,  Grado,  the  brothers  Chico,  and  others.36 
The  password  was  * Espiritu  Santo,’  suggested  by 
Olrnedo  with  reference  to  pentecost  day,  on  which 
all  these  events  took  place. 

While  occupied  with  their  preparations  a deserter 
arrived,  sent  by  Duero,  it  seems,  to  warn  Cortes  that, 


34  ‘Gonzalo  de  Sadoual,  Alguazil mayor  desta Nueua  Espafia,  porsuMages- 
tad,  yo  os  mando  q prendays  el  cuerpo  de  Panfilo  de  Narvaez,  e si  se  os  defen- 
diere,  matadle,  que  assi  conviene  al  servicio  de  Dios,  y de  su  Magestad,  y le 
prendid  a vn  Oidor.  ’ Countersigned  by  Secretary  Pedro  Hernandez.  Bernal 
Diaz , Hist.  Verdad.,  98;  Ta-pia,  Bel.,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  590. 

33  Herrera  writes  3000, 1500,  and  1000  pesos  de  oro.  Cortes’  acts  are  said  by 
the  men  of  Velazquez  to  have  been  prompted  by  ‘un  diabolico  pensamiento  6 
infernal  osaclia.’  Demanda  de  Ceballos,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  441. 

36  The  above  agrees  chiefly  with  Herrera,  who  assigns  Sandoval  60  men, 
and  names  a number  of  the  leading  members  of  each  party.  The  parties  were 
to  keep  a stone’s  throw  apart.  One  of  Cortes’  squads  was  to  look  to  the  ca- 
cique’s palace,  and  another  to  Alcalde  Yuste’s  quarters,  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  iii. 
He  is  evidently  confused  on  many  points,  and  several  names  are  guessed  at. 
Bernal  Diaz  states  that  Pizarro,  with  60  young  men,  including  himself,  was 
charged  to  capture  the  artillery ; Sandoval  received  60  men ; Velazquez  de  Leon 
also  a force  of  60,  wherewith  to  attack  Diego  Velazquez’  quarters;  Cortes  re- 
mained with  a reserve  of  20.  It  is  more  likely  that  a higher  officer,  like  Olid, 
received  the  order  to  capture  the  artillery,  rather  than  the  comparatively 
unknown  Pizarro.  Velazquez  de  Leon  does  not  appear  to  have  been  detailed 
for  his  charge  till  afterward.  Cortds  names  only  Sandoval  as  the  leader  of 
one  party  of  SO  men,  he  himself  following  with  the  remaining  170.  Cartas, 
123.  Solis  reverses  Herrera’s  order.  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  91-2. 


MANCEUV  RINGS. 


391 


advised  of  his  approach  by  the  Indians,37  Narvaez 
had  taken  alarm,  and  was  forming  the  best  part  of 
his  troops  in  the  field38  between  him  and  Cempoala. 
To  this  he  had  been  prompted  also  by  the  more 
watchful  of  his  captains,  who  had  not  failed  to  ob- 
serve the  growing  sympathy  for  the  rival  general. 
This  most  unpleasant  change  of  tactics  disconcerted 
Cortes  not  a little,  and  for  the  time  he  could  do  noth- 
ing but  remain  in  camp,  protected  in  front  by  the 
creek.  Fortune  again  came  to  the  rescue,  however, 
in  the  form  of  a heavy  rain,  which  fell  all  Sunday. 
It  was  the  beginning  of  the  rainy  season.39  Most  of 
Narvaez’  men,  unused  to  military  service,  and  ener- 
vated by  the  frivolous  inactivity  of  the  camp,  found 
this  highly  disagreeable,  and  began  to  complain  at 
what  they  termed  an  unnecessary  precaution  against 
an  insignificant  foe.  The  friends  of  Cortes  did  not 
fail  to  take  advantage  of  this  feeling  by  ridiculing  the 
manoeuvre,  representing  that  no  troops,  much  less  a 
handful  of  boasters,  would  think  of  attacking  in  such 
weather.  They  would  in  any  case  be  far  more  secure 
within  their  strong  quarters,  and  by  leaving  an  ad- 
vance post  in  the  field  timely  warning  could  be  given. 
This  appeared  to  be  reasonable,  and  since  Narvaez  by 
no  means  relished  the  exposure,  he  gave  orders  to  re- 
turn to  quarters  before  dusk,  leaving,  however,  a body 
of  forty  horsemen  on  the  plain  and  two  spies  at  a 
brook  ford,  about  half  a league  off.  The  remainder  of 
the  horses  were  kept  saddled  at  the  entrance  to  the 
camp,  and  the  men  were  instructed  to  sleep  on  their 
arms,  prepared  at  any  rate  to  reoccupy  the  field  in  the 
morning.  The  watchword  was  * Santa  Marfa.’ 

Cortes  was  occupied  in  devising  new  measures  when 

37  The  stout  cacique  had  remonstrated  with  the  general  on  his  carelessness, 
assuring  him  that  Malinche  with  his  Teules  was  far  different.  ‘ When  you 
least  expect  it  he  will  be  here  and  will  kill  you.’  Although  the  warning 
was  received  witli  laughter,  yet  the  hint  was  not  lost.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist. 
Verdad.,  96. 

38  Eighty  horsemen  and  500  infantry.  ‘ Y llegd  casi  una  legua  de  donde 
yo  estaba.  ’ Cortes,  Cartas,  123. 

3J  Laet,  Nou.  Orb.,  221;  Hakluyt’s  Voy.,  iii.  467. 


392 


THE  COUP  DE  MAtTRE  OF  CORTES. 


informed  of  this  movement.  Pointing  out  to  his  men 
the  effeminacy  and  unsoldierly  qualities  of  the  rabble 
with  which  they  had  to  deal,  and  the  carelessness  and 
inefficiency  of  their  commander,  he  ordered  an  imme- 
diate advance  on  Cempoala,  where  they  would  now  be 
scarcely  expected.  “You  know  the  maxim,”  he  said, 
“ ‘upon  the  enemy  at  dawn;’  but  better  still,  we  will 
surprise  them  by  night.40  Let  each  strive  to  excel  his 
comrade  in  valor.”  These  words  were  received  with 
hearty  approval,  for  anything  was  preferable  to  sus- 
pense in  a dreary  bivouac  without  fire  or  comfort. 
Crossing  the  creek  they  marched  noiselessly  over  the 
plain,  through  the  rain,  drenched  and  hungry.  On 
reaching  the  brook,  near  the  town,  they  came  upon 
the  two  scouts  of  the  enemy,  Gonzalo  Carrasco  and 
Alonso  Hurtado;  they  captured  the  former,  while 
the  latter,  warned  by  the  cry  of  his  comrade,  hurried 
into  camp  to  give  the  alarm.  Carrasco  was  compelled 
under  threats  to  answer  a number  of  questions  on  the 
position  and  plans  of  his  party,  and  was  menaced  with 
death  if  he  played  false.41 

A cross  had  been  erected  at  the  ford,42  probably 
during  the  first  march  to  Cempoala,  and  here  the 
army  knelt  in  all  humility  to  do  reverence.  Father 
Olmedo  then  gave  the  men  the  general  absolution, 
and  appealed  to  heaven  to  bless  the  efforts  now  to  be 
made  in  behalf  of  their  faith  and  the  king,  closing 
with  the  soul-stirring  assurance  that  victory  should 
be  theirs.  The  men,  one  and  all,  felt  no  doubt  that 


40  Botello,  known  as  the  Astrologer,  who  had  made  several  successful 
predictions,  had  assured  Cortes  that  a night  attack  would  secure  him  the 
victory.  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xi. 

41  Cortes  rallied  him  upon  his  capture,  and  addressed  him  as  compadre. 
After  obtaining  certain  information,  more  was  demanded.  The  prisoner  de- 
clared that  he  knew  nothing  more.  ‘ Well,  then,  you  will  swing, ’said  Coi'tes, 
half  jestingly.  The  two  pikemen  who  held  the  rope  round  his  neck  took  this 
for  a command,  and  hoisted  him.  Rangel  rode  up,  however,  and  saved  his 
life,  but  the  compression  of  the  throat  troubled  him  for  some  time.  dec.  ii. 
lib.  x.  cap.  ii.-iii.  Carrasco  warned  him  against  attacking  the  powerful 
Narvaez.  Vetancvrt,  Teatro  Ec/es.,  pt.  iii.  137  ; Tapia,  Bel.,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col. 
Doc.,  ii.  589.  Prescott  says  that  he  with  ‘Spartan  heroism’  remained  silent, 
Mex.,  257-8;  hut  Prescott  has  evidently  not  understood  his  authorities. 

42  At  a cross-road  a little  farther  on,  says  Herrera. 


THE  ENEMY’S  CAMP. 


393 


they  were  about  to  fight  not  only  for  their  own  rights, 
but  for  God  and  their  sovereign;  and  if  the  robber 
could  feel  encouraged  in  his  lawless  pursuit  after 
kneeling  at  the  shrine  of  St  Demas,  surely  these 
heroes  of  a hundred  fights  were  stronger  for  their 
religious  faith.  Therefore  it  was  with  renewed  con- 
fidence  that  the  men  buckled  tighter  their  escau- 
piles,  and  pike  in  hand,  their  main  reliance,  they 
resumed  the  march  with  quickened  steps,  leaving  the 
baggage  and  horses  in  the  care  of  Marina  and  the 
carriers.  The  horsemen  stationed  in  the  field  were 
not  encountered,  thanks  to  Duero  who  was  one  of 
them. 

It  was  just  past  midnight,  on  the  morning  of 
whit-monday,43  when  they  entered  Cempoala.  Owing 
to  the  darkness  and  the  presence  of  troops  in  the 
field,  together  with  the  recent  marches  and  counter- 
marches, the  presence  of  the  intruders  was  not  sus- 
pected till  they  had  almost  crossed  the  plaza.  The 
storm  was  not  wholly  past,  but  the  moon  peered  forth 
at  times  between  the  chasing  clouds,  dimly  revealing 
the  buildings  occupied  by  the  enemy.  These  con- 
sisted of  three  conspicuous  edifices,  rising  upon  pyr- 
amidal foundations,  the  ascent  to  which  was  by  a wide 
staircase  along  one  of  the  slopes.  The  highest  was  a 
temple,  known  as  Nuestra  Senora  since  the  icono- 
clastic achievement  of  Cortes  therein,  and  this  was 
occupied  by  the  troops  of  Diego  Velazquez.  Next 
to  it  was  the  building  held  by  the  captain-general, 
guarded  by  the  whole  battery  of  guns.44 

Hurtado  had  arrived  nearly  half  an  hour  before 
and  given  warning,  but  instead  of  immediately  calling 
to  arms,  Narvaez  lost  time  with  questions,  which 
elicited  only  that  his  companion  had  been  seized  and 
that  he  fancied  he  had  heard  Spanish  voices.  Some 

43  May  28th.  Chimalpain,  Hist.  Conq.,  277.  Clavigero  and  others  assume 
it  to  be  the  night  between  Saturday  and  Sunday,  but  the  authorities  are 
pretty  clear  in  mentioning  the  following  night. 

44  Estimated  by  various  authorities  at  from  twelve  to  nineteen  pieces. 
Testimonio,  in  Cortes,  Besidencia,  ii.  12,  168. 


394 


THE  COUP  DE  MAlTRE  OF  CORTES. 


of  the  captains,  friendly  to  Cortes,  ridiculed  the  story 
as  a dream,  and  entertained  the  general  with  specu- 
lations about  the  projects  of  the  audacious  rebel.15 
While  so  occupied  the  alarm  of  the  sentinels  was 
heard.  Cortds  was  upon  them.46  Narvaez  at  once 
became  the  self-possessed  commander,  and  hastened 
to  issue  the  necessary  orders.  There  was  a rush 
to  arms,  and  the  confusion  was  increased  by  the 
appearance  of  innumerable  fire-flies,  which  the  be- 
sieged mistook  for  the  fire-arms  and  spears  of  a large 
army.47 

In  order  to  avoid  the  range  of  the  guns,  Cortes  had 
kept  his  men  along  the  sides  of  the  approaches,  and 
on  finding  himself  discovered  he  shouted,  “ Close  with 
them ! At  them ! ” Fife  and  drum  joined  in  and  echoed 
the  cry.48  Olid  rushed  on  the  battery,  ranged  along 
a terrace  on  the  ascent  to  the  commander’s  house.  So 
sudden  was  the  attack  that  those  of  the  artillerymen 
who  still  remained  loyal  had  time  to  discharge  only 
one  gun,  which  killed  two  men.49  The  next  instant 
Olid,  Pizarro,  and  their  followers  had  practically 
secured  the  pieces,  and  were  pressing  the  defenders, 
who  offered  little  resistance.  At  the  same  time 


45  Expressing  the  belief  that  Cortes  would  be  foolhardy  enough  to  attack 
in  the  morning.  Tapia,  Rel.,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  589. 

16  ‘Llegamos  junto  ii  las  centinelas  sin  que  nos  sintiesen,  6 iban  huyendo  6 
diciendo : Anna,  arma ! ’ Id. , 590.  ‘ Auisado  Naruaez,  y se  estaua  vistiendo  vna 
cota : y dixo  aquie  le  auiso,  no  tengays  pena,  y mando  tocar  al  arma.  ’ Herrera, 
dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  iii. 

47  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  99,  calls  the  flies  cocayos. 

46  Prescott,  following  Herrera,  makes  Cort6s  shout  the  password  ‘Espiritu 
Santo,’  which  Bernal  Diaz  says  was  given  as  a secret  word  for  mutual  recog- 
nition. 

49  So  say  all  the  original  authorities  that  refer  to  it,  except  Bernal  Diaz, 
who  claims  that  four  guns  were  fired,  three  balls  passing  overhead  and  the 
fourth  killing  three  men.  Cortds  acknowledges  no  casualties  from  it.  Tapia 
even  intimates  that  no  discharge  took  place,  owing  to  the  fact  that  to  protect 
the  touch-holes  from  rain  they  had  been  covered  with  wax  and  tiles.  Con- 
fused by  the  sudden  alarm  the  artillerists  applied  the  match,  forgetful  of  the 
wax,  and  ‘we  saw  that  the  charges  failed  to  go  off.’  Rel.,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col. 
Doc.,  ii.  590.  Perhaps  he  would  have  been  more  correct  in  saying  that  the 
men  were  confused  by  the  glittering  bribes  of  Usagre.  Bacliiller  A.  Perez 
testifies : ‘ Dixo  al  artillero  poned  fuego  a estos  tiros ....  puso  fuego  e no 

salieron  los  tiros  e oyo  dezir  este  testigo  que  avian  puesto  cera  en  los  dichos 
tiros.  ’ Cortes,  Residencia,  ii.  85.  This  implies  that  the  wax  had  been  smeared 
on  by  accomplices. 


THE  ATTACK. 


395 


Sandoval  rushed  past  and  hurried  up  the  stair-way 
to  the  summit,  where  Narvaez  stood  to  receive 
him.60  A volley  of  arrows  and  bullets  was  fired  at 
him,  but  being  poorly  aimed,  out  of  consideration 
for  comrades  below,  he  escaped  unharmed.  Nothing 
daunted,  Sandoval’s  followers  pressed  onward  in  a 
compact  column,  and  in  a moment  they  were  on  the 
summit  platform.  “Surrender!”  shouted  their  leader 
with  resolute  confidence,  to  which  Narvaez  responded 
with  a jeer,  calling  on  his  men  to  spare  no  traitors. 
But  the  order  was  an  empty  one,  for  their  swords  and 
short  Spanish  lances  availed  nothing  against  the  line 
of  bristling  copper  points  on  the  long  pikes  of  the 
attacking  party,  and  step  by  step  they  were  driven 
backward  into  the  building.  What  they  did  with 
their  fire-arms  or  cross-bows  is  not  stated. 

Meanwhile  Cortes  was  doing  brave  work  below. 
One  body  engaged  the  cavalry,  unhorsing  with  the 
all-effective  pike  those  who  had  managed  to  reach  the 
saddle,  and  cutting  the  girths.  Another  body  turned 
their  attention  to  the  reinforcements  which  came 
rushing  from  the  adjoining  quarters  to  the  scene  of 
action,  and  taking  advantage  of  the  confusion  and  the 
darkness,  relieved  only  at  fitful  intervals  by  the  moon, 
their  cool  opponents  readily  disarmed  the  greater  num- 
ber, so  that  but  a small  proportion  made  their  way 
through  the  besieging  lines.51  While  thus  occupied 
they  heard  a shout  from  above,  “Victory!  Victory 
for  Cortes!  Narvaez  is  dead!”52  Cortes  immediately 
caused  the  cry  to  be  taken  up  by  the  rest  of  his  men, 
which  added  to  the  confusion  of  the  enemy. 

It  appears  that  Sandoval,  although  reinforced  by 

50  With  from  40  to  100  men,  are  the  different  estimates. 

51  ‘ Vinien  los  contrarios  a nuestra  gente,  creyendo  que  eran  de  los  suyos,  d 
preguntar,  “£qu6  es  esto?”  6 asi  los  prendien. ’ Tapia,  Bel.,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col. 

Doc.,  ii.  590.  ‘De  las  otras  dos  torres no  le  acudiero,  porq  dizen  algunos 

que  se  hizieron  sordos,  otros  que  no  pudieron  llegar,  por  el  impedimento  de 
las  tropas  de  Cortes.’  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  iii. ; Cardona,  in  Cortes, 
Residenria,  i.  181-2. 

yi  ‘ Uitoria,  vitoria  por  los  del  nobre  del  Espiritu  Sato,  q muerto  es  Narvaez  ! 
Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad. , 98.  Even  this  authority  now  shouts  forth  the 
password  ! 


396  THE  COUP  DE  MAlTRE  OF  CORTES. 

a portion  of  Olid’s  party,  could  not  effect  an  entry 
into  the  building  to  which  his  pikes  had  driven  those 
who  still  adhered  to  Narvaez,  a number  having  passed 
over  to  his  side  before  this.  After  watching  the  vain 
skirmishing  for  a while,  Lopez,  the  ship-builder,  be- 
thought himself  of  setting  fire  to  the  dry  palm  roof 
of  the  otherwise  substantial  building.  The  besieged 
now  had  no  recourse  but  to  come  out,  which  they  did, 
headed  by  Narvaez.  No  sooner  had  they  appeared 
on  the  platform  than  Sandoval’s  men  charged  them 
with  the  pikes,  and  the  commander  was  the  first  to 
receive  a thrust,  in  the  left  eye,  which  bore  him 
down  as  he  cried  out:  “Santa  Maria,  save  mel” 

In  an  instant  Pedro  Sanchez  Farfan  was  upon  him,53 
and  he  was  dragged  down  the  steps  and  placed  in  a 
chapel.  Awed  by  this  mischance  the  rest  speedily 
surrendered. 

Alferez  Fuentes  fought  valiantly  till  overthrown 
with  two  pike  thrusts.  “Our  Lady  save  me!”  he 
cried,  still  clutching  the  standard.  “She  shall!”  re- 
sponded Sandoval,  averting  the  pikes  of  the  excited 
soldiers.64 

The  cry  of  victory  and  the  rumor  of  Narvaez’ 
death  had  stayed  the  stream  of  reinforcements  from 
the  adjoining  houses,  wherein  defence  was  now 
alone  thought  of.  Recognizing  that  a charge  on 
them  might  meet  with  more  determined  opposition, 
Cortes  resolved  to  bring  the  enemy’s  own  battery 


63  Solis  assumes  that  Farfan  gave  also  the  thrust.  Bernal  Diaz’  text  leads 
one  to  suppose  that  Narvaez  received  the  thrust  before  his  followers  were 
driven  into  the  building,  but  the  other  authorities  state  clearly : ‘ al  salir  de  su 
camara,  le  dieron  vn  picacjo ....  Echaron  le  luego  mano.  ’ Oomara,  Hist.  Mex. , 
147 ; Oviedo,  iii.  510.  Monjaras  states  that  Narvaez  supplicated  for  his  life: 
‘Hidalgos,  por  amor  de  Dios  no  me  mateys!’  Testimonio,  in  Cortes,  Residencia, 
ii.  51,  85,  107 ; i.  365.  ‘Alonso  Davila  le  sac6  las  dichas  provisiones  reales  de 
V.  M.  del  seno,  teniAndolo  preso  6 abrazado  el  dicho  Pero  Sanchez  FarfAn.’ 
Demanda  de  Ceba/los,  in  Icazbalcetn,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  442.  This  occurred  some 
time  after  the  capture.  Narvaez  called  upon  his  fellow-prisoners  to  witness 
the  deed,  but  Avila  shouted  that  the  papers  were  merely  letters.  They  were 
given  to  CortAs.  ‘Las  avian  quemado.’  Testimonio,  in  Cortes,  Residencia,  i. 
345,  365,  250;  ii.  52,  187. 

54  He  died,  however,  says  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  99.  Herrera  calls 
him  Diego  de  Rojas,  whom  Bernal  classes  as  a captain. 


THE  CAPTURE  COMPLETED. 


397 


to  his  aid.55  By  the  time  the  guns  were  in  position, 
most  of  the  forces  of  Sandoval  and  Olid  were  free  to 
aid  Velazquez  de  Leon  in  the  task  of  reducing  the 
quarters  in  which  Salvatierra  and  Diego  Velazquez 
still  held  out. 

They  were  summoned  to  submit  to  the  king  and 
to  Cortes,  under  pain  of  death,  but  gave  a defiant 
answer.  The  guns  were  now  brought  into  play,  and 
fired  first  over  their  heads  to  frighten  them.  As 
the  balls  came  whizzing  by,  the  blustering  Salva- 
tierra, who  had  sworn  to  eat  the  ears  of  Cortes, 
declared  himself  sick.  His  fierceness  changed  to 
abject  fear,  and  his  men  asserted  that  they  never 
saw  a captain  behave  so  contemptibly.  The  shots, 
supported  by  promises,  soon  brought  about  the  sur- 
render of  this  pyramid. 

The  last  to  hold  out  was  Diego  Velazquez,  a brave 
fellow,  well  liked  by  his  followers;  but  after  a few 
more  parleys,  and  the  loss  of  three  men  from  well 
directed  shots,  his  party  was  also  prevailed  on  to 
descend  and  deliver  up  their  arms,66  the  leaders  being 
secured  and  removed  in  irons  to  the  chapel,  the 
wounded  receiving  there  the  attentions  of  a surgeon. 
Cortes  looked  in  to  examine  their  condition,  and  as 
the  whisper  reached  Narvaez  that  the  hero  of  the 
day  was  present,  he  turned  and  said:  “ Sehor  Cortes, 
you  may  hold  high  the  good  fortune  you  have  had, 
and  the  great  achievement  of  securing  my  person.” 


55  ‘Se  retrajeron  & una  torre  alta  de  un  ldolo  de  aquel  pueblo  casi  cuatro- 

cientos  hombres,  6 mucbos  de  los  de  caballo salieron  al  campo.  ’ Tapia, 

jRfl. , in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  590.  Herrera  says  that  300  intrenched 
themselves  till  the  morning,  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  iv.  Cortes  reached  the 
battery  just  in  time  to  prevent  a catastrophe,  as  Tapia  relates.  A hot- 
blooded  young  companion  of  the  latter,  earned  away  by  excitement,  rushed 
to  powder  barrels,  eight  in  number,  and  shouted,  ‘ Let  us  fire  the  powder 
and  spoil  it  for  the  enemy  ! ’ Cleaving  a barrel,  he  cast  a brand  into  it, 
and  threw  himself  flat  upon  the  ground,  commending  his  life  to  God.  It 
happened,  fortunately,  that  this  barrel  contained  sandals,  which  hy  some 
mistake  had  been  mixed  up  with  the  ammunition.  After  waiting  in  vain 
a while  for  the  explosion,  the  madcap  discovered  the  reason  and  began  to  open 
another  barrel.  At  this  moment  Cortes  came  up,  and  learning  of  his  inten- 
tion he  rushed  forward  and  snatched  away  the  brand. 

66  Including  also  Juan  Yuste,  Juan  Bono,  and  Gomara. 


398 


THE  COUP  DE  MAlTRE  OF  CORTES. 


With  a twinkle  of  malicious  merriment  Cortes  re- 
garded for  a moment  his  fallen  foe,  whose  insuffer- 
able conceit  did  not  desert  him  even  here,  and  said : 


Iztapalapoa 


„Tlascala 


plrtaccihuatl 


Popocatepetl,^^;  Hultzllapan  Orizaba 

Chollila0  Aeatsdngo, 
QuauhqueclioUan0  Teorpeaca 
Segura  de  laFrontera 


o.Ahuilizapan 


“ Senor  Narvaez,  many  deeds  have  I performed  since 
coming  to  Mexico,  but  the  least  of  them  all  has  been 
to  capture  you.”67 


67  Oviedo,  iii.  510.  Bernal  Diaz  lengthens  Cortes’  reply:  He  thanked  God 
for  the  victory  and  for  giving  him  such  valiant  gentlemen  and  companions  tc 
aid  him.  One  of  the  smallest  things  he  had  done  in  New  Spain  was  to  secure 
and  defeat  him;  it  appeared  more  daring  to  seize  an  oidor  of  his  majesty. 
Las  Casas  relates  that  Narvaez  had  a not  dissimilar  surprise  by  night  fron* 
Cuban  Indians,  during  his  campaign  for  Velazquez,  and  had  a narrow  escape. 
Hist.  Ind.,  iv.  6-8. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 


ALVARADO’S  MERCILESS  MASSACRE. 

May,  1520. 

After  the  Battle — Victory  Made  Secure — Conduct  of  the  Conquered — 
A General  Amnesty — Disposition  of  the  Forces — Affairs  at  the 
Capital — Insurrection  Threatened — The  Spaniards  Hold  a Coun- 
cil— Alvarado’s  Resolve — The  Great  Day  of  the  Feast — The 
Spaniards  Proceed  to  the  Temple — The  Grand  Display  there 
Witnessed — The  Attack  of  the  Spaniards — Horrors  upon  Horrors. 


Cortes  was  exultant.  During  the  last  brief  hour 
how  completely  had  his  fortunes  changed!  Again 
was  his  star  ascendant,  filling  the  whole  heavens 
with  its  brightness.  Alas  now  for  Montezuma  and 
Mexico!  And  Velazquez;  this  was  his  fourth  at- 
tempt on  Mexico,  and  in  some  respects  his  greatest 
failure.  Instead  of  annihilating  the  outlaw  with  his 
grand  army,  the  outlaw  in  one  fell  swoop  had  se- 
cured the  grand  army,  and  was  now  master  of  all  the 
ships,  and  men,  and  munitions  of  war,  which  he  so 
much  needed  in  consummation  of  his  further  designs. 
It  seemed  to  be  the  fate  of  the  fat  governor  out  of 
his  solid  substance  to  feed  his  enemy  with  wealth  and 
honors. 

Before  it  was  fairly  light  Cortes  had  seized  and 
placed  in  confinement  such  persons  as  might  question 
his  rights  as  victor;  the  remainder  on  surrendering 
their  arms  were  permitted  to  go  at  large.1  In  order 

1 Cartas,  124;  CorUs,  Residencia,  ii.  12.  Bernal  Diaz  confirms  that  this 
was  effected  long  before  dawn,  while  Herrera  states  that  300  held  out  till 
morning ; but  he  is  contradictory.  Carrasco,  whom  he  assumes  to  be  free,  urged 
them  to  fall  upon  the  attacking  party,  who  were  scattered  to  plunder.  But 

( 399 ) 


400 


ALVARADO'S  MERCILESS  MASSACRE. 


to  make  more  secure  his  magnificent  prize  before 
the  all-searching  sun  should  disclose  the  paucity 
and  poverty  of  the  victors,  Cortes  seated  himself 
in  state,  arrayed  in  a wide  orange-colored  robe,  and 
ordered  the  conquered  troops  to  pass  before  him, 
and  swear  allegiance  to  the  king,  and  fealty  to  him  as 
captain-general  and  justicia  mayor.  This  was  done 
by  nearly  all,  some  humbling  themselves  and  kissing 
his  hand,  while  the  late  hostile  leaders  and  old  ac- 
quaintances were  recognized  with  friendly  greetings 
and  embraces.2 

Meanwhile  Olid  and  Ordaz,  each  with  a corps,  set 
out  on  the  captured  horses  to  summon  stragglers  and 
seek  the  forty  troopers  in  the  field.  Duero  and  other 
friends  of  Cortes  being  among  them,  little  persuasion 
was  needed  to  win  the  party  over,  and  shortly  after 
dawn  the  whole  cavalcade  came  in  to  the  sound  of  fife 
and  drum,  shouting  vivas  for  Cortes.3  High  above 
this  noise  were  heard  from  a window  the  voices  of 
two  women,  named  Ordaz,  filling  the  air  with  their 
loud  philippics.  '‘Villainous  Dominicanos !”  they  cried 
to  the  soldiers  of  their  own  party,  “the  distaff  would 
better  suit  you  than  the  sword.  A good  account  have 
you  given  of  yourselves  1 Unfortunate  women  we 
to  have  come  to  the  wars  with  such  menl”  Truly 


this  was  not  done  for  want  of  a leader.  Nor  did  they  favor  his  advice  to 
plunder  the  baggage  of  Cortes,  which  was  protected  only  by  Indians,  and  to 
embark  with  Diego  Velazquez.  Carrasco  accordingly  proceeded  alone  to  the 
baggage  camp,  and  securing  a horse  and  lance  he  returned  and  urged  them 
to  follow.  He  had  evidently  supernatural  means  wherewith  to  penetrate  the 
besieging  force,  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  iv.  Duran  allows  Cortes  to  form  ambus- 
cades and  leap  walls,  so  that  the  arms  are  secured  ere  the  men  of  Narvaez  can 
form  in  defence.  Hist.  Ind.,  MS.,  ii.  453.  Peter  Martyr  disposes  briefly  of 
the  matter,  and  assumes  that  the  chief  captains  of  Narvaez  were  seduced, 
dec.  v.  cap.  v.;  Castellanos,  Varones  ilustres  de  Indias,  71-2;  Qalvano's  Discov., 
144-5.  , 

2 ‘ Cortes  se  mandb  pregonar  por  Capitan  general,  y justicia  mayor,  de  ambos 
exercitos.  ’ Carrasco  was  three  days  in  stocks  before  he  yielded  obedience. 
Herrera , ubi  sup.  ‘ Y todo  esto  era  de  noche,  que  no  amanecia.’  Bernal  Diaz , 
Hist.  Verdad.,  99. 

3 ‘Viua,  viua  la  gala  de  los  Romanos,  que  siedo  tan  pocos,  han  vencido  a 
Narvaez !’  to  which  Guidelo,  the  negro  jester  of  Narvaez,  added,  ‘Behold  ! the 
Romans  never  performed  such  a feat.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad .,99.  Herrera 
speaks  more  at  length  of  the  sayings  of  this  negro,  who  was  rewarded  with  a 
crown  of  gold  worth  COO  ducats,  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  iv. 


HONORS  TO  THE  VICTOR. 


401 


might  Narvaez  exclaim  with  Xerxes,  as  he  beheld  his 
fair  ally,  Queen  Artemisia,  outwit  her  Athenian  pur- 
suers, “My  men  fight  like  women,  and  my  women 
like  men.”  The  Orda^;  women,  however,  fought  only 
with  their  tongues,  and  that  after  the  issue  of  battle. 
And  thus  relieved  they  immediately  descended  and 
did  homage  to  the  victor.  The  general  did  all  he 
could  to  check  this  excess  of  zeal,  which  he  feared 
might  engender  ill  feeling,  and  he  even  seized  some  of 
the  noisiest  enthusiasts,  although  they  were  afterward 
rewarded. 

The  cacique  of  Cempoala,  who  had  been  slightly 
wounded  during  the  battle,  appeared  like  the  rest  to 
offer  fealty  to  the  victor  by  crowning  him  with  flowers. 
Cortes  received  his  demonstrations  as  if  nothing  had 
taken  place  to  mar  their  intercourse,  and  took  up  his 
abode  with  Catalina,  whose  hand  he  had  accepted 
during  his  previous  occupation  of  the  place.  The 
chiefs  vied  with  one  another  to  obliterate  their  un- 
fortunate mistake  by  increased  attention  and  hospi- 
tality, while  many  among  Narvaez’  men  thought  it 
necessary  to  excuse  their  tardy  surrender  by  pleading 
that  they  had  been  deceived  by  their  principals,  who 
had  assured  them  that  Cortes  was  a traitor.  Great 
was  their  chagrin  in  the  morning  on  discovering  how 
few  the  victors  were  and  how  poorly  they  were  armed. 
And  where  were  the  much  talked  of  native  auxiliaries? 
At  the  same  time  they  could  not  but  admire  a leader 
who  had  achieved  such  results  with  such  means. 
Narvaez  and  his  supporters  declared  that  the  victory 
was  due  wholly  to  treachery,  particularly  noticeable 
in  the  action  of  the  artillerists.4  In  this  there  was 
much  truth,  but  the  consummate  tact  and  soldierly 
qualities  of  Cortes  shine  no  less  brightly  for  all  that. 


4 ‘ I saw  Narvaez  in  Spain  in  1525,  and  heard  him  publicly  denounce  Cortes 
as  a traitor.  He  asked  but  royal  permission  to  prove  it,  face  to  face  with  his 
enemy;  furthermore,  he  was  a liar,  a tyrant,  and  an  ingrate.  Narvaez  had 
been  betrayed  by  those  in  whom  he  confided.’  Oviedo , iii.  316.  Still,  the 
chronicler  cannot  excuse  his  carelessness  nor  his  entering  into  parley  with 
Cortes;  and  he  told  him  so.  iii.  316. 

Hist.  JJtx.,  Vol.  I.  26 


402 


ALVARADO’S  MERCILESS  MASSACRE. 


And  tlie  cost  of  this  glory  and  advantage,  how  insig- 
nificant it  was!  Four  of  his  own  men  and  fifteen 
of  the  enemy,  including  a captain,  beside  a number 
wounded  on  both  sides;  this  was  all.6 

In  his  report  to  the  king  Cortes  seeks  to  gloss 
over  the  occurrence  by  stating  that  only  two  men 
were  killed,  intimating  that  it  was  on  both  sides. 
There  was  a deeper  reason  for  this  and  other  false- 
hoods than  the  wish  to  hide  the  bloody  result  of 
fratricidal  conflict.  He  was  still  doubtful  as  to  the 
view  taken  in  Spain  of  his  conduct,  and  could  not 
afford  to  prejudice  his  case  by  laying  bare  every 
misfortune.  He  was  aware  that  even  to  the  im- 
partial observer  he  must  appear  as  a defaulter  in 
the  duty  owing  by  him  to  a principal,  and  in  the 
agreement  or  partnership  which  he  had  formed,  and 
also  as  the  usurper  of  an  expedition  fitted  out  in  the 
name  and  under  the  auspices,  at  least,  of  Velazquez. 
His  plea  rested  on  his  brave  and  masterly  conquest 
of  a rich  country,  and  on  his  election  to  independent 
command  by  a party  formed  on  the  pretence  that 
the  superior  interests  of  the  sovereign  demanded  the 
immediate  subjugation  of  the  country.  But  his  ac- 
ceptance of  that  command  was  a breach  of  duty  and  of 
contract;  the  right  of  the  party  to  act  as  it  did  was 
doubtful,  and  its  pretence  hasty,  or  perhaps  usurped 
from  Velazquez,  who  had  first  entertained  it;  while 
the  commission  to  undertake  the  conquest  had  already 

5 Bernal  Diaz  mentions  fifteen  [a  misprint  of  dos  for  doce  makes  it  only  five] 
deaths  among  Narvaez’  men,  including  Captain  Rojas,  Alferez  Fuentes,  who  ’ 
was  an  hidalgo  of  Seville,  and  Carretero,  one  of  the  deserters  from  Cortes’  ex- 
plorers. Cort6s  lost  four.  Hist.Verdad.,  99.  Cortes  prudently  mentions  to  the 
king  only  two  deaths,  but  leaves  it  uncertain  to  what  side  they  belonged. 
Cartas,  124.  Gomara  claims  them  for  Cort6s,  and  states  that  Narvaez  lost  his 
eye,  his  honor,  and  sixteen  men.  Hist.  Mex. , 148.  Cort6s  lost  two  men  and 
one  wounded ; Narvaez  eleven.  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  iv.  Cortes  four, 
Narvaez  eleven,  besides  many  wounded  on  both  sides.  Vetancvrt,  Teatro  Mex., 
pt.  iii.  138.  Solis  supposes  that  two  wounded  of  Cortes’  army  died,  making 
four  in  all,  while  Narvaez  lost  fifteen.  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  101.  One  version  claims 
that  Narvaez  lost  fifteen  by  arms  and  six  by  fire  in  tlie  burning  of  the  quarters, 
which  is  probably  an  exaggeration.  Narvaez  lost  all  his  property,  including 
notes  of  hand.  Hcmanda  de  L'eballos,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Hoc.,  i.  442.  The 
testimony  in  Cortis,  Residencia,  i.  ii.,  varies  from  twelve  to  sixteen  for 
Narvaez. 


A MOST  LOVABLE  VILLAIN. 


403 


been  conferred  on  the  latter.  Velazquez  held  besides 
the  right  of  a discoverer  to  this  coast,  and  above  all 
the  royal  grant  to  it,  vaguely  worded  though  it  was  so 
far  as  indicating  the  situation  and  extent  of  territory. 
He  had  a right  to  claim  his  own;  though  circum- 
stances  had  so  changed,  Cortes  claimed,  as  to  render 
this  perilous  to  the  interests  of  God,  the  king,  and 
the  people,  which  rose  above  those  of  individuals ; and 
in  ignoring  the  orders  of  the  audiencia  to  desist  from 
war  on  his  countrymen  he  followed  only  natural  law 
and  justifiable  impulse.  In  this  respect  Cortes  was 
equally  guilty,  since  his  duty  was  to  yield  to  the 
rightful  claimant.  He  pleads  in  his  letter  to  the  king, 
however,  that  self-preservation  obliged  him  to  resist, 
for  Narvaez  had  determined  to  hang  him  and  several  of 
his  followers.  Here  he  again  hides  the  fact  that  favor- 
able  terms  were  at  one  time  offered.  “Had  Narvaez 
carried  off  the  victory,”  he  continues,  “it  would  have 
been  with  a great  loss,  which  must  have  so  weakened 
him  as  to  surely  enable  the  Indians  to  succeed  in  their 
meditated  revolt.  This  would  have  lost  the  country 
to  the  king  and  to  the  faith,  and  twenty  years  would 
not  have  sufficed  to  regain  it.”6  In  brief,  howsoever 
we  admire  Cortes,  however  much  we  would  prefer 
his  banner  to  that  of  Velazquez  or  Narvaez,  we  must 
admit  that  he  had  hardly  a shadow  of  right  on  his 
side,  and  that  no  position  in  which  he  could  possibly 
place  himself  was  tenable.  He  was  a defaulter,  pirate, 
usurper,  renegade,  traitor,  outlaw,  hypocrite;  but  he 
was  a most  lovable  villain,  an  admirable  soldier,  a 
rare  hero.  On  the  other  hand,  Velazquez  was  right. 
But,  though  deeply  injured,  he  was  disagreeable; 
though  foully  wronged,  he  was  vanquished.  And  the 
Spanish  monarch  was  not  the  first  or  last  to  smile 
on  iniquitous  success,  or  turn  the  cold  shoulder  to 
whining,  disappointed  virtue. 

6 Oviedo  looks  on  Cortes’  reasons  as  insufficient  to  justify  his  procedure, 
such  as  ordering  Narvaez  to  be  seized,  and  demanding  of  him  to  exhibit  a 
royal  commission,  ‘as  if  Cortes  had  been  appointed  by  the  king.’  Velazquez, 
as  the  principal  who  sent  him  forth,  had  every  right  to  remove  him.  iii.  316. 


404 


ALVARADO’S  MERCILESS  MASSACRE. 


In  the  course  of  the  morning  the  soldier  Bar- 
rientos, who  had  beerf  staying  in  Chinantla,  arrived 
with  the  promised  Chinantec  warriors,  two  thousand 
in  number.7  They  had  reached  the  rendezvous  on 
pentecost  day,  as  ordered,  but  Cortes  had  found  it 
convenient  to  advance  on  Cempoala  sooner  than  he 
had  intended.  An  imposing  sight  they  presented 
as  they  marched  by  amidst  vivas  in  a file  of  three 
abreast,  gorgeous  with  plumes  and  shields,  the  centre 
man  with  bow  and  arrows,  while  his  companions  on 
either  side  carried  the  formidable  pike,  tipped  with 
glistening  iztli.  It  was  fortunate  that  they  had  failed 
to  arrive  in  time,  since  much  bloodshed  was  saved 
thereby.  In  fact  the  soldiers  of  Narvaez  expressed 
a fear  that  they  would  have  fared  badly  with  such 
opponents.  Cort6s  was  nevertheless  delighted  with 
their  coming,  since  this  proved  not  only  the  sincerity 
of  their  friendship,  but  showed  the  conquered  that  he 
did  indeed  control  native  armies.  Distributing  some 
beads  and  trinkets,  he  bade  them  return  peaceably 
under  the  supervising  care  of  Barrientos. 

One  of  the  first  measures  after  the  fight  was  to 
secure  the  fleet;  and  for  this  purpose  a suitable  force 
was  sent  down  to  the  port  to  take  the  vessels  to-  Villa 
Rica,  and  remove  the  sails  and  rudders,  so  as  to  pre- 
vent the  escape  of  any  to  Cuba.8  Shortly  after,  when 
the  masters  and  crews  had  tendered  allegiance,  the 
vessels  were  placed  in  charge  of  Pedro  Caballero, 
captain  of  one  of  the  vessels  under  Narvaez,  in  whom 
Cortes  had  great  confidence.9  The  fortress  was  again 

7 Bernal  Diaz  places  the  number  at  1500,  while  Ceballos  raises  it  to  3000, 
under  Heredia,  and  places  the  arrival  a day  or  two  later.  Herrera  assumes 
that  they  came  in  time  to  march  with  Cortes  on  Cempoala.  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  i. 

8 Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Venlad.,  100,  names  Francisco  de  Lugo  as  the  captain 
of  this  party,  but  Tirado  states  that  he  had  been  sent  back  to  Mexico  as  an 
adherent  of  Velazquez.  Cortes,  Residencia,  ii.  6.  ‘Did  con  los  once  navios 
que  el  dicho  mi  parte  alii  tenia,  al  t raves,  4 les  fizo  quemar.  ’ Demanda  de 
Ceballos,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  442.  Bernal  Diaz  also  intimates  that  all 
but  two  vessels  were  destroyed  when  the  army  proceeded  to  Mexico  and  one 
afterward.  Hist.  Verdad.,  109.  It  is  not  probable,  however,  that  more  than 
a few  were  destroyed,  because  unseaworthy.  Some  were  wrecked  a few 
months  later. 

8 ‘ Por  Almirate,  y Capitan  de  la  mar al  qual  dizen  que  le  dio  primerc 


ANDItiS  DE  TAPIA. 


405 


garrisoned,  with  a larger  force,30  and  thither  were 
sent  Narvaez  and  Salvatierra  in  chains.11 

As  for  the  rest,  Cortes  applied  himself  with  his 
usual  skill  to  recompense  those  who  had  remained 
true,  and  to  conciliate  the  yet  unreconciled.  He  re- 
minded them  that  they  had  come  not  to  risk  their 
lives  for  Velazquez,  but  to  gain  honor  and  wealth 
under  the  banner  of  the  king,  and  he  was  prepared  to 
aid  in  this  by  offering  them  equal  terms  with  his 
veterans.  As  an  earnest  he  restored  within  two  days 
their  arms  to  all  except  a few  leaders,  and  ordered 
his  men  to  return  the  horses,  weapons,  and  other 
effects  taken  by  them  as  spoils  of  war.12  What  with 

buenos  tejuelos  de  oro.’  His  baptismal  name  was  either  Juan  or  Pedro.  Two 
vessels  were  still  expected  to  arrive.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  100,  113. 
Caballero  was  probably  an  old  friend.  ‘Pedro  de  Maluenda  criado  de  Diego 
Velazquez,  que  venia  por  mayordomo  de  Naruaez,  recogio  y guardo  los  nauios 
V todo  la  ropa  y hazienda.’  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex. , 14S.  By  Cortes’  order,  adds 
Herrera. 

10  ‘ Envi6  otros  docientos  hombres  & la  villa  de  la  Veracruz.’  Cortds,  Cartas, 
125.  Clavigero  assumes  that  Cortes  at  this  time  already  gave  orders  for  re- 
moving Villa  Rica  southward,  but  events  interfered  with  the  project.  Storia 
21  ess.,  iii.  120. 

11  ‘Cortes  le  [Narvaez]  tuvo  preso  con  muy  dsperas  prisiones  tres  aiios, 
poco  mas  6 menos,  e con  guardias  que  nadie  no  le  pudiese  ver;  6 aquellos 
pasados,  le  quitd  las  prisiones  6 le  tuvo  preso  otros  dos  aiios.  ’ So  says  Narvaez’ 
agent.  Demanda  de  Ceballos,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  442-3.  The  testi- 
mony in  Cortes,  Residencia,  reduces  the  term  to  two  years,  and  intimates  that 
several  other  men  were  kept  at  Villa  Rica,  under  surveillance  at  least,  i.  223, 
362-3,  et  seq. 

12  Narvaez  claims  to  have  been  robbed  of  100,000  Castellanos’  worth  of 
effects,  and  it  is  not  likely  that  his  property  was  restored.  See  Demanda  de. 
Ceballos,  ubi  sup.  Bernal  Diaz  had  to  surrender  a horse  fully  accoutred,  two 
swords,  three  daggers,  and  other  effects.  Hist.  Verdad.,  100.  Santa  Clara 
intimates  that  the  horses  and  arms  were  not  as  a rule  restored.  Cortis,  Resi- 
dencia, ii.  169.  If  so,  compensation  was  probably  given,  according  to  the 
Relacion  liecha  por  el  Sehor  A ndres  de  Tdpia,  sobre  la  Conijuista  de  Mexico. 
This  is  one  of  the  most  valuable  documents  extant  on  the  earlier  period  of 
the  conquest,  but  it  is  unfortunately  only  a fragment,  which  takes  up  the 
narrative  from  the  eve  of  leaving  Cuba,  and  carries  it  to  the  capture  of 
Narvaez,  relating  with  rather  uneven  completeness  the  principal  incidents 
of  the  voyage  to  Vera  Cruz,  the  march  to  Mexico,  the  stay  there,  and 
the  operations  against  the  forces  of  Velazquez.  Andres  de  Tapia  appears 
from  his  own  statement  to  have  been  a poor  nephew  of  Governor  Velazquez, 
to  whom  he  presented  himself  just  in  time  to  join  the  expedition  of  Cortes. 
At  this  time,  says  Bernal  Diaz,  he  was  about  24  years  old,  of  good  build, 
with  a grave  face,  slight  beard,  and  somewhat  ashy  complexion.  Hist.  Ver- 
dad., 246.  He  took  an  active  part  in  the  leading  wars  and  expeditions  during 
and  after  the  conquest,  and  became  one  of  the  most  noted  among  the  cap- 
tains, favored  by  Cortes,  with  whom  he  was  frequently  associated,  accom- 
panying him  also  on  a voyage  to  Spain.  Settling  in  Mexico,  he  died  there 
peacefully,  long  after  1539,  to  judge  from  his  reference  to  this  date.  His 


406 


ALVARADO’S  MERCILESS  MASSACRE. 


their  admiration  of  the  liberality  and  soldierly  quali- 
ties of  Cortes,  and  the  prospect  of  speedy  advance- 
ment, there  were  but  few  who  did  not  immediately 
and  cheerfully  accept  the  terms.  But  this  was  by 
no  means  to  the  taste  of  the  aforesaid  veterans. 
They  had  seen  with  envy  that  rich  presents  were 
made  to  the  conquered,  while  they,  whose  courage 
and  devotion  had  achieved  such  magnificent  results, 
received  nothing,  and  were  even  told  to  return  what 
they  regarded  as  lawful  spoils;  and,  further,  to  share 
with  these  late  comers  and  intended  despoilers  the 
fruits  of  their  years  of  toil  and  victories.  A general 
murmur  arose,  and  many  soldiers  refused  to  surrender 
the  appropriated  effects.  Captain  Avila  and  Father 
Olmedo  being  requested  to  remonstrate,  did  so  earn- 
estly, and  told  Cortes  that  he  acted  like  Alexander, 
who  honored  more  the  conquered  than  those  who  won 
the  battle.  He  and  all  he  possessed  belonged  to  his 
comrades,  was  the  reply,  but  at  present  it  was  neces- 
sary to  conciliate  their  invaluable  acquisition,  whose 
aid  was  needed  to  overcome  the  threatening  danger  in 
Mexico,  and  who  being  the  more  numerous  party  might 
otherwise  rise  against  them.  Their  aims  effected,  the 
entire  resources  of  a vast  and  rich  country  were  theirs. 
Olmedo  was  convinced  of  the  wisdom  of  the  course, 
although  he  considered  that  too  great  liberality 
had  been  shown.  The  headstrong  Avila  pressed 
the  point  with  his  natural  haughtiness,  whereupon 
Cortes  said:  “I  am  for  Mexico;  those  who  please 
may  follow;  those  who  do  not,  may  leave  it  alone. 
There  are  yet  women  in  Spain  to  bear  soldiers.” 
"Yes,  and  captains  and  governors,”  retorted  Avila. 

narrative,  as  may  be  supposed,  is  a panegyric  upon  his  leader  and  patron, 
and  some  statements  have  accordingly  to  be  weighed,  but  this  defect  impairs 
the  importance  of  only  a few  passages,  the  rest  being  highly  valuable,  and 
many  of  them  unique  in  their  testimony.  Guided  by  a reference  in  Bihl.  tie 
Auto  re w Es/>.,  xxii.,  Seiior  Icazbalceta  of  Mexico  obtained,  after  great  trouble, 
a copy  of  the  apparent  original  from  the  Royal  Academy  of  History,  Madrid, 
entitled:  Relation  de  altjunax  corns  de  las  que  acaecieron  al  Mutj  I lustre  Seiior 
Eon  Ifernanth  Cortix , etc.  This  he  published  in  his  Col-ccion  de  Documt  /Uos, 
ii.  .134— 94.  Tlie  last  three  page3  form  an  appendix  of  brief  remarks  on  the 
inhabitants  and  resources  of  Hew  Spain. 


THE  FEAST  OF  TEZCATLIPOCA. 


407 


Cortes  deemed  it  discreet  to  bandy  no  further  words 
at  present.  So  spirited  a tongue  must  be  curbed  with 
gifts;  but  Cortes  awaited  his  opportunity.  He  never 
forgot  anything. 

With  a view  chiefly  to  divert  the  troubled  spirits 
two  expeditions  were  sent  out,  each  of  two  hundred 
men,  mostly  from  the  ranks  of  the  late  enemy.  One 
was  directed  to  Goazacoalco,  as  before,  under  the  com- 
mand of  Velazquez  de  Leon,  who  had  already  held 
this  commission,  and  two  vessels  were  placed  at  his 
disposal  to  send  to  Jamaica  for  live-stock,  seeds,  and 
other  requirements  of  the  proposed  colony.  The  other 
expedition  was  intrusted  to  Ordaz  for  the  occupation 
of  Panuco,  with  a view  to  anticipate  Garay.  Two 
vessels  were  given  him  to  explore  the  coast.13 

While  Cortes  was  thus  risking  all  on  the  cast  of 
fortune  at  Cempoala  the  troops  at  Mexico  had  been 
exposed  to  even  greater  perils.  At  the  time  of  his 
departure  for  the  coast,  Toxcatl,  the  fifth  month,  had 
begun,  and  with  it  the  most  solemn  festival  of  the  year. 
It  was  in  honor  of  Tezcatlipoca,  the  highest  of  the 
divinities,  and  identified  with  a supreme  god,  although 
less  conspicuous  in  the  daily  worship  of  the  people,  for 
they  appealed  rather  to  the  nearer  minor  deities,  whom 
they  regarded  as  intercessors,  than  to  their  supreme 
divinity,  whom  they  greatly  feared,  and  who  was  very 
far  away.  The  Mexicans  had  been  permitted  to 
hold  the  celebration  in  the  great  temple,  which  had 


13  Gornara,  Hist.  Mex.,  149.  ‘Dos  di  is  despu£s  de  preso  el  dicho  Narvaez, 
porque  en  aquclla  ciudad  no  se  podia  sostener  tanta  gente ....  despache  dos 
capitanes.’  Cortes , Carta*,  125.  Cortes  writes  that  before  leaving  for  Mexico 
he  sent  Mexican  envoys  to  obtain  the  friendship  and  allegiance  of  the  lord  of 
I’Anuco.  This  was  at  once  offered,  and  presents  were  exchanged.  Id. , 5G-7, 
125,  144-45.  Cortds  was  either  deceived  or  he  invented  the  story  to  counteract 
Garay’s  schemes.  Bernal  Diaz  names  Ordaz  for  Goazacoalco  and  Velazquez 
for  Panuco;  but  it  has  entirely  escaped  his  memory  or  notes  that  Velaz- 
quez had  already  been  charged  to  form  a colony  in  Goazacoalco,  for  which  he 
was  also  better  fitted,  while  Ordaz  was  more  suited  for  rough  warfare  in 
Pdnuco.  This  author  gives  to  each  120  men,  twenty  of  them  from  the  ranks 
of  Cortds,  ‘ porq  tenia  mas  experiecia  en  la  guerra.’  IHst.  Vtrdad  , 100. 
The  200  allowed  by  others  m y include  the  ship-crews.  Herrera  places  300 
men  under  Ordaz.  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  iv. 


403 


ALVARADO’S  MERCILESS  MASSACRE. 


been  partly  dedicated  to  Christian  worship,  on  con- 
dition that  no  human  sacrifices  should  take  place.14 
A festival  of  this  prominence  could  not  fail  to  recall 
with  all  its  force  to  the  natives  the  indignities  to 
which  they  and  their  gods  had  been  subjected.  We 
have  seen  how  narrowly  an  uprising  on  account  of  the 
occupation  of  the  great  temple  by  strange  religious  em- 
blems was  escaped,  and  how  it  was  restrained  only  by 
the  promise  of  the  speedy  departure  of  the  Spaniards. 
Before  Cortes  had  left  the  capital  he  saw  the  smoulder- 
ing fire,  and  it  was  this  that  led  him  to  strengthen  the 
defences  of  the  fort,  to  obtain  extra  supplies  from 
Tlascala,  and  to  enjoin  the  strictest  watchfulness  and 
moderation. 

The  hostile  feeling  was  by  no  means  diminished  by 
the  tidings  of  another  larger  host  of  invaders  with 
doubtful  motives.  At  a meeting  of  native  leaders  it 
was  admitted  that  the  promises  and  statements  of  the 
newly  arrived  Spaniards  could  no  more  be  relied  upon 
than  those  of  the  deceitful  Malinche,  and  the  deferred 
proposition  to  drive  out  or  to  kill  the  Spaniards  was  re- 
newed with  ardor.  A better  opportunity  for  carrying 
out  such  a measure  could  never  again  be  found.  The 
great  Cortes  with  his  cunning  controlling  mind  was 
absent.  There  remainetf  only  a small  force  in  charge  of 
the  city,  and  the  troops  on  the  seaboard  were  divided 
against  each  other.  On  the  other  hand  a multitude 
of  pilgrims  were  pouring  in  for  the  festival;  and  what 
better  subjects  to  be  worked  upon  for  an  uprising  than 
these,  and  what  better  incentive  than  religion  ? Beside 
the  appeal  for  vengeance  on  the  desecrators  of  their 
altars  came  the  patriotic  call  for  the  release  of  an  op- 
pressed sovereign,  whose  influence  was  still  supreme 
with  many,  and  the  alluring  prospect  of  securing  the 
rich  spoils  in  possession  of  the  Spaniards  and  the 
Tlascaltecs,  the  latter  still  more  detested  as  an  inferior 
race  which  after  years  of  contest  had  now  assumed  the 

HFor  description  of  the  feast,  so  as  better  to  understand  what  follows, 
see  Native  Races,  ii.  317-21,  iii.  422-8. 


SUSPICION'S  OF  OUTBREAK. 


409 


•galling  attitude  of  master.  The  preparations  made 
during  the  late  fermentation  required  only  to  be  per- 
fected. More  arms  were  made,  the  people  were  stirred 
by  passionate  appeals,  warriors  were  enrolled,  and 
other  measures  taken.15 

The  utmost  secrecy  had  been  observed  by  the  con- 
spirators, but  with  so  many  confidants,  actuated  by 
race  jealousy,  by  ties  of  friendship,  by  interest,  and  by 
one  above  all  others, the  love  of  woman, that  the  rumor 
was  whispered  in  Alvarado’s  ear.16  Yet  to  the  mis- 
tress, who  in  her  devotion  to  the  lover  forgot  her  duty 
to  home  and  kindred,  must  not  be  charged  more  than 
is  her  due.  Sharpened  by  the  remembrance  of  past 
wrongs  suffered  on  battle-field  and  stone  of  sacrifice, 
the  wits  of  the  Tlascaltecs  discovered  evidence  which 
their  hatred  failed  not  to  magnify.  Warnings  were 
hardly  required,  however,  to  indicate  that  something 
unusual  was  stirring,  for  the  demeanor  of  the  Indians 
had  undergone  a yet  more,  marked  change.  Supplies 
were  further  diminished;  servants  sent  to  market 
were  abused  and  ill-treated,  and  insolence  was  shown 
even  to  the  Spaniards  themselves.17  A still  more 
alarming  sign  was  the  discovery  of  an  undermined 
wall,18  and  after  obtaining  further  particulars  from 
a devoted  Tezcucan  chief,19  afterward  known  as  Don 
Hernando,  Alvarado  resolved  to  inspect  the  adjacent 
temple  where  the  chief  celebration  was  held.  Here 
a number  of  suspicious  circumstances  were  noticed, 
which  the  Castilians  readily  wrought  into  threatening 
realities;  among  them  several  victims  destined  for 

15  Oviedo  refers  the  council  and  its  acts  only  to  the  time  immediately 
preceding  Cortes’  departure,  iii.  509. 

16  ‘Esto  afirmaron  muehas  mugeres,  de  lasqualesse  sabia  siepre  la  verdad.’ 
Herrera , dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  viii. 

17  ‘Nos  quitaron  la  comida  e enbiando  por  ella  no  nos  la  quisieron  dar  e 
nos  davan  de  palos  a las  naborias  e estando  lavando  una  yndia  de  las  nuestras 
la  hahogaron  e dezian  e publicavan  que  asy  avian  de  hazer  a los  espaiioles.’ 
Ramirez , Proceso  contra  Alvarado,  66.  This  testimony  is  confirmed  by  a 
number  of  his  followers. 

18  ‘Con  muehas  escalas  para  subir  y matar  a los  espaiioles. ’ Id.,  67.  Martin, 
in  Id  , 144. 

19  ‘Le  prince  acolhua  Tecocoltzin. ’ Brasseur  de  Bourbourg, Hist.  Hat.  Civ., 
iv.  2S7. 


410 


ALVARADO’S  MERCILESS  MASSACRE. 


sacrifice,  regardless  of  the  promises  given,  while  some 
bloody  hearts  which  they  saw  testified  to  the  work 
already  done  by  the  knife.20  With  the  victims  Alva- 
rado seized  their  attendants  and  certain  of  the  em- 
peror’s courtiers,  from  some  of  whom  he  tortured 
a confession.  In  this  manner  he  learned  what  he 
already  partially  knew,  namely,  that  many  arms  were 
prepared;  that  during  the  Incensing  of  Huitzilo- 
pochtli,  as  the  festival  was  called,  the  Christian 
emblems  would  be  cast  out  of  the  temple,  and  that 
the  uprising  was  to  take  place  at  the  conclusion  of 
the  feast.21 

A seeming  confirmation  of  the  proposed  sacrilege 
came  from  Montezuma  himself,  who  sent  to  request 
the  removal  of  the  Christian  emblems  from  the  sum- 
mit of  the  great  temple,  pleading  as  high-priest  that 
the  presence  of  strange  images  must  prove  irritating 
to  the  worshippers  of  other  gods.  Alvarado  indig- 
nantly refused ; he  would  rather  fight.  The  Mexicans 
did  not  choose  to  see  their  festival  broken  up  before 
the  appointed  time,  and  so  the  point  was  waived.  It 
was  then  arranged  that  the  Spaniards  should  attend 
the  ceremonies,  so  as  to  be  assured  that  no  indignities 
would  be  offered  their  images.22 

20  ‘A  number  of  poles  were  raised  in  the  court-yard,  destined,  as  I was  told, 
to  impale  the  Spaniards,  one  taller  than  the  rest  upon  the  pyramid  being  re- 
served for  me.’  Alvarado,  in  Ramirez,  Proceso  contra  Alvarado,  66. 

21  Alvarado’s  statements  with  regard  to  reports  and  signs  of  revolt,  and  to 
the  confession  of  several  natives,  is  confirmed  by  a number  of  witnesses, 
including  the  clergyman  Juan  Diaz.  Id.,  66,  113,  et  seq.  Tapia,  who  is 
arrayed  against  Alvarado,  intimates  that  torture  induced  the  natives  to  give 
the  confirmation  of  the  plot  as  desired  by  the  Spanish  captain,  and  that  the 
interpreter  was  unreliable.  One  witness  declares  that  the  uprising  was  un- 
derstood to  be  planned  to  take  place  within  ten  days;  another  says  on  the 
day  following  the  torture,  intimating  that  it  was  to  be  after  the  great  dances. 
Id.,  37,  150.  ‘Alvarado  dixo,  que  luego  le  auian  de  venir  a dar  guerra. . . .que 
lo  supo  de  vn  Papa,  y de  dos  Principales,  y de  otros  Mexicanos.  ’ Bernal  Diaz, 
Hint.  Verdad.,  102. 

22  Tapia’s  testimony  to  this  and  other  criminating  points  is  particularly 
valuable,  as  he  was  a bitter  opponent  of  Alvarado.  The  latter  states  that 
Montezuma  declared  himself  powerless  to  prevent  the  premeditated  sacrilege 
to  the  Christian  images.  Ramirez,  Proceso  contra  Alvarado,  36-7,  66-7.  But 
this  plea,  if  made,  must,  according  to  other  accounts,  be  interpreted  to  apply 
only  to  pagan  ceremonies,  held  almost  before  the  images,  and  which  might 
be  regarded  as  a sacrilege.  Torquemada  writes  that  arms  had  been  collected 
within  the  temple  and  everything  prepared  for  the  day  when  the  Spaniards 


INFAMOUS  RESOLVE. 


411 


And  now  conges  another  of  those  diabolical  deeds 
which,  done  in  the  name  of  civilization,  or  religion,  or 
any  other  entity  or  idea,  fills  us  with  horror  toward 
the  gods  and  men  for  whom  or  by  whom  such  acts 
are  consummated.  The  lion  and  the  tiger  are  humane 
and  gentle  beside  the  Spaniard,  harboring  thoughts 
born  of  bigoted  zeal  or  blind  apprehension.  And 
what  are  his  thoughts?  These:  He  would  enter  the 
sanctuary,  the  holy  temple  of  his  god  and  their  gods, 
and  while  all  the  people,  while  priests  and  nobles,  the 
flower  of  the  Aztec  race,  were  celebrating  the  highest 
service  of  the  highest  festival,  he  and  his  men  would 
fall  upon  them  and  hew  them  in  pieces!  And  this 
because  they  had  tired  of  harboring  and  feeding  them. 
They  desire  to  be  relieved  of  the  self-invited  guests, 
and  since  dismissal  does  not  avail  they  must  be  driven 
out  or  killed.  But  the  intruders  do  not  wish  to  be 
exterminated,  and  if  there  is  striking  to  be  done,  they 
propose  to  strike  first. 

Pedro  de  Alvarado  was  no  such  man  as  Hernan 


attended  by  invitation  to  witness  the  dance  of  the  nobles.  At  a given  signal 
an  evidently  simultaneous  attack  was  to  be  made  on  the  assembled  guests 
and  on  the  fort,  thus  taking  the  Spaniards  at  a disadvantage.  Jars  stood 
prepared,  filled  with  certain  liquids,  wherein  to  cook  their  bodies  for  the  feast, 
i.  489-90.  The  general  inclination  of  those  who  follow  the  Spanish  version, 
of  which  Torquemada,  usually  so  stanch  for  the  natives,  is  here  the  best 
exponent,  has  been  to  assume  that  the  attack  was  arranged  for  the  day  of  the 
great  dances ; and  this  is  not  unlikely,  although  the  original  writers  and  their 
commentators  appear  to  be  ignorant  of  or  oblivious  to  certain  features  of  the 
festival.  Another  view  has  been  to  place  the  attack  during  the  installation  of 
the  new  image  of  the  war-god.  This  ceremony  belonged  to  the  preceding 
day,  a fact  not  as  a rule  understood,  and  therefore  the  source  of  much  con- 
fusion. Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  who  is  clearest  on  these  points,  assumes  that 
the  raising  of  the  idol  would  involve  the  casting  forth  of  the  Christian  em- 
blems, and  be  the  signal  for  attack.  But  evidences  are  conclusive  that  the 
natives  were  not  ready  on  that  day.  They  were  too  occupied  with  the  cele- 
bration, and  Alvarado,  with  his  small  force,  was  not  so  negligent  as  to  wait 
till  the  last  moment,  when  the  enemy  was  fully  prepared.  He  and  several  of 
his  men  indicate  clearly  enough  that  they  attended  the  temple  at  the  installa- 
tion. The  uprising  must  therefore  have  been  appointed  for  the  following  or 
even  a later  day.  See  note  25.  Vetancurt,  Teatro  Mex.,  iii.  1.39,  is  among  the 
authorities  who  follow  the  version  of  Torquemada  in  general.  One  of  the 
fervid-minded  witnesses  of  Alvarado  repeats  the  account  of  pots  and  jars  for 
cooking  the  Spaniards.  Helps  supposes  that  Huitzilopochtli’s  festival  had 
not  yet  been  entered  upon,  and  that  Tezcatlipoca’s  image  is  the  one  in  ques- 
tion ; but  the  Spaniards,  who  knew  the  difference  between  these  idols,  all 
affirm  that  the  celebration  of  the  war-god  was  now  held.  See  Hamirtz,  Pro- 
cess contra  Alvarado,  G9,  113,  130,  137,  and  150. 


412 


ALVARADO’S  MERCILESS  MASSACRE. 


Cortds.  He  was  scarcely  fit  to  be  his  servant.  There 
were  a dozen  prominent  qualities  that  combined  to 
make  up  the  great  man  in  Cortes  which  were  absent 
in  Alvarado.  Both  of  them  were  loyal,  brave,  and 
merciless,  but  there  was  a method  in  the  excesses 
of  Cortes  which  those  of  Alvarado  lacked.  Cortes 
was  deep,  Alvarado  shallow ; Cortes  was  patient  under 
affront,  Alvarado  was  violent ; Cortes  was  cool  in  time 
of  danger,  Alvarado  was  excited — and  so  on.  And 
yet  Alvarado  was  a gallant  cavalier. 

The  Spaniards  now  held  a council,  before  which 
Alvarado  placed  the  information  thus  far  obtained  of 
the  plot,  and  the"  necessity  of  prompt  measures  was  at 
once  recognized.  They  did  not  believe  Montezuma 
to  be  taking  any  active  part  in  the  conspiracy,  but 
that  swayed  by  hopes  and  fears  he  was  allowing  him- 
self, with  his  usual  want  of  resolution,  to  yield  to  the 
stronger  will  of  his  courtiers  a passive  consent  to  the 
efforts  for  his  release.23 

Less  prudent  than  his  chief,  and  less  fertile  in  re- 
sources, Alvarado  did  not  look  for  preventives  to 
check  the  conspiracy,  but  to  what  he  regarded  as  a 
decisive  blow  to  crush  it,  such  as  that  administered  at 
Cholula.  He  had  not  the  foresight  of  his  general 
with  regard  to  the  proper  adjustment  of  means  to 
ends,  nor  his  magic  influence  over  those  around 
him,  friend  or  foe.  He  remembered  only  the  good 
effect  of  the  massacre  on  the  effeminate  Cholultecs, 
and  felt  convinced  that  so  excellent  a measure  must 


23  This  received  support  from  his  neglect  to  interfere  when  supplies  were 
cut  down.  Even  Tapia  refers  to  a change  in  his  disposition,  and  to  Alva- 
rado’s displeasure  thereat,  but  his  words  may  apply  to  the  stoppage  either  of 
supplies  or  of  presents.  Id.,  36.  Want  of  power  could  not  be  pleaded  by 
Montezuma,  because  a few  days  later,  when  the  natives  were  far  more  embit- 
tered both  against  the  Spaniards  and  against  their  captive  sovereign,  the 
latter  was  able  by  a mere  appeal  to  stay  their  onslaught.  The  testimony 
speaks  not  only  of  an  undermined  wall  and  scaling  ladders,  but  of  weapons, 
‘porras  y otras  armas,’  and  of  conspirators  within  the  fort.  Id. , 67,  113,  et 
seq.  Gomara  says  that  his  love  for  the  Spaniards  has  been  denied  by  some. 
Hist.  Mex. , 154-5;  but  Bemal  Diaz  will  not  believe  Montezuma  guilty  of  con- 
spiracy. Ilist.  Verdad.,  102.  The  grief  of  the  Spaniards  at  his  death,  and 
the  care  taken  of  his  children,  indicate  that  they  and  the  crown  regarded  him 
as  loyal. 


THEY  PROCEED  TO  THE  TEMPLE. 


413 


answer  also  for  the  apparently  abject  Aztecs.  It 
I horouglily  suited  his  rash  daring  and  cruel  disposition. 
To  attack  is  to  win,  was  his  maxim.  The  difference 
in  circumstances  hardly  entered  into  consideration, 
chief  among  which  was  the  smaller  force,  unsup- 
ported by  the  neutrality  of  half  the  city,  as  at  Clio- 
lula,  and  without  allies  close  at  hand.  The  gathering 
of  so  many  nobles  and  military  leaders  in  connection 
with  the  war-god  celebration  provided  the  oppor- 
tunity desired,  since  this  would  permit  the  blow  to 
be  directed  against  those  who  were  looked  on  as  the 
promoters  of  the  revolt ; and  deprived  of  their  leaders 
the  people  would  be  likely  to  abandon  any  further 
attempt.  This  plan  met  with  general  approval.24 

The  hour25  having  arrived  for  the  visit  to  the 
temple,26  Alvarado  selects  half  the  force  to  accompany 
him,27  and  proceeds  thither,  armed  with  more  than 
usual  care.  Upon  those  who  remain  in  charge  of 
the  fort,  says  Tapia,  devolves  the  safer,  though'  even 
more  cruel  task  of  slaughtering  the  greater  part  of 
the  courtiers  and  attendants,28  who  have  this  day  pre- 
sented themselves  in  larger  numbers  than  usual. 

24  ‘Los  espafioles  lo  requirieron  al  dicho  D.  Pedro.’  Ramirez,  Proceso  contra 
Alvarado,  150.  Tapia  pretends  that  he  objected.  Id.,  37. 

23  Alvarado  and  his  men  in  more  than  one  instance  indicate  the  day  when 
the  dough  idol  was  raised.  Id.,  G7,  113,  134.  Ixtlilxochitl  points  to  the 
following  greaterday,  which  he  dates  May  1 0th.  Relaciones,  4 12.  Sahagun  is  not 
so  definite,  but  his  editor  accepts  the  chief  day,  calling  it  Whitsunday,  May 
27th.  Hist.  Conq.  (ed.  1840),  99.  In  another  place  he  says  May  ‘25th.  Teecvco 
en  /os  ultimos  tiempos,  274.  One  of  Alvarado’s  men  states  that  it  was  a Thurs- 
day. Ramir/z,  Proceso  contra  Alvarado,  131. 

26  The  testimony  of  the  conquerors,  confirmed  by  native  paintings  and 
records,  leaves  no  doubt  that  the  dance  of  the  nobles  and  the  massacre  took 
place  in  the  great  temple  adjoining  the  fort.  Ramirez,  Proceso,  37  et  seq.  Acosta 
writes,  however,  that  they  occurred  in  the  palace,  Hist.  IiuL,  522,  and  he  is 
partly  right,  since  a massacre  was  earned  out  here  also.  Clavigero  follows 
Acosta,  and  assumes  that  the  fort  is  meant.  He  argues  that  the  dance  was 
held  there  so  that  the  emperor  might,  as  customary,  be  present,  and  that  a 
massacre  could  not  have  been  undertaken  by  so  few  Spaniards  in  the  great 
temple,  where  the  arsenals  were  situated,  and  where  the  concourse  of  people 
must  have  been  very  large.  Sloria  Mess. , iii.  118.  The  Spaniards  had  for- 
bidden the  use  of  arms  during  the  festival,  and  none  appear  to  have  been 
produced  in  the  temple.  Among  other  precautions  Alvarado  appears  to  have 
insisted  on  a small  attendance  beyond  that  of  nobles,  and  most  authorities 
so  accept  it. 

21  Torquemada  says  50  men:  the  T’ascaltees  are  seldom  counted. 

28  ‘ Que  no  quedaron  sino  el  dicho  Montezuma  y quinze  o veynte  criados,’ 


414 


ALVARADO’S  MERCILESS  MASSACRE. 


The  Spaniards  with  their  Tlascaltec  followers  are 
welcomed  at  the  sanctuary  with  great  demonstrations 
by  the  unsuspecting  nobles,  who  see  nothing  to  ap- 
prehend in  the  gleaming  arms,  since  the  Spaniards 
never  go  forth  without  weapons.  We  must  remem- 
ber it  is  a gala  day,  and  the  court  presents  a 
magnificent  scene  with  its  festive  decking  of  gar- 
lands, festoons,  and  drapery,  and  its  gayly  attired 
audience.  A procession  of  plumed  priests  and  pages 
march  by  with  swinging  censers,  chanting  weird  music 
before  the  hideous  idols.  Behind  comes  a file  of  nuns 
and  novices,  with  red  feathers  and  painted  faces,  sur- 
mounted by  garlands  of  toasted  maize,  and  bearing  in 
their  hands  Hags  with  black  bars.  Hidden  musicians 
strike,  and  the  dance  begins.  Joining  the  priests,  the 
consecrated  women  and  the'  tyros  whirl  round  a large 
brazier,  while  two  shield-bearers  with  blackened  faces 
direct  their  motions.  A conspicuous  figure  is  the 
ixteocale,  the  living  representative  of  the  god,  for 
whom  he  is  fated  to  die,  like  the  more  prominent  proxy 
of  Tezcatlipoca.  Dressed  like  a warrior  ready  for  the 
fray,  and  prepared  to  lead  in  the  chief  dances  as  is  his 
duty,  he  seems  to  impersonate  the  omen  of  evil  which 
hovers  over  the  scene. 

Presently  the  Spaniards  are  conducted  to  a sepa- 
rate court,  wherein  are  assembled  several  hundred 
nobles  and  leading  men,  arrayed  in  rich  costumes 
glittering  with  gold  and  precious  stones.  The  centre 
of  attraction  is  the  new  image  of  ITuitzilopochtli,  of 
tzoalli  dough,  its  jacket  wrought  with  human  bones. 
Before  this  image  the  mazehualiztli  dance  now  begins.29 
Rings  are  formed  round  the  music-stand,  where  two 
leaders  direct  the  movements,  the  highest  nobles  and 
the  most  aged  composing  the  inner  circles,  and  the 

says  the  charge  against  Alvarado.  Ramirez,  Proeeso,  4,  20,  37,  43.  This 
generally  ignored  part  of  the  massacre  finds  also  indirect  confirmation  in  the 
diffuse  testimony  to  the  finding  of  concealed  weapons  among  the  attendants 
of  Montezuma.  Alvarado  would  not  have  failed  to  punish  them  for  this. 

29  fxtlilxochitl,  Retacioves,  412.  ‘Estebayle  escemoelNetoteliztli.  ’ ‘Mazeua- 
liztli:  que  quiere  dezir  Merecimiento  con  trabajo.’  Gomara,  Hist.  21  ex. , 150. 


THE  DANCE  OF  DEATH. 


415 


younger  men  the  outer.  When  all  is  ready  the  music 
strikes  up  lightly  to  a well  known  tune,  and  the 
dancers  move  off,  chanting  a song  bearing  on  the  event 
of  the  day,  and  on  gods  and  kings.30  Forewarned  as 
the  Spaniards  are,  they  see  treason  in  every  act  and 
word,  and  many  who  understand  somewhat  the  Aztec 
language  declare  that  the  songs  bear  distinct  allusions 
to  the  intended  uprising. 

As  the  dance  progresses  a few  of  the  soldiers,  to- 
gether with  a number  of  Tlascaltecs,  take  possession 
of  the  different  entrances,  while  the  rest  distribute 
themselves  in  suitable  positions  and  watch  for  the 
signal.31  Instructed  by  his  native  allies,  Alvarado 
waits  the  time  when  the  Indians  shall  install  the  war- 
god  image  in  the  ehapel.  And  now  the  sanguinary 
moment  has  come.  Falling  on  the  assembly  with 
pike  and  sword,  some  strike  the  idol  and  some  its 
worshippers.  They  hew  down  the  priests  and  drive 
the  cruel  steel  through  the  bodies  of  the  nobles. 
Few  of  the  Indians  possess  any  weapons  with  which 
to  defend  themselves  from  the  sharp  Toledo  blades. 
Taken  thus  by  surprise,  panic-stricken,  they  tread  one 
upon  another,  and  then  fall  helpless  under  the  merci- 
less thrusts  of  the  enemy.  Their  first  impulse  has 
been  to  rush  for  the  gates,  but  lines  of  bristling  pikes 
oblige  them  to  press  back  against  the  crowd,  thereby 
increasing  the  confusion.  Some  attempt  to  climb  over 
the  high  walls,  some  to  hide  in  the  temple  buildings, 
even  burrowing  beneath  the  heaps  of  the  slain. 
Before  an  hour  has  passed  there  is  nothing  left  in 
sight  deemed  worthy  Spanish  swords,  so  suddenly  has 
this  brilliant  assembly  been  transformed  into  loath- 

3lJ  See  Native  Races , ii.  288-9. 

31  ‘Fue  al  patio  donde  estava  el  Oecbilobos  e vi  muclia  gente  junta  para  le 
subir  e defendiendolo  venia  mucha  gente  los  quales  comensaron  a pelear  con 
nosotros.  ’ Ramirez , Proceso  contra  Alvarado,  G7.  This  is  a mere  excuse  evidently, 
which  none  attempt  to  support,  definitely  at  least ; but  it  sounded  well  to  say 
that  the  actual  fight  began  on  the  native  side,  as  had  the  plotting.  One  of 
Brasseur  de  Bourbourg’s  unique  manuscripts  states  that  the  first  attack  by 
the  Spaniards  was  upon  those  who  were  advancing  with  the  idol.  Hist.  Nat. 
Civ.,  iv.  287.  ‘Este  testigo  desfizo  el  ydolo  que  los  dichos  yndios  tenian  para 
eobir  donde  estava  Nuestra  Senora.’  Nano  Pinto,  in  Ramirez,  134. 


416 


ALVARADO’S  MERCILESS  MASSACRE. 


some  masses  of  mangled  bodies.  The  pathway  of  the 
conquerors  is  everywhere  slippery  with  the  blood  of 
their  victims. 

In  this  horrible  butchery,  as  we  have  seen,  the 
lower  classes  suffered  less  than  the  nobles.  Desola- 
tion was  brought  home  to  nearly  every  prominent 
family  in  the  city.  Their  grief,  shared  by  dependants 
and  adherents  throughout  the  provinces,,  was  com- 
memorated in  plaintive  ballads,  by  which  the  people 
kept  alive  the  hatred  of  their  oppressors  long  after 
the  conquest.  The  estimates  of  the  killed  vary  from 
four  hundred  to  over  three  thousand,  the  most  com- 
mon number  being  six  hundred;  and  as  this  generally 
refers  to  prominent  personages  it  may  be  accepted  as 
not  too  low.32 

Finding  no  more  to  kill,  or  rather  no  more  worth 
the  killing,  the  Spaniards  and  the  Tlascaltecs  pro- 
ceeded to  plunder.  The  reward  was  rich,  but  even 
in  the  eyes  of  their  national  historians  odium  attached 
to  every  trinket,  for  by  such  action,  as  Herrera  ob- 
serves, they  gave  currency  to  the  charge  that  the  deed 
had  been  prompted  by  avarice.  But  this  interesting 
occupation  was  destined  to  be  interrupted.  Shouts 

32  There  were  from  300  to  400  dancers,  nearly  all  chiefs,  and  an  audience 
of  from  2000  to  3000,  says  Tapia ; and  from  the  wording  of  the  accusation 
against  Alvarado  it  appears  that  all  the  chiefs  were  killed,  and  a number  of 
the  rest,  besides  those  slaughtered  in  the  fort.  Ramirez  interprets  the  native 
painting  to  signify  400,  most  likely  of  the  nobles  only,  Id.,  4,  37,  230;  400 
killed,  Corlts,  Residencia,  i.  41;  over  COO  nobles  slaughtered  in  one  hour, 
Cano,  in  Oviedo,  iii.  5.30 ; COO  to  1000  nobles  and  caciques,  Gomara;  over  100 3 
nobles,  Ixtlilxochitl,  Relaciones,  412,  and  Brnssevr  de  Bourbourg.  ‘Fue  tan 
grande  el  derramamiento  de  sangre,  que  corrian  arroyos  della  por  el  patio  coino 
agua  cuando  muclio  lluove.’  Sa/tagun,  Hist.  Conq.  (ed.  1840),  100.  He  gives 
sickening  details  of  truncated  bodies,  of  dismembered  hands  and  feet,  and  of 
draggling  entrails.  Father  Duran  goes  to  an  extreme  in  his  account,  according 
to  wnich  Alvarado  prompted  the  deed,  and  Cortds  executed  it.  From  8000 
to  10,000  illustrious  men  were  summoned  through  Montezuma  to  assemble 
in  the  temple,  in  order  to  permit  Cortes  to  kill  them  and  thus  become  master 
in  the  country.  He  places  ten  soldiers  at  each  gate,  and  sends  in  ten  to  com- 
mit the  slaughter.  Hist.  Ind.,  MS.  ii.  456-9.  Las  Casas  is  not  so  absurd,  this 
time  at  least,  but  close  behind  him  in  the  estimate,  for  he  states  that  the 
slaughter  was  carried  on  in  different  parts  of  the  city  at  the  same  time,  and 
in  one  place  alone  about  2000  young  nobles  fell.  Prescott  misinterprets  him. 
‘Non  procul  k palatio  aberant,  duo  circiter  millia  juvenum  nobilium. . . .Ad 
hos  se  contulit  Hispanorum  Capitaneus,  & alios  ad  reliquas  urbis  partes,  in 
quibus  hae  choreas  celebrabantur,  misit, ....  non  cessabunt  celebrare&  lamentari 
. . . . calamitatem,’  etc.  Rejio.  Ind.  Devuatat.,  32. 


MOTIVES  AND  CONDEMNATION-. 


417 


from  the  maddened  multitude  without  were  soon 
heard,  roaring  in  response  to  the  death  clamor  of  their 
countrymen.  Warned  by  the  guard  at  the  gates,  the 
plunderers  hastened  to  regain  the  fort.  Yells  of  exe- 
cration greeted  them  as  they  issued  from  the  temple, 
and  showers  of  stones  and  darts  fell  thick,  while 
the  front  ranks  of  the  assailants  pressed  them  with 
swords  and  clubs.33  Short  as  was  the  distance  to  the 


33  Tapia,  and  others,  in  Ramirez , 38,  67,  131.  Torquemada  assumes  that 
the  arms  used  by  the  assailants  were  those  which  had  been  collected  for 
the  outbreak  in  the  houses  adjoining  the  temple,  i.  490.  As  regards  the 
motives  for  the  massacre,  the  Spanish  authorities  seek  as  a rule  to  justify 
them,  while  the  native  accounts  are  equally  inclined  to  ascribe  them  to  greed 
or  to  wanton  cruelty.  According  to  Saiiagun  the  celebration  was  held  at  the 
instance  of  Alvarado,  who  slaughtered  the  devotees  without  known  cause. 
Hist.  Conrj.,  '21  (ed.  1840),  100.  Duran,  who  is  as  prejudiced  as  he  is  blunder- 
ing, dates  the  massacre  after  the  return  of  Cortds  from  the  coast.  Alvarado 
persuades  him  to  secure  the  submission  of  the  country  by  killing  all  the 
lords  and  chiefs,  and  they  are  accordingly  allured  to  their  death.  Hist.  Lid., 
MS.,  ii.  4.36-7.  Las  Casas  inclines  to  a similar  motive;  ‘quo  magis  cresceret, 
& augeretur  in  his  provinciis  formido  illorum  crudelitatis.’  Regio.  Lid.  De- 
vaslat. , 30.  Nearer  the  truth  comes  Ixtlilxochitl,  who,  while  disposed  to  credit 
his  countrymen,  dares  not  accuse  the  Spaniards,  and  so  takes  the  prudent 
middle  course  of  casting  the  blame  on  the  Tlascaltecs.  Prompted  by  the 
hatred  bred  of  former  wrongs  inflicted  by  Mexicans,  and  by  greed  for  spoils, 
they  invent  charges  of  treason  and  speedy  revolt.  Alvarado,  being  also 
avaricious,  is  readily  induced  to  believe  them,  and  considers  it  besides  a good 
opportunity  to  obtain  control  by  dispatching  the  assembled  chiefs,  unarmed 
as  theyare.  Hist.  Chirk. , 300 ; Relaciones,  389, 412.  Ixtlilxochitl  is  not  to  blame 
for  his  assumption,  since  his  admired  guide,  the  biographer  of  Cortes,  does  not 
attempt  to  defend  Alvarado,  but  merely  mentions  that  lie  was  influenced  either 
by  reports  of  a proposed  uprising  or  by  avarice.  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  151. 
The  commentator  Chimalpain  says  bluntly  that  the  latter  motive  ‘ es  mas  de 
creer.’  Hist.  Conq.,  i.  281;  Benzoni,  Mondo  Nuovo,  94;  Pizarro  y Orellana, 
Varones  Ilvstres,  92.  Vetancurt  rather  condemns  Alvarado  for  acting  on  in- 
sufficient evidence.  Teat.ro  Mex. , pt.  iii.  139-40.  Cortes’ silence  respecting  the 
cause  may  be  attributed  to  his  usual  prudence  in  suppressing  unpleasant  facts. 
He  states,  however,  that  Montezuma  supplicated  him  not  to  be  annoyed  at  what 
had  happened,  since  he  regretted  it  as  much  as  the  Spaniards.  This  implies 
that  the  Indians  were  regarded  as  originators  of  the  trouble.  The  severity 
with  which  he  treated  the  emperor  on  his  return  to  Mexico,  notwithstanding 
the  efforts  made  by  him  to  save  the  Spaniards,  indicates  still  more  strongly 
that  Cortes  was  convinced  of  Mexican  treachery.  Cartas,  126  et  seq. 
In  the  letter  of  the  army  to  the  emperor  the  uprising  is  attributed  to 
Narvaez’  plots.  Carta  del  Ej6rc  to,  in  Tcazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  429.  Herrera 
notices  the  native  versions,  particularly  that  which  accuses  the  Tlascaltecs 
of  having  trumped  up  charges  against  the  Mexicans,  but  he  affirms,  ‘la  verdad 
fue,  que  pensaron  matar  los  Castellanos.’  He  thereupon  enumerates  proofs 
of  the  plot.  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  viii.  Torquemada,  wrho  is  more  fully  ac- 
quainted with  native  accounts,  condemns  them  as  unreliable,  and  states  that 
Sahagun  accepted  them  without  investigation,  i.  489-91.  The  charge  that 
Alvarado  was  influenced  by  avarice  is  promptly  rejected  by  Bernal  Diaz.  ‘No 
lo  creo,  ni  nunca  tal  oi,  ni  es  de  creer  que  tal  hiriessc.’  His  motive  was  to 
inspire  terror  and  inflict  such  injury  as  to  prevent  the  Indians  from  attacking 
Hist.  1I_x..  Vol.  I.  2 1 


418 


ALVARADO’S  MERCILESS  MASSACRE. 


fort,  much  time  was  occupied  in  reaching  it,  and 
hardly  a man  escaped  injury.  Alvarado  was  severely 
wounded,  while  one  soldier  and  a number  of  allies 
were  slain. 

him.  That  they  intended  to  attack,  Bernal  Diaz  fully  believes.  Hist.  Ver- 
dad.,  102.  Solis  is  quite  indignant  at  the  supposition  that  avarice  impelled 
the  Spaniards.  Hist.  Mux. , ii.  117.  According  to  Oviedo  the  intention  of  the 
natives  was  to  kill  also  Cort6s  on  his  return.  He  inserts  without  comment 
the  version  of  Cano,  married  to  Montezuma’s  daughter,  that  avarice  was  the 
motive,  iii.  510,  550.  Acosta,  who  generally  adheres  to  native  versions,  does 
not  apparently  find  them  reliable  in  this  case,  since  he  merely  says  that  a 
‘chastisement’  was  inflicted,  but  that  it  was  excessive,  llist.  Ind.,  522.  This 
is  also  the  opinion  of  Clavigero,  who  believes  that  the  Spaniards  were  de- 
ceived by  Tlascaltec  stories  of  a plot,  and  wished  to  anticipate  it,  on  the 
principle  that  ‘chi  assalisce  vince.  Checchessia,  la  sua  condotta  non  pub 
scusarsi  d’imprudenza,  c di  crddeltii.’  Storia  Mess.,  iii.  119.  This  view  has 
been  widely  adopted,  even  by  the  modern  Mexican  historian  Carbajal  Espi- 
nosa, plagiarist  though  he  be.  Hist.  Mex. , ii.  339.  His  confrere  Bustamante, 
as  editor  of  Sahagun,  is  inclined  to  magnify  even  the  exaggerations  of  the 
latter.  Prescott  wavers  between  Clavigero ’s  views  and  disbelief  in  Alvarado’s 
apology.  But  in  expressing  his  opinion  he  misconstrues  Bemal  Diaz  and 
raises  some  meaningless  questions.  Mex.,  ii.  284-6.  There  is  no  doubt  that 
the  Indians  were  bent  on  mischief.  A large  faction  had  been  hostile  to  the 
Spaniards  ever  since  their  arrival,  as  intruders  who  menaced  the  existing 
politic,  economic,  and  religious  order.  This  feeling  had  been  steadily  spread- 
ing under  the  threatening  attitude  assumed  by  the  unbidden  guests  in  seizing 
the  emperor,  in  extorting  tribute,  and  in  assuming,  mastery.  With  the 
occupation  of  the  temple  by  the  Christian  emblems  the  climax  was  reached; 
and  now  the  whole  population  became  possessed  with  a desire  to  avenge 
not  only  the  outraged  idols,  but  themselves  and  their  sovereign,  and  to 
uphold  the  tottering  throne.  The  observations  of  the  Spaniards  and  the 
reports  of  their  informers  were  correct  in  pointing  to  an  uprising,  to  take 
place  during  the  gathering  of  pilgrims  for  the  war-god  festival,  when  the  re- 
duced number  of  the  Spanish  garrison  favored  the  design.  The  confession  of 
several  natives,  whether  extorted  by  torture  or  not,  confirmed  the  charges  and 
j nstified  belief.  Alvarado  could  not  as  a prudent  commander  ignore  them, 
and  duty  required  him  to  use  prompt  measures  for  the  protection  of  his  force, 
and  of  the  interests  of  his  king  and  the  expedition.  It  might  be  urged  by 
those  who  seek  to  defend  this  kind  of  thing  that  seizure  of  the  victims  for 
hostages  would  have  been  equally  effective  and  more  humane;  but  from  the 
precedence  established  by  the  general  himself  at  Cholula  the  conduct  of  the 
rash  Alvarado  is  scarcely  to  be  wondered  at.  Cortes’  object  had  been  to 
strike  terror  as  the  only  effective  lesson  for  a people  who  seemed  to  recognize 
no  other  sway,  and  if  this  was  regarded  as  necessary  with  the  Cholultecs, 
Alvarado  must  have  held  it  to  be  doubly  so  now.  His  position  was  far  more 
critical  than  that  at  the  former  city,  for  his  resources  were  smaller,  the 
prospect  of  aid  was  hopeless,  and  escape  was  cut  off.  He  had  to  strike 
promptly  and  strike  well.  Here  were  the  leaders,  and  here  the  temple,  wherein 
a punishment  would  apparently  have  greater  effect.  It  was  natural  to  sup- 
pose that  the  installation  of  the  war -god  would  be  attended  by  the  leaders 
or  representative  men  of  the  enemy;  and  to  level  the  blow  at  this  class  must 
be  considered  as  less  cruel  at  least  than  to  strike  the  multitude,  as  at  Cholula. 
Perhaps  the  recognition  of  this  was  a reason  for  the  silence  of  Cortes.  All  this 
discussion,  however,  as  to  the  minor  motives  prompting  a dastardly  deed  I 
do  not  regard  as  very  relevant.  I am  very  sure  that  the  motives  of  the 
Spaniards  in  this  massacre  were  not  plunder.  They  were  playing  for  a higher 
stake,  for  the  whole  country,  and,  in  case  they  won,  all  in  it  would  be  theirs. 
The  present  heavy  blow  was  but  one  of  the  points  in  the  game. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 


UPRISING  OF  THE  AZTECS. 

May-June,  1520. 

Character  of  the  Aztecs — Spanish  Quarters — The  City  in  Arms — Grow- 
ing Hatred  toward  the  Invaders — Perilous  Position  of  Alvarado — 
Montezuma  Called  to  Interfere — Failing  Provisions — Miraculous 
Water — Cortes  to  the  Rescue — Rendezvous  at  Tlascala — The  City 
and  its  People — The  Army  Joins  Alvarado — Desperate  Encounters. 


The  Spaniards  had  mistaken  somewhat  the  charac- 
ter of  the  Aztecs.  Ground  to  the  dust  by  political 
despotism  and  bloody  superstition,  their  features  had 
assumed  a melancholy  cast  and  their  form  the  attitude 
of  humility.  Yet  beneath  all  slumbered  a ferocity 
the  most  blood-thirsty  among  the  Nahua  nations. 
And  now,  though  their  nature  might  be  as  cold  and 
impassive  as  the  stone  of  the  pavement,  the  iron  heel 
of  the  conqueror  had  struck  fire  from  it. 

Before  the  fort  the  angry  throng  increased,  until 
the  whole  city  seemed  to  have  gathered  there.  On 
the  roofs  and  in  the  courts  fell  showers  of  arrows, 
stones,  and  darts,  and  charge  after  charge  was  made 
at  the  entrances.  Attempts  were  also  made  both  to 
scale  and  undermine  the  walls,  and  some  resorted  to 
battering,  until  it  seemed  to  the  besieged  as  if  the 
whole  habitation  was  coming  down  upon  their  heads. 

The  structure  consisted  of  a vast  irregular  pile 
of  stone  buildings,  one  story  in  height,  and  raised, 
like  most  of  the  pretentious  edifices,  on  a pyramidal 
foundation,  which  was  low  and  difficult  to  undermine 
or  beat  down.  An  occasional  tower  relieved  the  monot- 
ony of  the  outline  and  offered  a view  over  the  neigli- 

(419) 


420 


UPRISING  OF  THE  AZTECS. 


borhood.  Beside  the  smaller  courts  inclosed  by  the 
buildings,  a larger  yard  appears  to  have  been  formed 
by  a stout  wall,  within  which  the  allies  had  erected 
temporary  shelter.  This  was  the  weakest  point,  and 
here  the  battering  parties  were  chiefly  collected.  The 
flanks  and  curtains  of  modern  fortification  were  want- 
ing, and  the  protection  of  the  wall  face  depended  on 
the  turrets  which  rose  here  and  there,  and  on  the 
parapets,  with  their  few  embrasures. 

Though  attempting  no  sortie  beyond  the  immediate 
vicinity  of  the  gates,  the  Spaniards  were  not  sparing 
of  powder  and  arrows,  and  picked  off  the  more  pre- 
sumptuous assailants,  while  their  pikes  and  swords 
did  good  service  at  the  parapets  and  openings.  The 
cannon,  however,  loaded  as  they  were  with  small 
shot  and  scraps,  which  brought  down  a dozen  or  more 
at  a time,  were  the  only  weapons  that  could  hold  the 
enemy  in  check.  On  one  occasion,  when  a charging 
party  had  approached  in  a somewhat  wavering  column 
to  carry  the  main  entrance,  the  cannon  charge  failed 
to  explode,  owing  to  dampness.  This  the  assailants 
were  quick  to  observe,  and  with  yells  of  encourage- 
ment they  rushed  forward,  and  were  soon  in  a hand- 
to-hand  conflict  with  a party  which  had  sallied  to 
break  the  first  column.  The  Spaniards  plied  their 
swords  and  pikes  with  desperation,  supported  by  a 
desultory  fire  from  the  musketeers  and  archers  of  the 
fort,  but  without  effect.  The  gaps  made  by  their 
weapons  were  quickly  filled  with  fresh  warriors,  and 
the  sallying  party  was  obliged  to  fall  back  with  the 
loss  of  two  soldiers,  who  were  captured  alive  and  de- 
voted to  sacrifice.  It  was  a critical  moment,  for  the 
enraged  horde  was  about  to  follow  them  into  the 
quarters.  Just  then,  as  if  touched  by  invisible  fire,  the 
powder  ignited,  sending  from  the  cannon  its  death- 
dealing missiles,  mowing  a path  through  the  crowd  of 
pursuers.  The  Mexicans  were  appalled  and  speedily 
thrown  into  disorder,  of  which  the  Spaniards  were 
not  slow  to  take  advantage.  Nor  was  this  the  only 


RAVINGS  OF  THE  BROKEN  HEARTED. 


421 


miracle  of  the  day;  for  it  is  alleged  that  the  virgin, 
and  he  of  the  dazzling  white  steed,  both  appeared 
fighting  on  the  side  of  the  Spaniards,  and  bringing 
defeat  and  confusion  upon  their  assailants,  as  at  Ta- 
basco and  Tlascala.1 

Thus  closed  the  first  day  of  Alvarado’s  chivalrous 
doings,  during  which  a large  number  were  wounded, 
although  there  were  but  six  killed,2  not  including 
allies.  A portion  of  the  quarters,  with  a quantity  of 
ammunition  and  supplies,  had  been  burned,  and  a large 
breach  made  in  the  wall.  The  brigantines  were  also 
burned,  the  bridges  raised,  and  barricades  erected  in 
different  parts  of  the  city;  while  the  supply  of  pro- 
visions was  cut  off.  Even  after  darkness  had  stilled 
the  fury  of  the  warriors  the  unhappy  people  remained 
before  the  Spanish  quarters,  and  with  outstretched 
arms  and  dishevelled  hair  they  lifted  up  their  voices, 
crying,  ‘‘You  are  doomed,  you  vile  things!  But  for 
your  thunder  and  your  fortress  walls,  curses  on  them, 
you  would  now  be  killed  and  cooked.  And  you  shall 
be,  unless  you  instantly  release  Montezuma  and  de- 
part. You  shall  meet  with  holy  death,  and  be  cooked 
with  chilmole,  and  be  given  as  food  to  the  eagles  and 
the  beasts,  for  your  flesh  is  bitter,  as  we  have  found, 
and  not  fit  for  men  to  eat.  Why  does  not  the  earth 
swallow  you  alive?  Oh  ye  gods!  ye  gods!  unmoved 
all,  all  but  the  devilish  gods  of  these  devilish  men. 

1 Which  speaks  little  to  the  credit  of  either  Mary  or  Santiago.  Bernal  Diaz, 
Hist.  Verdad.,  102.  ‘ Otro  miraglo ...  .6  fue  muy  notorio.’  ‘Ya  s6  que  los 
incredulos ....  diran  que  mi  ocupa^on  en  esto  de  miraglos,  pues  no  los  vi,  es 
sup^rilua. . . .6.  yo  hablo  que  esto  <5  mas  se  puede  e debe  creer;’  for  did  the 
Indians  have  mysteries  and  miracles,  surely  God,  the  virgin,  and  the  saints 
could  effect  greater  deeds.  Oviedo,  iii.  511.  He  quotes  from  Livy  and  others 
concerning  the  reliable  miracles  of  Roman  times.  Prescott  and  others  trans- 
fer the  miracles  to  the  siege  under  Cortes  for  greater  effect.  Bustamante, 
the  modem  champion  of  the  shrines  of  Mexico,  who  is  ready  to  uphold  any 
deed  attributed  to  these  images,  is  rather  incredulous  about  miracles  recorded 
in  favor  of  Spanish  cutthroats.  See  Chimalpain,  Hist.  Conq.,  i.  283  et  seq.  1 Si 
no  oviessemos  miedo  de  esse  del  caballo  bianco,  ya  vosotros  estariedes  co<?i- 
dos,’  cried  some,  Oviedo,  iii.  511,  while  the  more  valiant  added  that  ‘con  todo 
esto  si  no  soltays  a Moteccjumacin,  y os  vays  luego,  presto  sereys  muertos.’ 
Gomara,  Hist.  Mex. , 152. 

2 Cortes,  Cartas,  127.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  101-2,  says  seven,  two 
having  been  taken  alive.  ‘Mataron  a Pena,  el  querido  de  Motezuma, . . . . Val- 
dibia,  y Juan  Martin  Narizes.’  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  vii. 


422 


UPRISING  OF  THE  AZTECS. 


But  our  mighty  ones,  whom  you  have  outraged, 
shall  yet  give  you  your  deserts.  If  they  do  not, 
we  shall;  nor  shall  they  escape,  the  despicable  ones 
of  Tlascala,  your  slaves,  who  serve  you  as  women  and 
hire  out  the  wives  of  their  lords!”  Thus  raved  the 
heart-broken. 

So  critical  had  become  his  condition  on  the  second 
day  that  Alvarado  appealed  to  Montezuma  to  exert 
his  influence  to  stay  the  assailants,  intimating  that 
if  the  Spaniards  perished  so  would  the  Aztec  king. 
Montezuma’s  overtures  were  not  received  with  en- 
thusiasm by  the  people;  nevertheless  aggressive  oper- 
ations were  reduced  to  desultory  attacks.3  Water  was 
greatly  needed  by  the  besieged,  and  again  the  good 
fortune  of  the  Spaniards,  which  hardly  ever  forsook 
them,  came  to  their  aid.  Digging,  under  inspiration 
or  desperation,  they  struck  fresh  water  within  the 
fortress,4  and  offered  thanksgiving. 

3 ‘ Tuvieron  guerra  con  los  yndios  en  esta  Cibdad  dos  medios  dias  que  fue- 
ron  jueves  e viemes.’  ‘Guerra  easy  dos  dias.’  Lopes  and  Flores,  in  Ramirez, 
Procaso  contra  Alvarado,  131,  134.  1 Dieron  bateria  los  Mexicanos  <1  los  Es- 

panoles  siete  dias,  y los  tuvieron  cercados  veinte  y tres  dias.’  Sahagun,  Hist. 
Cong.,  29.  ‘Cercados  los  espanoles  ocho  dias.’  Id.  (ed.  1840),  105.  ‘ Pelearfl 

y combatieron  la  casa  diez  dias  arreo.’  Gornara,  Hist.  Max. , 151.  Torque- 
mada  explains  this  by  assuming  two  days  of  fighting  and  eight  days  of 
close  siege,  with  attacks  upon  all  who  sallied,  i.  490.  Sahagun  states  that 
Itzquauhtzin,  governor  of  Tlatelulco,  accompanied  Montezuma  to  the  roof 
and  spoke  to  the  people,  representing  that  the  Spaniards,  as  the  mightier 
race,  would  inflict  great  injury  on  them  unless  they  ceased  to  fight,  and  that 
the  emperor  would  be  murdered.  The  Mexicans  responded  with  insults  and 
missiles,  but  as  the  soldiers  interposed  their  shields  no  harm  was  done.  They 
appear  to  have  stopped  active  operations,  however.  Hist.  Cong.,  28-9.  The 
insults  and  missiles  belong  no  doubt  to  the  later  siege  under  Cortes.  Duran 
states,  however,  that  Montezuma  was  henceforth  looked  on  as  an  accomplice 
of  the  Spaniards,  and  discarded  as  a ruler,  it  being  resolved  to  kill  him  and 
his  family.  Hist.  Fnd.,  MS.,  ii.  463.  According  to  Oviedo  the  news  came  at 
this  time  of  the  victory  over  Narvaez,  ‘ 4 Montezuma  mando  A los  indios  que 
dexassen  de  pelear  6 dexassen  venir  los  otros  chripstianos,  porque  (l  todos 
juntos  matassen;  6 aquesto  se  cree  que  fu4  su  intento.  ’ iii.  512.  That  he  may 
have  urged  this  with  intent  or  as  a bait  is  not  unlikely,  but  it  should  apply 
equally  to  Narvaez’  men,  since  it  appears  that  their  defeat  could  not  yet  have 
been  known.  When  known,  however,  it  must  have  had  its  effect.  ‘ Quando 
supieron  nuestra  vitoria,  cessaro  de  dalle  guerra.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdnd., 
101.  Yet  Gornara  writes  that  on  learning  of  the  large  forces  coming  against 
them,  the  besiegers  resumed  the  attack  at  one  time.  Hist.  Max. , 151. 

! This  spring  was  rediscovered  during  the  reign  of  Viceroy  Revilla  Gigedo. 
Bustamante,  Mem.  Pied  ad..  Max.,  7.  A pool  of  sweet  water  was  the  chief  in- 
ducement for  founding  the  city  on  this  site  in  1325.  Native  Races,  ii.  559-61; 
v.  345  et  seq. 


ARMY  MOVEMENTS. 


421 


Communication  was  shortly  after  established  be- 
tween Alvarado  and  Cortes.  Several  Tlascaltecs  and 
Cholultecs  were  despatched  by  different  routes  to 
the  coast,  and  a courier  arrived  from  Cempoala  and 
gained  entrance  to  the  fort.5  Ordering  Velazquez 
and  Ordaz  to  abandon  their  mission  and  direct  their 
march  to  Tlascala,  Cortes  hastened  preparations  to 
join  them  there.  A garrison  of  one  hundred  men 
was  left  at  Villa  Rica,  under  Rodrigo  Rangel,  a rel- 
ative of  the  general,6  and  about  thirty  men  remained 
at  Cempoala  to  take  charge  of  the  sick  and  wounded, 
and  some  baggage,  with  orders  to  follow  as  soon  as 
possible. 

The  route  to  the  plateau  lay  partly  through  a bleak 
and  desert  country,  and  the  inhabitants  being  beside 
less  friendly  than  before,  the  army  would  have  found 
it  difficult  to  obtain  supplies;  but  Cortes  had  gathered 
experience  from  his  previous  march,  and  Tlascala  was 
entered  in  the  middle  of  June.7  A hearty  reception 


5 CorUs , Cartas,  126.  The  Spanish  messenger  from  Mexico  returned 
wounded.  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  v.  cap.  v.  With  him,  or  about  the  same  time, 
arrived  four  chiefs  sent  by  Montezuma  to  complain  that  Alvarado  had  at- 
tacked the  nobles  without  cause.  While  defending  themselves  six  soldiers 
had  fallen.  Cortes  told  the  chiefs  with  stern  countenance  that  he  was  re- 
turning to  investigate  the  matter.  A letter  was  sent  to  Alvarado  enjoining 
him  to  guard  the  emperor  closely.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  101.  . 

6 And  the  zealous  aid  of  Velazquez  de  Leon,  who  did  so  much  toward 
securing  the  Goazacoalco  command  for  Cortes  when  Narvaez  sent  letters  to 
win  it  over.  Cortis,  Residencia,  i.  409;  ii.  6,  31.  165-6.  He  is  accused  by  his 
enemies  of  impiety  and  licentiousness,  and  as  one  whom  the  general  favored 
above  more  worthy  men.  Solis  assumes  that  Sandoval  nominally  retained  the 
command  of  the  coast  province,  Rangel  being  merely  his  lieutenant.  Hist. 
Mex.,  ii.  108. 

7 ‘ Llegu  aquel  dia  [the  first]  k la  Rinconada,  el  segundo  camino  siete 
Leg’ias . . . . legb  a Tlaxcalla  k diez  y seite  de  Junio.  ’ Torqnemada,  i.  492. 
Herrera  tells  a long  story  of  suffering  from  hunger  and  thirst  during  the 
march  through  the  desert.  Marquez  and  Ojeda  were  sent  ahead  to  Tlascala 
for  supplies,  and  came  back  with  1200  carriers  laden  with  fowl,  bread, 
fruit,  and  other  refreshments.  Cortes,  among  others,  was  found  starving, 
and  a number  were  discovered  on  the  road  almost  dead.  All,  it  seems, 
were  rescued,  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  vii.  There  are  several  reasons  for  be- 
lieving that  Herrera,  who  is  somewhat  confused  about  this  period,  has  con- 
founded the  present  march  with  the  flight  from  Mexico  to  Tlascala  of  a 
month  later,  when  the  people  were  really  starving.  This  seems  confirmed  by 
the  erroneous  statement  that  the  troops  arrived  at  Tlascala  July  17th,  the 
time,  according  to  Herrera’s  own  later  statement,  when  they  reached  that 
place  after  the  flight.  The  account  also  intimates  that  the  starving  army  wa3 
met  among  the  Otomi  settlements,  where  food  could  readily  be  obtained,. 


424 


UPRISING  OF  THE  AZTECS. 


was  accorded,  and  more  encouraging  news  obtained 
from  Mexico,  showing  that  the  siege  maintained  its 
passive  character.  Reinforcements  were  nevertheless 
urgent,  since  a fresh  outbreak  might  at  any  time 
occur.  A message  was  again  sent  to  gladden  the 
garrison  with  promises  of  speedy  relief.8 

Including  the  troops  under  Velazquez  and  Ordaz 
the  muster-roll  showed  about  eleven  hundred  men, 
with  some  eighty  horses,  one  hundred  cross-bows,  and 
eighty  fire-arms,  besides  several  cannon,  and  a large 
quantity  of  ammunition.9  The  heart  of  the  company, 
however,  was  the  veterans  of  Cortes,  whose  superior 
discipline  and  familiarity  with  native  warfare  made 
them  doubly  reliable.  Eager  for  a fray  with  the 
detested  Aztecs,  and  desirous  of  excusing  their  refusal 
of  men  a month  before,  the  Tlascaltecs  offered  not 
only  supplies  but  large  reinforcements,  of  which  only 
two  thousand  were  accepted,  besides  a small  number 
from  Cholula  and  Huexotzinco. 

The  more  northerly  route  by  way  of  Calpulalpan, 
recommended  already  on  the  former  march  as  the 


without  the  necessity  for  Marquez  and  Ojeda  to  go  ten  leagues  farther,  to  the 
capital,  to  obtain  it.  These  and  other  discrepancies  are  overlooked  by  all  who 
refer  to  the  march.  Prescott  dwells  in  particular  on  the  suffering  from 
thirst,  forgetful  of  the  statement  on  a previous  page  that  the  rainy  season 
ha  1 begun  about  three  weeks  before,  and  that  water  must  have  been  abundant 
along  the  whole  route.  Solis  finds  that  the  effeminate  followers  of  Narvaez 
endured  the  suffering  remarkably  well.  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  109. 

8 ‘ Embio  a fray  Bartolome  de  Olmedo....a  Motezuma.’  Herrera,  dec. 
ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  vii.  It  is  unlikely  that  so  valuable  a man  would  have  been  sent 
while  affairs  were  threatening. 

9 Narvaez  landed  with  about  900  soldiers,  including  80  horsemen,  120  with 
bows,  and  80  with  fire-arms.  A number  had  been  picked  up  at  Cozumel, 
but  an  equal  proportion  perished  by  shipwreck.  Cortes  had  about  250  men, 
and  200  were  probably  left  on  the  coast,  of  garrison,  guards,  and  invalids.  To 
the  950  soldiers  thus  taken  may  be  added  at  least  150  from  the  crews  of  the 
dismantled  or  destroyed  vessels.  Prescott  manages  to  mysteriously  increase 
the  horses  and  projectile  arms  beyond  what  he  previously  assigns  to  Narvaez 
and  Cortes.  One  thousand  infantry,  100  horsemen,  and  many  allies,  say 
Gomara and  Herrera.  The  Probanza  de  Lrjalde,  in  Lcazbalceta  Col.  Doc. , i.  425, 
indicates  80  horses.  Bernal  Diaz  places  the  figures  as  high  as  1300  soldiers, 
including  96  or  97  horsemen,  80  archers,  80  musketeers,  and  2000  Tlas- 
caltec  warriors ; while  Cortes,  with  a prudent  desire  to  cover  the  subsequent 
losses  at  Mexico,  reduces  them  to  500  infantry  and  70  cavalry.  Solis  gives 
the  reason  of  the  profound  historian  for  the  small  number  of  allies  taken  to 
Mexico:  ‘Per  no  escandalizar  d Motezuma,  6 poner  en  desesperacion  d los 
rebeldes.’  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  111. 


TEZCUCO. 


425 


easiest,  was  this  time  selected,  partly  with  a view  to 
obtain  provisions  more  readily.10  As  the  lake  region 
was  approached  evidences  were  seen  of  the  revolt  in 
deserted  villages  and  in  the  sullen  demeanor  of  the 
few  Indians  who  showed  themselves.  The  contrast 
was  chilling  indeed  as  compared  with  the  reception 
accorded  on  the  former  occasion,  when  the  journe}7 
resembled  the  triumphal  march  of  gods.  Oppressed 
with  misgivings  the  army  entered  Tezcuco,  the  seat  of 
the  Acolhua  kings,  a few  leagues  north  of  Mexico, 
on  the  border  of  the  same  lake. 

It  was  one  of  the  most  ancient  cities  of  the  coun- 
try, ranking  since  the  early  half  of  the  eighth  century 
as  the  capital  of  a dominion  founded  by  Tezcatlipoca, 
the  later  supreme  deity  of  the  Nahuas.  After  the 
fall  of  the  Toltec  empire  it  took  the  leading  position 
in  Andhuac,  as  the  centre  of  Chicliimec  power.  The 
new  dynasty  fostered  the  inherited  culture  in  every 
way,  and  made  the  city  not  only  the  political  capital, 
but  the  Athens  of  the  country.  The  rise  of  the 
Aztecs  gave  it  a rival  in  Mexico,  which  in  course  of 
the  fifteenth  century  assumed  the  political  sceptre, 
but  Tezcuco  still  maintained  the  precedence  in  culture 
and  elegance.  It  was  said  to  contain  one  hundred  and 
forty  thousand  houses,  distributed  among  different 
suburbs,  and  extending  with  their  smiling  gardens 
from  the  border  of  the  lake  to  a distance  of  from 
three  to  four  leagues.  The  six  divisions  of  the  city 
were  crossed  by  a series  of  fine  streets  lined  with 
tasteful  and  costlv  buildings.  Among  the  finest  struct- 
ures  were  the  two  palaces,  which  are  claimed  to  have 
excelled  those  of  Mexico.  The  older,  the  Huetecpan, 
wherein  the  poet-king  Nezahualcoyotl  held  his  court, 
formed  a magnificent  monument  of  his  artistic  taste. 

10  The  arrival  at  Tezcuco  is  evidence  enough  that  a more  northern  road 
was  taken  than  the  one  previous.  The  middle  route  b}7  Telapon  appears 
somewhat  more  direct  for  Mexico,  but  requires  a detour  to  reach  the  Acolhua 
capital,  and  it  is  not  likely  that  an  army  in  hurried  march  could  afford  to  go 
oat  of  its  way.  Hence  the  Calpulalpan  road  must  have  been  followed. 


. 426 


UPRISING  OF  THE  AZTECS. 


It  lay  upon  a triple  terrace  bathed  by  the  lake,  and 
was  surrounded  by  an  immense  wall,  from  fifteen  to 
twenty-five  feet  high,  inclosing  two  large  squares. 
Within  this  precinct  were  the  council-chambers,  the 
halls  for  various  arts  and  sciences,  and  the  royal 
apartments.  The  pleasure-grounds,  almost  hedged  by 
cedars,  were  filled  with  shady  groves,  traversed  by 
labyrinthian  paths,  and  interspersed  with  well  stocked 
ponds  and  aviaries,  baths,  and  sparkling  fountains. 
The  new  palace,  which  occupied  a smaller  space,  ex- 
celled in  imposing  architecture  and  in  comforts  of  the 
most  varied  character. 

Beside  these  there  were  a number  of  summer  re- 
sorts in  the  neighborhood,  conspicuous  among  them 
the  fine  palace  of  Tezcocingo,  a prototype  of  Chapul- 
tepec,  and  like  it  overlooking  the  capital  from  a hill, 
two  leagues  to  the  east.  An  aqueduct  of  stone  sup- 
plied two  reservoirs  on  the  summit,  whence  the  water 
was  distributed  over  grounds  intersected  by  canals 
with  meandering  currents  and  picturesque  cascades. 
The  palace  lay  almost  hidden  within  groves  of  gigan- 
tic cedar  and  cypress,  revealing  to  the  rapt  beholder 
pavilions  of  marble,  tessellated  pavements,  and  playing 
fountains  with  statuary  of  unique  form.11 

The  Spaniards  found  none  to  welcome  them,  but 
were  allowed  unmolested  to  take  up  their  quarters  in 
the  palace.  Shortly  afterward  a canoe  arrived  from 
Mexico12  with  an  imperial  messenger  and  a Spaniard,13 
bearing  the  cheering  news  that  everything  had  been 
quiet  in  the  capital  for  some  time,  and  that  supplies, 
which  had  been  scantily  furnished  only  against  heavy 
payments,  had  now  become  more  liberal.  Montezuma 
sent  word  that  the  city  would  return  to  its  normal 

11  See  Native  Races,  ii.  1C2-3,  168-73,  569;  v.,  passim;  Motolinia , Hist. 
Ind.,  181-3. 

12  Cortes  writes  that  he  was  on  the  point  of  sending  a Spaniard  to  Mexico 
with  Tezcucan  rowers,  a chief  being  taken  as  hostage,  but  just  then  came  this 
canoe.  Cartas,  127. 

13  Two,  named  Santa  Clara  and  Pedro  Hernandez,  says  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib. 
x.  cap.  vii. 


RETURN  OF  CORTES. 


427 


condition  the  moment  Cortes  entered  it,  and  he  ex- 
pressed a hope  that  no  ill-will  would  be  entertained 
toward  him  for  what  had  happened,  since  this  had 
been  beyond  his  control,  and  had  grieved  him  as  much 
as  the  Spaniards.  Reassuring  messages  were  for- 
warded to  Villa  Rica. 

After  a stay  of  four  days  the  army  proceeded 
from  Tezcuco  by  the  northern  shore  of  the  lake,  and 
camped  for  the  night  at  Tepeyacac,  the  terminus 
of  the  northern  causeway  from  Mexico.14  On  enter- 
ing this  place  the  horse  of  Solis,  Casquete,  stepped 
into  a hole  on  the  bridge  and  broke  a leg,  throwing 
its  rider  into  the  water.  This  was  looked  on  as 
a bad  omen,  particularly  by  an  astrologer  soldier 
named  Botello,  but  Cortes  made  light  of  it,  saying, 
“Troubles  at  St  John’s  festival  bring  peace  for  the 
year.”15  The  following  morning,  St  John’s  day,  the 
army  entered  the  capital.  On  all  sides  an  ominous 
silence  prevailed.  The  streets  were  deserted,  the 
houses  apparently  abandoned,  and  the  solitary  na- 
tive occasionally  seen  hovered  in  the  distance  like  a 
shadow.16  It  was  also  noticed  with  apprehension  that 
many  of  the  canal  bridges  were  removed.  On  approach- 
ing the  Axayacatl  palace  the  arrival  was  heralded  by 
trumpet  blasts,  which  called  forth  responsive  shouts 


14  ‘ Par6  en  Tepeaquilla,  lugar  a legua  de  Mexico.  ’ Id.  Now  the  shrine  of 
Guadalupe.  Prescott  assumes  that  the  Iztapalapan  road  was  taken,  as  before, 
but  it  was  avoided  probably  because  Cortes  feared  the  fort  Xoloc,  which 
guarded  the  centre.  It  was  also  longer,  and  had  more  movable  bridges  than 
the  other  causeways. 

13 ‘Rinas  por  San  Iuan  pazes  para  todo  el  ano. ’ Vetancvrt,  Teatro  Mex., 
pt.  iii.  139.  The  following  day  a dress  was  found  hanging  from  a beam,  and 
in  a square  a pile  of  bread,  with  over  500  fowl,  without  a guard.  This  Cortds 
considered  less  favorable,  and  said  ‘que  serian  rinas  de  por  San  Iuan.’  Herrera, 
dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  vii.-viii. 

16  ‘ Para  dar  d entender  con  esto  que  ellos  estaban  de  guerra  y muy  ofen- 
didos  de  los  espanoles  que  dl  habia  dejado.’  Sdhagun,  Hist.  Cong.  (ed.  1S40), 
108.  His  account  of  deserted  streets,  applied  to  Cortes’  first  arrival  in  Mexico, 
belongs  no  doubt  to  this  occasion.  Duran  argues  that  had  the  massacre  taken 
place  before  Cortes’  arrival  he  would  not'  have  been  allowed  to  enter.  Hist, 
hal.,  MS.,  ii.  470.  Equally  in  the  dark  is  Acosta,  who  assumes  that  the 
Indians  were  openly  at  war,  but  the  custom  being  to  rest  every  fourth  day, 
Cora'S  managed  to  enter  durihg  the  cessation  of  hostilities.  Hist.  Ind.,  522. 
Oviedo  looks  on  the  non-resistance  of  the  Indians  as  a wile  to  entrap  all  the 
Spaniards,  iii.  510. 


428 


UPRISING  OF  THE  AZTECS. 


from  the  garrison.  Throwing  open  the  gates,  the 
besieged  received  their  deliverers  with  the  most 
extravagant  demonstrations  of  joy.17  For  greater  ac- 
commodation a part  of  the  troops  were  quartered  in 
the  great  temple  adjoining  the  fort. 

The  unpleasant  aspect  of  affairs,  so  apparent  during 
the  last  days  of  the  march,  had  ruffled  the  temper 
of  Cortes,  and  his  treatment  of  Alvarado  was  not 
altogether  cordial.  Still,  as  he  had  ever  been  a close 
friend,  and  as  he  was  an  invaluable  officer,  brave  and 
influential,  he  deemed  it  prudent  to  go  no  further  than 
to  express  a curt  disapproval  of  his  rashness.18  Indeed, 
an  inquiry  into  the  causes  and  results  of  the  massacre 
could  criminate  Alvarado  no  further  than  the  Cho- 
lula  affair  did  himself.  The  captain  had  acted  in  full 
accord  with  his  party,  and  whatever  blame  might 
attach  must  be  shared  by  all.  Dissension  would 
never  answer,  and  so  the  matter  was  dropped.  But 
the  ill-temper  which  the  general  dared  not  wreak  on 
his  own  men  found  a ready  object  in  Montezuma. 
The  conduct  of  Cortes  in  this  respect  was  most  un- 
generous. It  shows  the  several  sides  of  humanity: 
how  odious  in  some  respects  are  those  who  appear 
to  the  best  advantage  in  other  respects.  This  poor 
king  had  a superstitious  sympathy,  a maudlin  affec- 
tion for  the  captain,  who,  considering  his  own  in- 
famous conduct  toward  him,  might  at  least  have 


15  Herrera  writes  amusingly  that  Cortes  shouted  before  the  closed  gates, 
‘ Open  !’  ‘Who  is  there?’  demanded  Alvarado.  ‘ I,’  replied  Cortes.  ‘Do  you 
come  with  full  liberty,  and  power  to  command,  as  before?’  ‘Yes,  and  with 
victory,  and  greater  forces.’  Alvarado  thereupon  opened,  kissed  his  hand, 
and  surrendered  the  keys ! dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  viii. 

18  ' Con  que  aventurd  la  mayor  parte  de  sus  fuerzas.’  Solid,  Hist.  Mex., 
ii.  120.  Or  perhaps  because  he  had  not  had  recourse  to  some  safer  measure, 
such  as  arresting  the  leaders  of  the  proposed  plot,  for  hostages.  ‘ Le  dixo  muy 
enojado,  q'  era  muy  mal  hecho,  y grande  desatino,  y poca  verdad . . . . no  le 
habld  mas  en  ello. ’ Bernal  Diaz, 'Hist.  Verdad..,  102.  Cortds  would  hardly 
have  told  him  that  he  lied,  since  his  statements  were  confirmed  by  so  many; 
they  certainly  were  years  after.  Vetancurt  supposes  that  Cortds  told  him  he 
should  have  allowed  the  emperor  to  attend  the  festival,  and  should  have 
awaited  the  attack  rather  than  opened  the  war.  Teatro  Mex. , pt.  iii.  140.  ‘ Dis- 
simulo  por  no  enojar  a los  que  lo  hizieron.’  Oomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  151. 


ILL  HUMOR  OF  THE  GENERAL. 


429 


saved  the  captive  unnecessary  mental  suffering.  As 
Cortes  entered  the  fort  Montezuma  stepped  out  of 
his  apartment  to  welcome  him.  The  cavalier  passed 
by  the  king  in  lofty  disdain,  ignoring  his  presence. 
Cut  to  the  quick,  the  monarch  shrank  back,  ap- 
parently more  stunned  by  this  treatment  than  by  the 
late  terrible  slaughter  of  his  subjects.19  He  retired 
deeply  chagrined  to  pour  his  sorrow  into  Olmedo’s 
ear.  “What  can  I do?”  he  cried;  “he  loves  gold  and 
fame,  and  I will  give  him  a life-size  equestrian  statue 
of  himself  in  gold  if  he  will  but  be  kind  to  me.” 

With  the  arrival  of  the  main  forces  supplies  were 
stopped,  as  if  in  protest,  and  Cortes  became  only  the 
more  irritated.  Accordingly,  when  two  chiefs  ap- 
peared on  behalf  of  the  emperor  to  ask  for  an  inter-  . 
view  they  were  repulsed  with  the  insulting  epithet 
of  ‘dogs!’  Velazquez  and  other  officers  remonstrated 
against  the  policy  of  this  rudeness  to  one  who  had 
interfered  to  save  his  troops.  “ What  consideration 
can  I have  for  a dog?”  was  the  dastardly  rejoinder. 
“Was  he  not  willing  to  treat  with  Narvaez,  and  does 
he  not  now  seek  to  starve  us?”  Persuaded  presently 
of  the  necessity  for  imperial  interposition,  he  addressed 
the  chiefs  roughly,  “Tell  your  master,  Montezuma,  to 
order  markets  to  be  held  at  once,  or  there  will  be 
trouble.”  His  tone  and  gesture  were  sufficient  indica- 
tions to  the  chiefs  of  the  insults  offered  to  them  and 
their  august  lord,  and  they  failed  not  to  give  them 
full  force  in  their  report.  In  answer  to  the  demand 
Montezuma  said  that  he  and  his  chief  officials  were 
prisoners,  and  that  nothing  could  be  effected  without 
the  release  of  one  among  them.  Cortes  saw  the  neces- 
sity, and,  without  considering  the  result,  released  Cuit- 

19  Solis  supposes,  however,  that  the  two  met  in  friendly  intercourse,  and 
takes  Bernal  Diaz  and  Herrera  to  task  for  asserting  the  contrary.  Hist.  Mex. , 
ii.  1 12-14.  He  refers  to  Cortes’  friendly  message  from  Tezcuco,  which  is  doubt- 
ful, and  to  Gomara,  who  certainly  allows  Cortes  to  refer  to  Montezuma  and  his 
courtiers  as  * dogs.  ’ Hist.  M ex. , 1 53.  In  the  testimony  during  Cortes’  residencia 
the  discourtesy  is  asserted.  Cortes , Hesiilenrin,  i.  42  etc.  Clavigero  suggests 
‘ch’era  d'uopo  il  far  sembianza  di  credere  il  Re  colpevole  dell’  inquietudine.’ 
Storiu  Mess.,  iii.  121. 


430 


UPRISING  OF  THE  AZTECS. 


lahuatzin,  lord  of  Iztapalapan,  the  emperor’s  brother, 
and  generalissimo  of  the  army,  a man  whose  hostility 
to  everything  Spanish  was  well  known.  According 
to  Aztec  law  he  was  the  most  probable  successor  to 
the  throne,  and  therefore  particularly  dangerous.20 

Cortes  was  becoming  foolhardy.  Whether  the 
brothers  were  in  accord  upon  the  measures  to  be 
adopted  is  uncertain;  but  Cuitlaliuatzin,  who  was  nor 
only  bold,  but  ambitious,  had  evidently  determined 
on  his  course.  If  the  Mexicans  had  hoped  for  better 
prospects  with  the  arrival  of  Cortes  that  hope  was 
now  dissipated,  and  bitter  indignation  filled  their 
breasts.  Cuitlahuatzin  was  welcomed  as  a liberator. 
His  constant  efforts  in  the  imperial  council  to  oppose 
tlie  admission  of  the  Spaniards,  by  force  if  neces- 
sary, and  his  services  for  the  cause  of  liberty  and 
religion  in  connection  with  the  Cacama  revolt,  were 
sufficient  to  endear  him  to  his  brother  patriots. 
Strongly  urged,  he  accepted  the  leadership  of  the  in- 
surgents, a position  for  which  his  experience  and 
success  as  a general  had  well  fitted  him.  He  began  by 
ordering  war  material  and  erecting  barricades.  The 
value  of  the  Cliinantec  pikes  introduced  by  Cortes 
had  not  been  lost  on  him,  and  a number  were  pro- 
vided, barbed  with  the  vitreous  iztli.  Arrangements 
were  made  with  adjoining  towns  and  provinces  for  a 
supply  of  provisions  and  reinforcements  to  carry  on 
the  holy  war.23 

The  Spaniards  soon  learned  what  was  brewing,  and 
first  in  this  way:  Ojeda  and  Marquez,  when  out  for- 

20  Native  Races,  ii.  1 34-6 ; v.  402-4;  ‘II  y joignait,  comme  de  coutume,  la 
charge  du  grand  pretre  de  Huitzilopochtli.  ’ Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat. 
Civ. , iv.  309.  Gomara  assumes  that  Cortes  orders  a chief  to  open  the  market. 
He,  offended  at  the  insults  used,  goes  only  to  rouse  the  people.  Hist.  Mex.,  153. 
Ixtlilxochitl  supposes  that  the  chief  is  offended  at  the  reprimand  administered 
for  delaying  to  open  the  market.  Hist.  Chick.,  301.  ‘Mandb  Hernando  Cortes 
llamar  a los  mas  principales  caualleros,  hizoles  vna  larga  platica  diziedo,  que 

les  perdonaua  lo  passado,  con  que  para  adelate  fuessen amigos: sin 

responder. . . .se  fueron.’  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  viii. 

21  Duran  enumerates  some  of  the  provinces  summoned,  as  Xilotepec  and 
Matlaltzinco.  ‘ Mando  llamar  Encantadores  y Hechiceros  para  que  los 
asombrasen  y los  mostrascn  algunas  visiones  de  noche, ....  para  que  alii 
muriesen  de  espanto. ’ Hist.  Ind.,  MS.,ii.  462-6. 


SIGNIFICANT  CIRCUMSTANCES. 


431 


aging  early  in  the  morning  of  the  day  following  their 
arrival,  observed  several  suspicious  circumstances, 
among  others  broken  bridges,  which  in  one  place 
obliged  them  to  fill  up  a canal  before  crossing  it. 
Here  and  there  they  saw  large  collections  of  slings 
and  other  weapons,  and  presently  they  came  on  a 
priest  with  dishevelled  hair  shouting  with  wild  ges- 
ticulations to  a crowd  of  armed  men.  They  hurried 
back  to  inform  the  general,  guided  through  intricate 
cross-streets  by  a Tlascaltec.  Antonio  del  Rio,  who 
had  been  despatched  for  Villa  Rica  the  same  morning, 
returned  at  a gallop  in  less  than  half  an  hour,  excited 
and  bleeding.  The  streets,  he  said,  were  full  of  war- 
riors, who  had  raised  the  bridges  and  were  apparently 
prepared  to  attack.  Had  it  not  been  for  his  trusty 
sword  and  swift  horse  he  would  have  been  slain.  At 
this  moment  the  sentinels  in  the  towers  announced  the 
approach  of  a vast  multitude  from  different  directions, 
with  gleaming  iztli  weapons,  and  speedily  the  neighbor- 
hood was  alive  with  warriors,  whose  yells  rose  high 
above  the  shrill  shell  and  doleful  drum.22  Even  if  they 
did  not  inspire  the  full  measure  of  dread  intended  they 
presented  a striking  picture  in  their  painted  bodies, 
grotesque  with  patterns  and  brilliant  colors,  with  no 
covering  among  the  rank  and  file  save  the  raw  cotton 
on  the  head  and  the  universal  maxtli  round  the  loins. 
They  were  protected  in  part  by  the  chimalli,  or  shield, 
a slight  bamboo  frame  covered  with  gaudily  colored 
skin  or  reed-grass,  chief!}7-  oval  and  round,  and  often 
large  enough  to  cover  the  whole  body.  Secured  to 
the  arm  it  left  the  hand  free  to  hold  the  bow  or  stone, 
while  the  right  managed  the  arrow  or  the  sling.  The 

o o o 

22  Cortes  describes  first  a brief  attack,  then  a sally,  succeeded  by  a fresh 
assault  on  the  fort,  while  Bernal  Diaz  and  Herrera  let  a force  advance  against 
the  Indians  before  they  reach  the  palace.  I follow  Corti-s  as  the  chief  guide, 
because  his  account  of  all  this  period  was  written  while  quite  fresh  in  his 
mind,  and  appears  the  most  sensible  and  correct,  while  the  other  versions  de- 
pend more  or  less  on  faint  recollection  and  hearsay.  Cortes  as  a rule  did  not 
wait  till  the  enemy  approached,  but  he  may  not  have  been  prepared  for  the 
sudden  attack.  Yet  it  is  probable  that  he  wished  in  his  report  to  lay  the  re- 
sponsibility of  the  attack  upon  the  enemy.  I do  not  think  Cort6s  inclined  to 
misrepresent  in  general  or  without  an  object. 


432 


UPRISING  OF  THE  AZTECS. 


latter  was  an  implement  of  great  effect  with  the  Aztecs, 
who  could  impel  the  stone  with  wonderful  precision 
and  force.  The  maza,  or  club,  with  its  knotty  head, 
and  the  macana,  or  sword,  toothed  with  iztli,  were  well 
represented,  while  high  above  gleamed  the  obsidian  or 
copper  points  of  the  spear.  One  of  the  most  dreaded 
weapons  was  the  tlacochtli,  or  javelin,  often  provided 
with  three  points,  and  attached  to  a cord  by  which 
it  could  be  recovered  for  a fresh  cast.  Conspicuous 
among  the  warriors  were  the  nobles,  those  that  were 
left  of  them,  in  lofty  quetzal  plumage  on  a head-dress 
of  green  feathers  set  in  tiger-skin,  or  in  a gold  or  silver 
band,  which  gave  the  appearance  of  metal  helmets. 
The  body  was  covered  in  corselets  of  red,  green,  or 
yellow  feathers,  worked  with  gold,  and  so  arranged  as 
to  indicate  the  company  or  district  to  which  the  wearer 
belonged.  Beneath  gleamed  occasionally  cuirasses  of 
gold  or  silver.  The  limbs  were  covered  with  wood  or 
leather  armor  set  with  feathers  or  gold  plates.  A more 
common  body  armor  was  the  cotton  tunic,  one  or  two 
fingers  in  thickness,  which  extended  to  the  knees  and 
elbows.  It  was  almost  equivalent  to  the  quilted  cotton 
protector  used  on  the  eastern  coast,  whose  efficiency 
against  native  weapons  had  caused  the  Spaniards  to 
adopt  it.  The  tunic  was  adorned  with  feathers,  which 
corresponded  to  the  uniform  in  color  and  arrangement, 
usually  in  the  form  of  an  animal.  Many  were  distin- 
guished by  casques  in  the  form  of  eagle-heads,  and  in 
armor  spotted  like  a tiger-skin,  indicative  of  the  two 
orders  of  Quauhtin  and  Ocelome,  eagles  and  tigers. 
At  the  head  of  the  different  columns  appeared  officers 
with  small  drums,  painted  and  adorned  with  feathers, 
with  which  they  directed  the  march.  Beyond,  in  the 
centre  of  the  masses,  could  be  seen  banners,  with  de- 
vices in  various  colors  and  forms,  which  the  Tlascaltecs 
pointed  out  as  belonging  to  different  wards  and  to 
cities  on  the  mainland,  a sign  that  an  extensive  body 
of  troops  had  been  enlisted  for  the  war.23 

23  For  war  customs  see  Native  Races , ii.  400-32. 


THE  ATTACK. 


433 


As  the  forces  drew  near,  slingers  and  bowmen 
appeared  on  the  roofs  of  the  neighboring  buildings, 
who,  together  with  those  below,  began  to  send  stones, 
arrows,  and  darts  in  showers  upon  the  fort.  The  Span- 
iards responded  with  a series  of  volleys,  the  number 
of  cannon  being  increased  to  twelve  or  more.  The 
effect  was  merely  to  startle  them  for  a moment,  and 
on  they  pressed  over  dead  and  dying,  amid  encour- 
aging shouts,  till  they  reached  the  sides  of  the 
wall,  where  the  dreaded  cannon,  at  least,  could  not 
destroy  them.  All  attempts  to  scale  the  wall  proved 
futile,  and  soon  their  efforts  were  confined  to  effecting 
breaches.  With  their  rude  implements  this  was  slow 
work,  but  they  persevered  with  reckless  obstinacy, 
reinforced  at  frequent  intervals,  while  the  main  body 
kept  up  a galling  discharge  of  missiles,  and  occupied 
the  attention  of  the  besieged  with  continual  charges 
at  different  points. 

This  passive  or  defensive  policy  did  not  suit  the 
Spaniards,  while  it  encouraged  the  Aztecs.  There- 
fore two  corps  were  formed,  each  of  two  hundred 
men,  besides  allies,  under  Cortes  and  Ordaz.  Clearing 
a path  with  a volley  of  artillery,  they  sallied  in  differ- 
ent directions  to  drive  back  the  assailants,  who  hurried 
for  safety  into  lanes  and  houses,  and  behind  barri- 
cades. This  comparative  freedom  of  advance  appears 
to  have  been  permitted  to  entice  the  Spaniards  into  a 
disadvantageous  position,  for  soon  the  natives  reap- 
peared in  swarms  in  the  rear  and  along  the  flanks, 
showering  arrows  and  stones,  and  coming  to  close 
quarters  with  spears  and  swords.  The  heaviest  attack 
was  from  the  roofs,  on  which  large  supplies  of  missiles 
had  been  collected,  and  from  which  commanding  posi- 
tion the  enemy  was  able  to  direct  the  discharges  with 
terrible  effect,  particularly  upon  the  naked  Tlascaltecs. 
Several  Spaniards  also  fell,  and  the  greater  number 
were  wounded.  Ordaz  received  three  cuts,  and  Cortes 
a wound  which  maimed  two  fingers  of  the  left  hand.24 

21  ‘ Sinistra  manus  digitis  duobus  mutilis.  ’ Peter  Martyr,  Da  Insvlis,  5. 

Hist.  Hex.,  Vol.  X.  28 


434 


UPRISING  OF  THE  AZTECS. 


The  assailants  were  comparatively  safe,  for  those  on 
the  roofs  could  be  picked  off  only  by  archers  and  mus- 
keteers, and  those  below  took  refuge  when  pressed, 
only  to  return  to  fresh  attack.  Efforts  were  made 
to  fire  the  houses,  but  this  was  slow  work,  since  they 
were  constructed  almost  wholly  of  adobe  or  stone, 
and  were  filled  with  defenders.  Nor  would  the  fire 
spread,  owing  to  the  detached  form  of  the  buildings, 
separated  by  alleys  or  canals,  so  that  the  torch  had  to 
be  applied  to  each. 

Thus  matters  continued  until  Ordaz,  who  was  en- 
gaged on  the  street  to  the  west  of  the  fort,  sent  word 
to  Cortes,  who  was  pressing  forward  in  the  direction 
of  the  Iztapalapan  causeway,  that  he  was  losing 
ground.  Leaving  his  own  forces,  the  general  hurried 
to  the  scene  with  a few  horsemen,  and  heading  the 
charge,  drove  back  the  warriors  at  the  most  exposed 
point,  so  as  to  relieve  the  infantry  in  the  retreat 
which  was  now  found  necessary.  Returning  to  his 
men  he  found  them  also  retreating,  those  who  headed 
the  column,  including  Andres  Duero,  the  Cuban 
secretary,  having  been  cut  down.  “Shame  upon  you!” 
exclaimed  Cortds  to  the  corps,  as  he  led  the  horsemen 
to  the  rescue  of  the  fallen  cavaliers.  He  was  just  in 
time  to  save  them,  for  a moment  more  and  Duero,  at 
least,  would  have  been  slain.  The  elated  warriors  fell 
back  before  the  charge  of  the  terrible  Malinche,  al- 
though they  soon  recovered.  Cortes  then  concluded 
to  retreat,  but  this  proved  no  less  dangerous  than 
the  advance,  and  among  others  Lezcano  was  dragged 
from  his  horse  and  killed,  after  having1  distinguished 
himself  for  bravery  and  execution.  The  fort  had 
meanwhile  sustained  an  active  siege,  and  when  the 
retreating  corps  approached  it  they  found  more  ene- 
mies in  waiting,  who,  fearful  of  losing  their  prey, 
rushed  forward  with  greater  fury  than  ever.  An 


Cortes  also  says  ‘ quede  manco,’  Cartas , 142,  131,  yet  Cano  ridicules  th« 
statement,  and  declares  ‘nunca  fue  manco  dellos  ni  le  faltan.’  Oviedo, 
iii.  531-2. 


THE  AZTECS  GAIN  COURAGE. 


435 


entrance  was  finally  effected,  the  forces  in  the  temple 
being  at  the  same  time  -withdrawn  for  the  greater 
safety  of  themselves  and  the  fort.25 

Swelling  with  triumph  the  Aztecs  now  directed  all 
their  efforts  against  the  Spanish  quarters.  Burning 
arrows  and  whirling:  brands  began  to  mingle  with  their 
missiles.  Although  the  building  itself  was  of  stone, 
the  roof  and  portions  of  the  outwork,  and  the  Tlas- 
caltec  camp  in  the  yards,  were  of  inflammable  material, 
and  more  than  once  the  flames  burst  forth,  filling  the 
whole  place  with  suffocating  smoke,  and  calling  for 
the  greatest  exertions  to  subdue  them.  The  little 
water  at  hand  could  not  be  spared,  and  so  earth  was 
cast  up,  and  portions  of  the  wall  were  torn  down  to 
check  the  fire  and  to  stop  the  gaps.  The  assault  con- 
tinued all  day,  till  darkness  sent  most  of  the  warriors 
to  their  homes.26 


25  Corlis,  Cartas,  128-9.  Bernal  Diaz  speaks  of  a sally  by  Ordaz,  with  400 
men,  before  the  natives  reach  the  fort.  He  is  sorely  beset,  as  related,  and  re- 
tires with  a loss  of  23  soldiers.  Hist.  Verdad.,  102-3.  Herrera’s  account,  as 
usual,  is  confused.  After  Rio  returns  wounded  to  report  the  uprising  of  war- 
riors, five  horsemen  rally  to  reconnoitre.  The  following  day  Ojeda  and  Mar- 
quez set  out  to  forage,  and  come  to  announce  the  approach  of  assailants.  Two 
hundred  men  now  make  a sortie  and  kill  a multitude  without  losing  a man. 
dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  viii.  It  is  useless  to  follow  this  author  here  except  for 
incidents. 

26  Bernal  Diaz  places  the  dead  at  35  soldiers,  besides  a large  number  of 
allies.  Eight  fell  during  the  first  discharge  upon  Ordaz’  party  and  fifteen 
more  before  he  regained  the  fort,  while  of  the  46  wounded  among  the  gar- 
rison twelve  died.  Hist.  Verdad. , 103.  Cortes,  with  his  usual  prudent  suppres- 
sion of  evil  news,  allows  four  deaths  and  over  80  wounded.  He  never  refers 
to  those  who  die  of  wounds.  Gomara  follows  him.  Hist.  Mex.,  153. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 


FIGHT  UPON  THE  TEMPLE  SUMMIT. 

June,  1520. 

The  Natives  Continue  the  Assault — Their  Fierce  Bravery — The 
Spaniards  Build  Turrets — Still  the  Mexicans  Pp.ove  too  Strong 
for  Them — Montezuma  Called  to  Intercede — He  is  Insulted 
and  Stoned  by  his  Subjects — Cortes  Attempts  Egress  by  the 
Tlacopan  Causeway — Failure  of  Escobar  to  Take  the  Pyramid — 
Cortes  Gains  the  Slippery  Height — The  Gladiatorial  Combat 
there. 

At  dawn  the  assault  was  renewed  with  the  same 
fierceness  as  before,  and  with  even  less  regard  for  the 
sweeping  volleys  of  the  cannon,  which  were  fired 
without  aim  into  the  packed  masses  of  the  natives, 
bringing  them  down  by  the  score.  The  gaps  were 
quickly  closed,  and  the  rapidly  repeated  shots  seemed 
to  make  no  more  impression  on  the  surging  mass  than 
pebbles  dropped  into  the  boiling  surf.  It  was  a criti- 
cal time  for  Cortes,  who  seemed  not  yet  to  recognize 
the  full  extent  of  the  danger.  He  felt  the  necessity 
of  open  communication  with  the  mainland,  for  obvious 
reasons,  and  to  this  end,  in  the  course  of  the  morning, 
he  arranged  another  sortie  like  that  of  the  preceding 
day,  but  in  one  direction  only.  The  Indians  retired, 
as  before,  into  lanes  and  buildings,  and  beyond  canals, 
raisins:  the  bridges  behind  them.  Barricades  having: 
been  thrown  up  to  impede  the  advance  since  the  last 
sally,  some  guns  were  brought  to  the  front,  and  with 
their  aid  a few  of  the  obstructions  were  demolished 
and  more  than  one  bridge  was  gained,  together  with 
a number  of  houses,  to  which  the  torch  was  applied. 

(436) 


FIERCE  ENCOUNTERS. 


437 


The  discharges  from  the  roofs  were  kept  up  with 
galling  pertinacity,  although  the  effect  was  not  so  fatal 
as  during  the  preceding  day,  owing  to  the  experience 
then  gained.  The  forces  below,  who  had  retired  before 
the  charges  of  the  advance,  rolled  back  like  recurring 
billows,  and  in  ever  increasing  number,  upon  flank 
and  rear,  as  if  to  overwhelm  them.  Such  were  their 
numbers  and  stubborn  recklessness  that  ten  thousand 
Hectors  and  Rolands,  says  Bernal  Diaz,  could  have 
effected  nothing  against  them,  and  soldiers  from  the 
Italian  war  swore  that  never  among  Christians  or 
Turks  had  they  witnessed  such  fierceness.  Consider- 
able alarm  was  also  created  by  the  appearance  of  long 
pikes,  like  those  of  the  Chinantecs,  directed  particu- 
larly against  the  cavalry.  F ortunately  they  were  not 
numerous,  nor  were  the  pikemen  sufficiently  practised 
to  be  very  dangerous.  Worn  out  in  the  unequal  con- 
test Cortes  turned  to  gain  his  camp,  which  was  no 
easy  task,  since  the  natives  were  massed  in  greatest 
number  in  the  rear,  determined  to  cut  off  retreat. 
The  fort  was  gained,  nevertheless,  although  hardly  a 
man  escaped  uninjured,  while  about  a dozen  were 
killed;  one  unfortunate  soldier  being  captured  and 
sacrificed  in  full  view  of  the  garrison.1 

It  had  been  found  that  the  greatest  danger  to  the 
sallying  parties  came  from  the  roofs,  whence  discharges 
could  be  directed  with  comparative  impunity  and 
with  greater  effect  than  from  the  ground.  In  order 
to  counteract  them,  three  mantas,  or  movable  turrets, 
were  planned,  whose  occupants  were  to  devote  their  at- 
tention wholly  to  clearing  the  roofs  of  assailants.  The 

1 Bernal  Diaz  mentions  the  death  of  ten  or  twelve,  but  Cortes  acknowl- 
edges only  three  score  of  wounded.  On  this  occasion,  apparently,  Herrera 
allows  Cortes  to  gain  Tacuba,  whither  he  might  have  retreated  in  safety  with 
all  his  forces  and  wealth ; yet  he  states  that  the  return  fight  proved  most  severe, 
the  fort  being  regained  with  difficulty,  after  the  loss  of  two  guns  and  several 
soldiers,  one  taken  alive,  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  ix.  Solis  manages  to  transform 
the  operation  into  a victory,  wherein  Cortes  stays  the  slaughter  out  of  mercy. 
Prescott  is  quite  arbitrary  in  the  use  of  the  chronicles.  ' He  combines  the  in- 
cidents of  several  days  into  one  and  transposes  them  at  pleasure,  with  the 
sole  aim  apparently  of  presenting  an  exciting  description  of  what  the  siege 
might  have  been.  A few  facts  are  elaborated,  and  the  rest  sacrificed  to  style. 


43S  FIGHT  UPON  THE  TEMPLE  SUMMIT. 

completing  of  these  machines  and  other  preparations 
kept  the  garrison  busy  all  the  27th  of  June,  so  that 
no  sally  was  made.  Ascribing  this  to  fear,  the  Indians 
became  more  pressing  in  their  assault,  and  more  pro- 
fuse with  their  insults.  “Dogs!”  cried  some, “of  hunger 
and  thirst  shall  you  die!”  Others  shouted,  “Here  is 
a piece  of  my  tortilla!”  at  the  same  time  flinging 
them  unpalatable  fragments  of  toasted  bread.  “ Eat 
it,  you  perjured  villains,  who  can  fight  only  on  the 
backs  of  animals;  for  soon  shall  your  own  bodies  be 
cut  up  for  food  and  cast  before  the  beasts!”  The 
enemy  appeared  more  numerous  than  ever,  and  the 
roofs  and  yards  were  literally  covered  with  their 
missiles.  The  greatest  danger  to  the  Spaniards  lay 
in  the  operations  of  the  battering  and  mining  parties, 
who,  regardless  of  bullets  from  the  wall  turrets,  sought 
steadily  to  open  fresh  breaches.  Conspicuous  in  the 
hostile  camp  was  a richly  dressed  Indian,  surrounded 
by  a staff  of  finely  attired  warriors,  who  seemed  to 
direct  operations,  and  whose  orders  were  received  with 
the  deepest  reverence.  This  personage  the  prisoners 
declared  to  be  Cuitlahuatzin,  and  the  next  in  rank 
Quauhtemotzin.2  Charge  after  charge  was  made  by 
his  direction,  and  with  a vehemence  that  threatened 
to  carry  everything  before  it;  and  loudly  rang  the 
yells,  whether  of  delight  at  some  advantage  gained  or 
of  fury  over  a repulse. 

Thus  the  besieged  were  harassed  beyond  endurance. 
Large  numbers  were  wounded,  and  all  were  exhausted 
from  vigils,  hard  fighting,  trying  work,  and  the  want 
of  sufficient  water  and  food;  for  in  view  of  the  stop- 
page of  supplies,  rations  had  been  reduced.  Those 
of  the  Narvaez  expedition  were  particularly  disheart- 
ened, and  bestowed  freely  their  maledictions,  first  on 
Velazquez,  who  had  sent  them  to  such  a country, 
and  then  upon  Cortes,  whose  promises  of  golden 
treasures  and  well  stocked  encomiendas  had  lured 


2 Marina  asked  Montezuma  if  a new  king  had  been  chosen,  but  he  did  not 
think  they  would  elect  one  while  he  lived.  Vetancvrt,  Teatro  Mex. , pt.  iii.  141. 


CORTES  SITES  TO  MONTEZUMA. 


439 


them  to  this  plight.  Perceiving,  however,  that  unity 
of  purpose  alone  could  save  them,  they  stifled 
regrets  and  showed  Cortes  that  something  must 
immediately  be  done  to  stay  the  onslaught,  Test  the 
building  fall  about  their  ears.  It  was  exceedingly  dis- 
agreeable, but  it  must  bo  done;  the  proud  Spanish 
general  must  sue  to  the  greatly  injured  captive  king, 
pleading  for  his  influence  in  behalf  of  peace.3  Monte- 
zuma had  all  these  days  been  closely  confined  to  his 
rooms  brooding  over  the  insults  offered  him,  and 
apparently  indifferent  to  the  danger  from  without. 
When  the  message  was  brought  he  sullenly  said, 
“Why  does  Malinclie  address  himself  to  me,  who 
care  no  longer  for  life?  I will  not  listen  to  him,  for 
he  it  is  who  has  brought  me  into  this  plight.”  He 
intimated  further  that  the  promises  of  the  general 
could  not  be  relied  upon,  and  that  his  words  carried  a 
double  meaning.  Olmedo  and  Olid,  who  had  come  to 
urge  the  request,  had  recourse  to  soothing  words  and 
persuasion,  and  succeeded  in  mollifying  him  some- 
what.4 He  replied,  however,  that  it  was  probably  too 
late  to  appease  the  Mexicans  b}T  promises.  “ They  have 
now  a new  leader,”  he  said,  “who  is  resolved  to  spare 
no  Spaniard,  and  I believe  that  you  have  all  to  die  in 
this  city.”5  Nevertheless  he  yielded,  and  as  befitted 


3 ‘ Fue  acordado  de  demandalles  pazes  para  salir  de  Mexico, ....  acordo 
Cortes,  que  el  gran  Montecuma  les  hablasse.’  Bernal  Diaz , Hist.  Ve.rdad.,  104. 

‘ Mnteczuma dijo  que  le  sacasen....y  que  61  hablaria  a los  capitanes.’ 

Cortes,  Cartas,  1 29-30.  The  latter  statement  may  be  Herrera’s  authority  for 
saying  that  Montezuma  was  the  first  to  propose  speaking  to  the  Mexicans, 
dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  x.  Observing  Cuitlahuatzin’s  regal  authority  over  the  be- 
sieging forces,  Montezuma  was  seized  with  a fit  of  jealous  alarm  for  throne  and 
life.  ‘Chiumo  Cortes, . . . .pregandolo  instantemente  di  non  differir  piu  la  sua 
partenza.  ’ Clavigero,  StoriaMrss.,  iii.  124.  This  implies  that  the  emperor  was 
not  aware  of  the  vain  efforts  made  to  open  communication  with  the  mainland, 
or  even  to  approach  it.  Cort6s  had  to  urge  him  in  any  case  to  speak  to 
his  subjects,  an  unwelcome  task  in  view  of  his  declining  influence  and  of  the 
merely  partial  success  of  the  former  appeal. 

1 Among  other  reasons  it  was  represented  that  Cort6s  was  not  to  blame  for 
the  late  massacre.  ‘ Que  si  la  indignacion  de  los  mexicanos  podia  templarse 
con  el  castigo  de  los  culpados. . . .le  prometia  castigar.’  So  says  the  native 
version  of  Tezozomoc,  Becop.tr  adiciones,  MS.,  cap.  vi.;  Ckimalpain,  Hist.  Cong., 
287-S. 

0 He  felt  no  eagerness  to  plead  in  behalf  of  those  who  had  caused  all  his 
misfortunes,  and  he  was  only  too  conscious  that  his  pusillanimity  must  have 


440 


FIGHT  UPON  THE  TEMPLE  SUMMIT. 


the  momentous  point  at  issue,  he  arrayed  himself  in 
the  richly  bejewelled  robes  of  state,  and  placed  upon 
his  head  the  mitred  copilli,  beneath  whose  precious 
feathers  gleamed  the  golden  plate.6  Carefully  guarded 
he  ascended  to  the  roof  and  stepped  to  the  parapet, 
preceded  by  a courtier  who  bore  the  triple  wand  of  the 
empire,  as  was  customary  on  such  occasions.  Instantly 
the  tumult  was  hushed,  even  before  the  leaders  could 
issue  orders  for  a stay  of  hostilities;  instantly  a thou- 
sand heads  were  bent  in  humble  adoration  before  the 
august  majesty  of  their  sovereign.  This  attitude, 
however,  was  assumed  but  for  a moment;  soon  these 
same  heads  were  held  higher  than  ever.  Then  the 
chiefs  drew  near  to  listen  to  the  unhappy  monarch. 

Montezuma  had  appeared  with  a feeling  of  mingled 
fear  and  doubt  as  to  what  his  reception  might  be, 
and  he  did  not  fail  to  observe  that  the  accustomed 
reverence  was  shown  only  for  an  instant,  involuntarily, 
as  it  were,  and  that  silence  was  prompted  rather  by 
curiosity  than  respect.  The  urgency  of  the  moment 
demanded  that  he  should  speak,  but  it  was  rather  as 
supplicant  than  ruler  that  he  turned  to  his  people. 

“You  are  in  arms,  my  children,”  he  said,  “in  hot 
battle.  Why  is  this?  You  will  be  slain,  and  there  will 
be  heard  throughout  the  land  for  many  years  the  wail 
of  wives  and  little  ones.  You  would  give  me  my 
liberty,  and  I thank  you.  You  do  not  turn  from  me 
in  anger,  and  I thank  you.  You  have  not  chosen 
another  king  in  my  stead,  and  I thank  you.  Such  an 
act  would  displease  the  gods,  and  bring  destruction 

degraded  him  in  the  eyes  of  his  subjects,  while  the  elevation  of  his  brother  to 
the  leadership  must  have  diminished  the  influence  which  till  then  may  have 
remained  with  him.  He  could  hardly  avoid  a feeling  of  jealousy  at  the  thought 
of  this  elevation ; and  if  he,  during  an  impulse  of  anger  against  CorWs,  had 
counselled  the  proceedings  of  Cuitlahuatzin,  he  now  felt  probably  both  grieved 
and  terrified  at  the  storm  he  had  raised.  He  also  harbored  a wholesome  fear 
of  Malinche,  and  the  prospect  of  his  speedy  departure  helped  to  stir  anew  the 
embers  of  hope.  All  might  yet  be  well:  the  capital  might  be  spared  further 
desolation,  and  he  again  resume  his  former  grandeur. 

6 See  description  of  his  first  meeting  with  Cortes,  Native  Races,  ii.  This 
appearance  of  the  emperor  took  place  on  the  27 th  of  J une,  as  Cortes  states, 
but  Bernal  Diaz,  Herrera,  and  Ixtlilxochitl  place  it  respectively  on  the  5th, 
6th,  and  7th  day  of  the  siege. 


MONTEZUMA’S  SPEECH. 


441 


on  all.  And  see!  I am  no  prisoner.  Go  your  way; 
I am  free.  By  divine  command  I must  remain  the 
guest  of  the  Spaniards  yet  a little  longer,  and  you 
must  not  molest  them,  for  soon  they  will  return 
whence  they  came.  Alas,  my  people,  my  country, 
my  crown!”7 

With  a heavy  sigh,  and  midst  copious  tears,  his 
head  fell  on  his  breast.  The  monarch’s  strength  had 
indeed  departed.  The  people  knew  that  he  spoke 
falsely,  that  he  was  little  better  than  imbecile,  unfit 
to  be  their  sovereign.  Oh,  if  he  but  had  the  good 
fortune  to  die  while  helping  them  to  grind  to  powder 
these  hated  enemies!  Only  a little  while  ago  his 
words  would  have  been  received  as  the  utterances  of  a 
deity.  Now  the  scales  had  fallen  from  their  eyes,  and 
they  saw  him  as  he  was.  They  could  bear  no  more. 
Jeers  and  groans  reached  him  from  every  direction. 
“Coward!  chicken!  Woman  to  the  Spaniards,  fit  only 
for  the  gown  and  the  spindle!  Murderer  of  }rour 
nobles!”  Such  were  the  cries  which  now  reached 
his  ears  as  he  stood  stupefied  with  agony.  Presently 
came  a shower  of  arrows  and  stones,  and  before  the 
Spanish  guard  could  interpose  their  shields  several 
missiles  struck  him,  one  on  the  left  temple,  which 
caused  him  to  fall  senseless  into  the  arms  of  the 
by-stafiders.8 


1 Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  x. ; Bernal  Diaz,  Hint.  Verdacl.,  104.  ‘No 
molestasen  h los  estrangeros  y fu6sen  sus  amigos,  pues  su  persona  corria 
riesgo.’  Tezozomoc,  Recop.  tradicione ■«,  MS.,  cap.  vi.  Cortes,  followed  by 
Gomara,  gives  him  no  time  to  speak  ere  the  people  assault. 

8 They  would  no  longer  recognize  him  as  emperor,  etc.  Saying  this,  a 
chief  threw  a stone  which  struck  Montezuma  on  the  forehead.  Duran,  Hist, 
hid.,  MS.,  ii.  468.  Acosta  attributes  this  first  throw  to  ‘ Quicuxtemoc,’  the 
later  king  of  Mexico.  Hist.  Ind.,  523.  ‘ Ma  io  nol  credo,’ says  Clavigero, 

Storia  Mess.,  iii.  126.  ‘Aunque  vn  Castellano  tenia  cuydado  de  arrodelar  a 
Motezuma . . . . le  acerth  vna  piedra  en  las  sienes.  ’ Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  x. 
Had  not  the  Spaniards  held  up  a shield  before  Montezuma  the  people  would 
have  known  it  was  he  and  not  thrown  the  stone  which  killed  him,  says  Cano, 
his  later  son-in-law.  Oviedo,  iii.  550.  Gomara  is  inclined  to  believe  this, 
for  his  people  ‘no  lo  quisieran  hazer  mas  que  sacar  se  los  ojos.’  Hist..  Mex. , 
154.  ‘Una  sa£ta  alcanzo  al  emperador  en  el  estomago  que  lo  atravezo  por  el 
baso,  y una  piedra  le  dio  en  la  sien  izquierda.  ’ The  people  would  never  have 
thrown  missiles,  for  they  pitied  him,  and  were  prepared  to  obey  his  injunctions, 
but  Cacama,  who  stoo  l behind  the  emperor,  made  signs  that  they  should  con- 
tinue the  attack  without  regard  for  him  or  for  the  monarch.  Tezozomoc, 


442 


FIGHT  UPON  THE  TEMPLE  SUMMIT. 


Startled  by  the  crime  they  had  committed,  awe 
fell  upon  the  multitude  as  the  stricken  sovereign  was 
led  away.  Taking  advantage  of  this  feeling  Cortes 
beckoned  the  chiefs  to  a parley  with  a view  to  explain 
what  Montezuma  had  intended  to  convey.  He  had 
always  wished  them  well,  he  said,  and  felt  grieved 
to  wage  war  for  what  had  occurred  during  his  ab- 
sence. He  desired  peace,  yet  the  desire  was  not 
prompted  by  fear,  but  by  consideration  for  their  safety 
and  that  of  the  city.  The  chiefs  replied  that  the 
Spaniards  must  leave  the  country  to  the  natives,  and 
depart  at  once.  That  was  exactly  what  they  wished 
to  do,  replied  Cortes,  but  they  would  not  be  driven 
away.  If  the  Mexicans  desired  them  to  go,  they 
must  abandon  the  siege,  tear  down  the  barricade,  and 
retire  to  their  homes;  they  must  likewise  restore  the 
bridges  and  supply  provisions.  To  this  the  chiefs  de- 
clined to  listen,  declaring  that  they  would  not  lay 
down  their  arms  so  long  as  there  was  a Spaniard  left 
on  whom  to  use  them.9  The  evident  desire  of  the 
besieged  for  peace  served  only  to  encourage  the  In- 

Recop.  tradiciones , MS.,  cap.  vi.  According  to  Bernal  Diaz,  the  four  chiefs 
who  had  approached  to  confer  with  him  expressed  their  sympathy  for  his  mis- 
fortunes. They  had  now  chosen  as  leader  ‘Coadlabacan,  seiior  de  Iztapalapa,’ 
and  had  sworn  to  the  gods  to  continue  the  war  till  all  Spaniards  were  exter- 
minated. Yet  they  prayed  daily  to  the  gods  for  his  safety,  and  if  all  went 
well  he  would  more  than  ever  be  their  lord.  They  had  hardly  finished  when 
showers  of  missiles  fell,  of  which  three  stones  and  an  arrow  hit  him,  on  the 
head,  arm,  and  leg.  Hist.  Verdad.,  104.  ‘Remorse  succeeded  to  insult,’  and 
they  fled,  says  Robertson,  Hist.  Am.,  90,  a statement  which  Prescott  improves 
by  stating  that  the  square  before  the  fort  was  left  empty.  But  remorse  must 
have  been  brief,  for  the  main  authorities,  Cortes,  Gomara,  Bernal  Diaz,  and 
Torquemada,  either  declare  or  intimate  that  the  assault  never  stopped.  ‘ No 
por  eso  cesb  la  guerra  y muy  mas  recia  y muy  cruda  de  cada  dia.’  Cortes, 
Cartas,  130. 

9 ‘Esta  Fortaleza  casi  no  tiene  exemplar,’  exclaims  Lorenzana,  forgetting 
that  Cortes’  firmness  was  due  to  the  justifiable  fear  that  a trap  was  intended. 
Cortes,  Hist.  N.  Espana,  136-7.  Cort6s  concludes  the  sentence  about  Monte- 
zuma’s being  wounded  by  saying  that  he  died  within  three  days.  He  thereupon 
resumes  the  account  of  parleys  and  siege  operations,  leaving  the  impression 
that  these  took  place  after  his  death,  while  such  was  not  the  case.  Neverthe- 
less, Gomara,  Herrera,  and  others,  Bernal  Diaz  not  excluded,  are  misled,  by 
this  vagueness  evidently,  into  extending  the  siege  and  confounding  the  events, 
so  that  modern  historians  have  all  more  or  less  remained  mystified.  Solis 
assumes  that  during  Montezuma’s  illness  the  siege  was  conducted  only  by 
straggling  parties,  the  main  forces  being  occupied  with  crowning  the  new 
emperor.  Hist.  Alex.,  ii.  155-6.  This  is  probably  due  to  a misconstruction  of 
Bernal  Diaz. 


MANTAS  BUILT. 


443 


dians,  and  the  assault  was  renewed  with  an  increased 
ardor  that  taxed  the  defenders  to  the  utmost. 

And  now,  whatever  the  cost,  a way  out  of  this 
place  must  be  opened.  Cortes  knew  of  three  cause- 
ways which  led  to  the  mainland,  the  only  means 
of  exit  for  his  forces.  He  knew  that  they  were  low 
and  narrow,  exposed  on  both  sides  to  the  attacks  of 
canoe  fleets,  and  intersected  by  a number  of  bridges 
which  were  perhaps  by  this  time  raised.  Each  of 
these  openings  was  an  almost  impassable  chasm.  The 
southern  causeway  to  Iztapalapan  was  two  leagues  in 
length,  and  provided  with  seven  drawbridges,  besides 
a strong  fortress,  which  rendered  it  impassable  to  an 
enemy.  The  northern,  leading  to  Tepeyacac,  w^as  one 
league  long,  while  the  shortest,  conducting  westward 
to  Tlacopan,  half  a league  distant,  was  broken  by  only 
three  bridges.10  Cortes  resolved  to  undertake  the  pas- 
sage by  this  last  named  causeway.  During  the  night 
had  been  completed  three  mantas,  of  light  framework 
and  planks,  each  to  hold  twenty  musketeers  and 
archers,  with  which  it  was  hoped  to  check  the  as- 
sailants on  the  roofs.  These  mantas  were  built  with 
two  chambers,  provided  with  loop-holes;  the  upper 
ranged  on  a level  with  the  house-tops  of  ordinary 
one-story  buildings  of  the  city,  and  had  doors,  so  as 
to  allow  of  sallies  upon  the  roofs.11 

The  following  morning,  June  28th,  Cortes  placed 
himself  at  the  head  of  five  hundred  Spaniards  and 
over  three  thousand  allies,  and  took  the  direction 
of  the  Tlacopan  causeway.12  By  a sudden  charge  the 
cavalry  drove  back  the  Indians  and  allowed  the  free 
passage  of  the  mantas,  which  were  drawn  and  pushed 

10  ‘En  esta  auia  tres  no  mas,  y en  la  de  Yztapalapk,  siete.’  Herrera,  dec. 
ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xi. ; Native  Races,  ii.  561  et  seq. 

11  Cortes,  Cartas,  130,  133.  ‘Quatro  ingenios . . . . en  que  pudiessen  yr 
veynte  y cinco  hombres,’  says  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  103.  ‘Tres  man- 
tas . . . . cfl  sus  ruedas ; leuauan  treynta  hombres  a cada  vna,  cubierta  con  tablas 
gruessas  de  tres  dedos.’  Herrera,  loc.  cit.  Drawn  by  men  within,  adds  Peter 
Martyr,  dec.  v.  cap.  v.  ‘ Cabia  cada  vno  veynte  hombres,  con  picas  escopetas 
y ballestas  y vn  tiro.’  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  154. 

li  Herrera  unwisely  assumes  that  the  three  towers  with  their  forces  were 
respectively  directed  against  the  three  causeway  approaches. 


444 


FIGHT  UPON  THE  TEMPLE  SUMMIT. 


by  Tlascaltecs,  and  protected  by  bodies  of  infantry. 
A corps  of  pioneers  accompanied  them  with  pickaxes, 
mattocks,  crow-bars,  and  ladders,  to  destroy  barricades 
and  walls,  and  to  scale  buildings.  Four  cannon  were 
also  brought.  The  rear  was  protected  by  a portion 
of  the  cavalry.  The  Aztecs  were  at  first  amazed  at 
the  curious  moving  turrets,  and  feared  that  they  might 
contain  more  terrible  destroyers  even  than  the  grape- 
charged  guns;  but  finding  them  less  dangerous,  they 
continued  their  efforts,  and  fast  and  thick  poured 
the  stones  and  arrows  on  the  line  of  advance,  particu- 
larly on  the  engines,  which  were  severely  damaged. 
The  march  proceeded,  however,  with  more  or  less  inter- 
ruption till  a raised  bridge  was  reached  on  the  main 
road,  where  the  Indians  had  gathered  in  vast  numbers, 
with  an  evident  determination  to  check  the  expedi- 
tion. The  turrets  were  brought  alongside  the  houses 
adjoining  the  canal  in  order  to  clear  the  crowded 
roofs,  but  regardless  of  the  volleys  from  the  firelocks, 
the  natives  on  the  roofs  plied  their  missiles  only  the 
faster,  letting  fly  heavy  rocks13  upon  the  engine  cover- 
ings, so  as  to  render  them  untenable  and  hinder  the 
manoeuvring  of  the  cannon.  This  success  enabled  the 
warriors  beyond  the  canal  and  behind  the  barricades 
to  maintain  their  assault  with  great  effect,  and  to  pre- 
vent a further  advance.  They  gained  a considerable 
advantage  by  a change  of  tactics  in  directing  the  mis- 
siles to  a great  extent  against  the  legs  of  the  Span- 
iards, to  their  serious  discomfiture.11  After  spending 
the  greater  part  of  the  forenoon  in  an  unsuccessful 
attempt  to  destroy  the  houses  nearest  the  canal,  and 
to  fill  a passage  across  it,  the  troops  retired  to  the 
fort  greatly  disheartened.  Even  the  Tlascaltecs,  who 
were  usually  so  glib  of  tongue  in  replying  to  Aztec 
taunts,  for  once  held  their  peace.15 

Meanwhile  the  battle  raged  fiercely  round  the  fort. 

13  ‘ De  tres  y quatro  arrouas,  que  maltrataron  a los  que  yuan  en  los  in- 
genios,  y rompieron  las  tablas.’  Herrera , dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xi. 

11  ‘ Hirieron  a mas  de  docientos  Castellanos.’  Id. , cap.  ix. 

13  ‘Nos  mataron  un  espanol  y hirieron  muchos.’  Cortes,  Cartas,  130-1. 


FAILURE  OF  ESCOBAR. 


445 


The  temple  in  front  of  it,  since  its  evacuation  by  the 
Spaniards,  had  been  occupied  by  some  five  hundred 
Mexicans,  chosen  men,16  who  introduced  a large  quan- 
tity of  ammunition  and  supplies,  and  began  to  batter 
the  besieged  quarter.  It  was  this  shower  which  had 
first  damaged  the  turrets  and  harassed  the  march. 
Perceiving  the  danger  of  leaving  so  commanding  a 
position  in  hostile  hands,  Cortes  had  sent  his  chamber- 
lain,  Escobar,  with  one  hundred  men17  and  some  allies 
to  dispossess  them.  This  was  no  easy  task,  for  the 
pyramid  was  of  great  extent  and  over  eighty  feet  in 
height,  composed  of  a series  of  abrupt  stone  terraces, 
each  receding  about  six  feet  from  the  one  beneath, 
and  so  arranged  that  the  ascent  led  along  the  entire 
circuit  of  each  ledge  before  the  steps  conducting  to 
the  next  could  be  gained.18  Twenty  men,  says  Cortes, 
could  have  held  it  against  a thousand;  yet  the  one 
hundred  were  to  attempt  it.  Step  by  step  they 
fought  their  way,  beneath  showers  of  arrows,  and 
against  javelins,  and  sword  and  lance  thrusts  from 
the  upper  ledges.  More  dangerous  even  than  these 
weapons  were  the  cumbrous  missiles  in  the  shape  of 
heavy  stones  and  timber  which  came  crashing  down 
upon  them.  Three  times19  did  Escobar  lead  his  men 
to  the  charge,  only  to  see  them  repulsed  and  sent 
rolling  down  the  steps  and  over  the  ledges.  Finally 
he  sent  word  to  Cortes  that  the  task  was  impracti- 
cable. The  general  received  this  notice  while  vainly 
battling  at  the  canal,  and  he  eagerly  seized  upon  it 
as  excuse  for  changing  his  base  of  operation.  He 
hurried  to  the  spot,  threw  a cordon  round  the  pyr- 

16  ‘ Subieron  alia  dos  vigas  rollizas  para  desde  alii  echarlas  sobre  las  casas 
reales  y hundirlas.’  Sahayun,  Hist.  Conq.,  30.  Peter  Martyr  supposes  the 
temple  to  have  been  long  held  by  the  enemy,  but  this  is  contrary  to  what 
Cortes  and  Sahagun  say. 

lr  Three  hundred,  says  Gomara. 

18  For  a full  description  of  this  pyramid  see  Native  Races , ii.  579  et  seq. 
Some  horses  had  been  taken  to  clear  the  approaches,  but  they  slipped  on  the 
smooth  pavement,  and  were  sent  back  as  unserviceable.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist. 
Verdad.,  105. 

19  ‘ Acometio  la  tres  o quatro  vezes,  y otros  tantos  dias,’  is  Gomara’s  inter- 
pretation, in  order  to  fill  up  the  time  assumed  by  him.  Hist.  Mex.,  156. 


446  FIGHT  UPON  THE  TEMPLE  SUMMIT. 

amid,  and  although  badly  wounded  in  the  left  hand  he 
immediately  led  his  men  to  the  charge.  The  Span- 
iards were  making  fair  progress,  when  two  heavy 
beams,  which  had  been  reserved  at  the  summit  for 
the  last  extremity,  were  loosened  and  sent  tumbling 
down  the  side,  so  directed  as  to  sweep  to  destruction 
the  assailants  along  its  entire  length.  At  about  the 
centre  of  their  terrible  passage,  full  before  them,  stood 
Cortes.  Immediate  death  for  himself  and  his  brave 
comrades  seemed  inevitable,  when  behold!  by  some 
unseen  finger  the  beams  were  turned  end  foremost 
and  shot  harmlessly  through  the  opening  made  for 
them  by  the  soldiers.  “Thanks  be  to  God  and  the 
virgin,  whose  image  was  placed  in  this  tower!”  cried 
Cortes,  as  without  the  loss  of  a moment  he  sprang 
forward  and  speedily  gained  the  summit.  There  the 
fight  assumed  the  form  of  a gladiatorial  combat,  a 
hand-to-hand  and  line-to-line  conflict,  poised  in  mid- 
air on  this  narrow  slippery  summit,  and  in  full  view 
of  the  whole  city.  As  if  by  common  consent  the 
combatants  below  paused  in  their  bloody  work  and 
stood  breathless,  lost  in  the  more  thrilling  sight 
above. 

At  the  eastern  end  of  the  platform  stood  the  two 
three-story  chapels,  over  fifty  feet  in  height,  origi- 
nally dedicated  to  Huitzilopochtli  and  Tezcatlipoca. 
Against  this  the  Indians  had  massed  themselves, 
fierce  in  their  desperation.  The  Castilians  had  taken 
their  stand  at  the  other  end.  It  was  an  awful  situa- 
tion, dire  destruction  being  inevitable  to  one  side  or 
the  other.  With  nerves  and  sinews  strained  to  their 
utmost  tension,  they  stood  between  attacks  regarding 
each  other,  regarding  every  motion,  anon  picking 
from  the  other’s  number  with  javelin,  dart,  or  musket, 
as  they  were  able.  It  was  with  difficulty  the  Span- 
iards could  stand,  and  there  was  no  railing  round 
the  slippery  height;  but  fortune  again  assisted  by 
unveiling  the  sun  and  sending  its  blinding  rays  full  in 
the  face  of  the  enemy.  Every  now  and  then  the  sol- 


THE  LAST  DEFENDER  SLAIN. 


447 


cliers  charged  in  solid  phalanx  into  the  centre  of  the 
opposite  mass,  only  to  be  obliged  to  retire  under  the 
pressure  of  its  weight,  and  to  receive  the  counter- 
charge, encouraged  by  wildly  gesticulating  priests,  who 
flitted  to  and  fro  in  bloody  robes  and  dishevelled 
hair.  Aware  of  the  inferiority  of  their  weapons,  the 
natives  sought  rather  to  seize  hold  of  the  Spaniards, 
singly  or  in  groups,  and  with  the  recklessness  of 
doomed  men  to  hurl  themselves  with  their  victims 
from  the  dizzy  height.  In  one  instance  Cortes  him- 
self was  selected  for  this  terrible  fate.  Inspired  to 
martyrdom  and  revenge,  two  young  nobles  watched 
their  opportunity,  and  approached  him  on  their  knees, 
as  if  pleading  for  mercy.  Ere  he  had  time  to  con- 
sider the  situation  they  had  seized  him  in  their 
arms  and  were  struggling  to  gain  the  edge.  One 
moment  more  and  he  would  have  been  dashed  to 
death,  but  by  putting  forth  his  whole  strength, 
nerved  -by  desperation,  he  succeeded  in  freeing  him- 
self from  their  grasp.  Ojeda  was  singled  out  for  a 
similar  attempt,  and  would  have  perished  had  not  a 
Genoese  come  to  his  aid.20 

For  three  hours  the  struggle  lasted,  while  one  In- 
dian after  another  was  picked  off  by  the  bullet  and 
the  arrowT,  or  pierced  by  the  pike  and  sword,  or  sent 
headlong  over  the  platform,  either  to  be  crushed  by 
the  fall  or  to  be  transfixed  by  the  Spaniards  on  the 
ledges  below.  As  their  number  diminished,  many  a 
one  sought  the  higher  martyrdom  by  leaping  from  the 
sacred  spot  into  paradise.  Thus  melted  away  that 
fated  band  of  Aztec  warriors.  At  the  portal  of 
Huitzilopochtli’s  chapel  fell  the  last  defender;  and  two 
priests,  one  of  them  the  high-priest,  alone  remained 
to  offer  themselves  as  captives.  On  entering  the 
chapel  consecrated  to  the  virgin  no  traces  appeared 
of  the  holy  emblems,  only  evidences  of  idolatrous 


20  Ojeda  appears  to  be  the  sole  authority  upon  which  Herrera  relies  for 
these  two  struggles,  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  ix.  Clavigero  doubts  them ; yet  there 
is  nothing  unlikely  in  either  attempt. 


443 


FIGHT  UPON  THE  TEMPLE  SUMMIT. 


rites,  and  upon  the  altar  stains  from  the  blackened 
hands  of  the  temple  attendants.21  In  the  adjoining 
chapel  the  war-god  was  found  reinstalled  in  all  its 
glittering  hideousness.  Some  consolation  for  this 
sacrilegious  intrusion  was  offered  to  the  victors  in 
despoiling  it  of  the  rich  ornaments,  while  the  cacao 
and  other  provisions  stored  here  by  the  garrison 
proved  a prize  to  the  half-famished  Spaniards.  The 
Tlascaltecs,  so  long  deprived  of  meat,  pounced  upon 
the  bodies  of  the  slain  heroes  to  secure  them  for  a 
feast,  which  should  not  only  satisfy  the  cravings  of 
hunger,  but  infuse  their  hearts  and  minds  with  some 
of  the  qualities  of  the  valiant  dead.22  The  chapels 
were  then  fired.  The  upper  portion  of  the  structure 
being  of  wood,  the  flames  rose  in  columns  heavenward 
heralding  the  triumph  of  the  Spaniard,  and  striking 
the  Indian  with  awe.  It  was  a great  and  thrilling 
feat,  this  fight  upon  the  temple  top;  and  so  the  natives 
regarded  it,  their  heart,  and  mind,  and  paintings  being 
all  stained  sanguine  over  its  remembrance.23 

11  It  was  related  afterward  that  when  the  natives  first  sought  to  remove 
the  virgin  image  their  hands  clove  powerlessly  to  it  for  some  time,  and  left 
their  marks  upon  it.  Oviedo , iii.  510.  Montezuma,  being  told  of  this  miracle, 
ordered  the  image  to  be  left  in  its  place.  Afterward,  ‘ parecio,  segun 
supimos,  que  el  gran  Montecuma  tenia  6 deuocion  en  ella,  6 miedo,  y la 
mandu  guardar.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  104,  102.  Others,  as  will  be 
shown,  suppose  it  to  have  been  saved  by  its  owner,  Villafuerte,  perhaps 
when  Cortes  withdrew  the  troops  from  the  temple,  or  to  have  fled  by  its 
own  miraculous  power  to  the  shrine  at  Remedios. 

22  ‘Comiero  de  los  caualleros  Mexicanos  muertos.’  Herrera , dec.  ii.  lib.  x. 
cap.  ix. 

23  Cortfs,  Cartas,  130-1.  According  to  Bernal  Diaz  the  sally  with  the  engines 
was  directed  against  the  temple,  which  he  appears  to  place  at  some  distance. 
It  was  held  by  3000  or  4000  Indians,  ‘all  chiefs,’  and  cost  the  Spaniards  46 
lives,  every  man  being  beside  wounded.  They  returned  hard  pressed  by  the 
enemy.  ‘ Se  mostrb  Cortes  mui  varo,  como  siepre.  ’ Hist.  Verdad. , 103-4.  ‘ Mu- 
rieron  todos  quinientos  Indios,  como  valientes.  ’ Gomara,  Hist.  Mer. , 157.  ‘ En 
trecieutos  caualleros  que  alii  estauan  no  quedaron  seys  viuos.’  Herrera,  loc. 
cit.  This  author  describes  on  a later  occasion  the  capture  of  a tower  attached 
to  Montezuma’s  own  palace,  from  which  missiles  fell  with  telling  effect.  Cortes 
goes  with  200  men  to  reduce  it,  and  is  hotly  received ; yet  the  Indians,  rely- 
ing upon  the  execution  to  be  made  by  some  loose  beams  which  are  to  be  rolled 
down  upon  the  assailants  at  a favorable  moment,  allow  the  Spaniards  to  rush 
forward  and  gain  the  tower,  putting  almost  every  occupant  to  the  sword. 
This  story  is  probably  a version  of  the  temple  fight. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 


DEATH  OF  MONTEZUMA. 

June,  1520. 

A Living  Death — The  Old  Imperial  Party  and  the  New  Power — 
Aztec  Defiance — Perilous  Position  of  the  Spaniards — Disappoint 
ment  to  Cortes — Another  Sally — The  Dying  Monarch — He  has 
no  Desire  to  Live  — His  Rejection  of  a New  Faith — He  will 
None  of  the  Heaven  of  the  Spaniards — Commends  his  Children 
to  Cortes — The  Character  of  Montezuma  and  of  his  Reign. 


Long  before  this  the  Spaniards  had  learned  that 
the  power  which  had  arisen  in  Montezuma’s  stead 
was  of  a different  quality  from  that  lately  wielded 
by  the  poor  caged  monarch,  whose  proud  spirit  they 
had  so  blighted  and  brought  low.  No  Quetzalcoatl 
or  other  personage,  fair  or  dark,  heaven-descended  or 
of  import  infernal,  might  now  interpose  to  prevent 
the  killing:  and  cooking:  of  the  strangers.  Cortes 
had  thought  that  the  late  spoliation  of  idols  would 
fill  the  people  with  awe  toward  beings  so  superior 
to  their  gods.  But  when  he  threatened  that  if  they 
did  not  lay  down  their  arms  not  a man  of  them 
should  remain  alive,  nor  one  stone  be  left  on  another 
throughout  all  their  city,  they  laughed  at  him,  the 
priests  abetting.  “ How  speak  you  so  foolishly,”  they 
said,  “mortal  as  we  now  know  you  to  be,  when  for 
every  Spanish  life  we  are  prepared  to  sacrifice,  if 
need  be,  twenty -five  thousand  of  our  own  lives?” 
They  had  cut  off  retreat  at  the  causeways,  so  that 
the  lake  alone  was  open  to  exit,  and  here  they  were 
prepared  with  fleets  of  canoes  filled  with  resolute 
men.  Even  should  the  Spaniards  hold  out  against 

Hist.  Hex.,  Vol.  I.  29  ( 449) 


450 


DEATH  OF  MONTEZUMA. 


assault,  hunger  and  thirst  must  overcome  them  in  the 
end.  “The  truth  of  this  was  too  evident,”  observes 
Cortes,  “for  hunger  alone  would  have  soon  killed  us.” 

The  imperial  party,  which  had  sunk  to  insignificance 
since  the  elevation  of  Cuitlaliuatzin  to  the  leadership, 
and  was  now  sustained  only  by  a few  relatives  of 
Montezuma,  had  no  longer  a voice  in  the  direction 
of  affairs.  Their  efforts  to  make  terms  with  the 
Spaniards  might  have  gained  public  approval,  but 
the  ambition  of  Cuitlahuatzin  stood  in  the  way  of 
any  compromise.  To  release  the  strangers  would  be 
to  restore  Montezuma,  and  he  preferred  to  occupy 
the  throne  himself.  He  was  also  covetous  of  mili- 
tary fame;  and  knowing  the  desperate  condition  of 
the  besieged,  he  hoped  by  their  reduction  to  add  to 
his  record  of  glorious  achievements.1 

The  soldiers  felt  the  peril  of  their  position  more 
than  the  general.  They  had  been  cheered  for  a 
moment  by  victory,  only  to  find  how  barren  it  was; 
only  to  realize  that  many  such  triumphs  would  prove 
their  ruin.  In  order  to  counteract  this  growing  de- 
spondency, Cortes  resolved  on  a night  sally  with  half 
his  force.  The  Indians  being  unprepared  for  this,  the 
party  advanced  with  comparative  impunity,  destroyed 
several  barricades,  and  fired  a large  number  of  houses 
along  the  Tlacopan  road,  where  the  roof  assault  had 
been  so  severe.  The  warriors  having  finally  gathered 
in  sufficient  force  to  render  retreat  advisable,  the 
Spaniards  destroyed  a number  of  buildings  in  the 
vicinity  of  their  quarters  before  entering,  and  thus 
secured  additional  immunity.2 

The  present  purpose  of  the  Spaniards  was  to  open 
an  exit  from  the  city.  At  a council,  called  to  con- 

1 In  Manuscrit  de  1528 , Aubin,  Col.,  Cihuacohuatl  and  Tzihuacpopocatzin, 
brothers  of  Montezuma,  are  named  as  the  leaders  of  the  opposition  party, 
connected  also  with  the  followers  of  Quetzalcoatl,  who  abhorred  the  cruel  rites 
of  the  Aztecs.  They  succeeded,  it  is  said,  in  introducing  provisions  for 
the  besieged.  Braxseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  317-18.  But  this  is 
doubtful. 

2 This  is  probably  the  sally  which  Herrera  intrusts  to  Salcedo,  dec.  ii.  lib.  x. 
cap.  viii. 


EFFORTS  TO  LEAVE  THE  CITY. 


431 


sider  the  situation,  it  was  admitted  that  delay  would 
only  reduce  their  strength  without  corresponding  gain, 
and  with  the  prospect  of  closing  more  effectually  the 
gate  against  them.3  It  was  a great  disappointment  to 
Cortes  thus  to  abandon  his  hard-earned  advantage. 
There  were  those  who  would  exult  over  his  mis- 
fortunes, and  never  could  he  hope  to  win  favor  from 
the  king  except  by  some  brilliant  success.  But 
this  he  would  yet  achieve,  God  willing,  or  perish  in 
the  attempt. 

The  engines  were  strengthened,  and  every  prepa- 
ration was  made  to  meet  the  rapidly  accumulating 
difficulties.  At  dawn  a large  force  set  out  in  the 
direction  of  the  Tlacopan  causeway  to  secure  its  ap- 
proaches.4 The  advance  was  made  in  the  order  of  the 
day  previous,  with  guns  and  pioneers,  and  with  cav- 
alry in  front  and  rear.  The  late  destruction  of  houses 
proved  of  no  considerable  advantage,  but  the  cannon 
being  brought  to  play  on  the  barricades,  an  opening 
was  soon  made.  The  engines,  with  their  fortified 
sides  and  covers,  proved  more  efficient  than  formerly 
in  checking  assaults  from  the  roofs.  The  soldiers 
accordingly  advanced  with  firmer  resolution,  and 
although  the  showers  from  the  house-tops  were  still 
troublesome,  and  resistance  on  the  streets  was  as 
fierce  as  ever,  yet  one  after  another  the  first  four 
canals  were  captured.  The  nearest  houses  were 
razed,  and  with  the  debris  roadways  were  thrown 
across  the  channels. 

These  operations  were  carried  on  in  the  face 
of  a bitter  onslaught,  and  occupied  the  entire  day. 
Evening  being  at  hand  the  crossings  were  left  in 
charge  of  a strong  guard,  composed  of  the  freshest 
men,  while  the  rest  returned  to  the  fort. 

3 ‘Por  importunidad  de  muchos acordb  de  salir  della.’  Carta  del  Ej(r- 

clto,  in  Icazljalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  429.  ‘El capitan  dilataba  de  cada  dia  la 

dicha  salida,  ’ but  the  officers  insisted  that  he  should  leave.  Ser/unda  Probanza 
de  Lejalde , in  Id.,  423. 

* Clavigero  directs  the  operation  against  the  Iztapalapan  road,  which 
would  have  been  a useless  manoeuvre.  Cortes  is  explicit  enough  on  the  point. 


452 


DEATH  OF  MONTEZUMA. 


Montezuma  the  while  lay  a-dying,  prostrate  a-dying, 
not  as  Vespasian  would  have  an  emperor  die — stand- 
ing; but  with  manhood,  and  the  aspirations  of  man, 
ay,  even  the  regrets  and  remorse  incident  to  foiled 
endeavor,  all  crushed  he  was  killed  when  the  insults 
of  his  people  fell  upon  him;  he  scarcely  heeded  their 
darts  and  stones. 

It  is  not  necessary  always  that  breath  shall  cease 
before  one  can  be  dead.  From  Ian  tile’s  spirit  fell 
the  shackles  of  sense,  the  body  being  left  with  its 
animal  life,  but  soulless.  And  though  corporal  life 
was  yet  present  in  Montezuma,  the  soul  was  already 
free : the  accursed  aliens  had  done  their  worst.  When 
the  might  of  sacred  sovereignty  was  extinguished,  the 
remains  were  less  than  man,  though  they  walked,  and 
talked,  and  wept. 

Compared  with  his  present  condition,  how  dignified 
and  happy  death  would  have  been  bv  the  hands  of  his 
brother  priests,  before  the  gods,  in  the  eyes  of  the 
nation,  on  the  sacred  sacrificial  stone!  Or,  like  that 
among  the  Massagetae,  told  of  by  Herodotus,  who 
sacrificed  and  ate  their  old  people,  holding  natural 
death  a misfortune — even  this  or  any  other  stepping 
down  and  out  would  have  been  preferable  to  thus 
dying  like  a silly  hare  in  a trap! 

He  refused  food  and  any  attention  to  the  wounds, 
which  were  far  from  fatal.  He  tore  off  the  bandages, 
threw  from  him  all  medicines,  and  bared  his  body  to 
disease,  even  as  his  soul  had  been  long  since  bared, 
and  stretched  out  his  hand  to  hasten  the  cold  stony 
grasp  of  death.  What  a farce  was  life,  and  honor,  and 
majesty,  all  to  end  in  poverty  and  disgrace!  Feeling 
the  all-changing  moment  at  hand,  he  summoned  Cortes; 
for  despite  his  long  maltreatment  he  entertained  a kind 
of  affection  for  the  monster,  who  might  even  yet  prove 
to  be  the  demi-god  of  some  far  away  incomprehensible 
world.  Moreover,  the  Spaniard’s  intellect  and  arm 
were  the  stronger ; he  was  his  son-in-law  and  probable 
successor;  therefore,  though  his  jailer,  he  would  speak 


LAST  APPEALS. 


453 


with  him.  And  when  he  came  Montezuma  said: 
“The  end  for  me  approaches,  Malinche;  it  is  even 
here.  You  cannot  harm  me  further,  nor  help  me  if 
you  would.  I have  given  you  all;  you  have  taken 
all — my  liberty,  my  kingdom,  my  life,  and  that  which 
is  more  to  me  than  kingdom,  liberty,  or  life,  the 
affection  of  my  people,  the  love  of  my  counsellors  and 
friends;  and  respect — respect  of  self,  and  that  sacred 
respect  which,  living  or  dead,  is  mine  by  inheritance, 
and  by  virtue  of  my  office.  But  I would  not  upbraid 
you ; I pray  only  that  my  ruin  will  benefit  you ; I beg 
of  you  care  for  my  children,  and  I conjure  you  to 
avenge  me  on  my  rebel  subjects  and  their  leaders.”5 

Moved  by  the  touching  appeal,  Cortes  promised 
all  that  was  asked  of  him,  while  remonstrating  with 
the  monarch  for  rejecting  food  and  medicine.  Mon- 
tezuma then,  in  like  manner,  exhorted  his  nobles  who 
were  prisoners  with  him,  and  was  touched  by  their 
sorrow  for  the  sad  state  of  the  empire,  and  their 
manifestation  of  affection  for  himself.  Father  Olmeclo, 
who  had  never  relaxed  his  efforts  for  the  captive’s 
conversion,  now  pressed  to  his  aid  the  general.  But 
in  vain.  All  else  these  beings  maledict  had  taken 
from  him;  they  should  not  now  rob  him  of  his  re- 
ligion. His  faith  was  as  dear  to  him,  as  true,  as 
pure,  as  efficacious,  as  was  theirs  to  them.  Away 
with  another’s  gods!  Let  each  live  and  die  by  his 
own.  He  was  high-priest,  too,  and  for  him  to  prove 
recreant  to  the  national  faith  would  overshadow  all  his 
former  crimes  combined.  “What  is  this  they  would 
have  of  me?”  he  groaned  within  himself.  Then  turning 
suddenly  to  Olmedo,  he  asked,  “Do  Spaniards  go  to 

5 In  a privilegio  in  favor  of  the  daughter  Isabel,  Cortes  refers  to  this  in- 
terview, saying  that  three  daughters  were  intrusted  to  him.  No  allusion  is 
made  to  any  son.  The  affectionate  terms  in  which  he  herein  speaks  of  Mon- 
tezuma must  be  due  to  political  reasons,  and  perhaps  to  a regard  for  the 
princesses.  Pane -v,  Vireyes,  in  M onumentos  Domin.  Esp.,  MS.,  67-8.  Ramirez 
ridicules  the  idea  of  an  appeal  bythe  emperor  to  Cortiis,  who  was  on  unfriendly 
terms  with  him.  Sor.  Mex.  Geog. , Boletln,  x.  359  et  seq.  But  the  effort  of  Monte- 
zuma to  save  the  Spaniards  shows  that  intercourse  had  been  reestablished ; 
and  was  not  Cortes,  as  the  husband  of  one  or  more  of  his  daughters,  the 
proper  person  to  protect  their  sisters? 


454 


DEATH  OF  MONTEZUMA. 


this  heaven  of  yours?”  “Assuredly,”  was  the  reply; 
“it  was  made  for  them,  and  is  held  by  Christians, 
against  all  others,  as  the  reward  of  their  pure  belief 
and  gentle  deeds.”  “It  is  enough;  I will  none  of  it,” 
said  Montezuma,  who.  from  that  moment  would  not 
listen  to  a word  of  Christian  exhortation.6  It  was 
early  in  the  morning  of  the  30th  of  June,7  three  days 

6 The  question  of  his  conversion  has  been  much  discussed.  ‘ No  le  pudo 
atraer  a que  se  bolviesse  Cristiano,’  says  Bernal  Diaz,  Hint.  Verdad.,  105; 
and  Herrera  is  even  more  explicit,  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  x.  Cort6s  and  his  fol- 
lowers, Martyr  and  Oviedo,  give  no  indications  to  the  contrary.  Ixtlilxochitl 
states,  however,  that  he  had  learned  several  prayers,  and  even  begged  for 
baptism,  but  that  the  rite  was  deferred  ‘por  la  pascua  siguiente,  que  era  de  la 
resurreccion,  y fue  tan  desdichado,  que  nunca  alcanzo  tanto  bien.  ’ Hist.  Chick. , 
209.  Yet  lie  adds  that  it  has  been  said  ‘que  se  bautizd  y se  llamo  Don  Juan.’ 
Rdaciones,  457.  According  to  Gomara  he  asked  for  baptism  in  the  beginning  of 
lent,  but  it  was  determined  to  postpone  the  rite  till  pentecost,  for  greater  effect, 
and  as  more  appropriate  for  so  high  a personage.  Owing  to  the  troubles  arising 
out  of  Narvaez’  arrival  nothing  was  done  then,  ‘y  despues  de  lierido  oluido  se 
con  la  prissa  del  pelear !’  Hist.  Mcx .,  154.  Cort<5s  had  persuaded  him,  says 
Vetancurt,  during  the  early  days  of  his  imprisonment,  to  accept  baptism,  and 
lie  was  taken  to  the  temple  for  the  purpose,  but  at  the  last  moment  ho  excused 
himself  on  the  ground  that  the  Indians  would  elect  another  lord  and  attack 
them  all  if  he  abandoned  the  faith.  Teatro  Hex.,  iii.  132-3.  Father  Duran, 
on  the  contrary,  ever  zealous  for  the  natives,  and  particularly  for  his  hero, 
Montezuma,  asserts  that  trustworthy  men  had  vouched  for  his  baptism.  Padre 
Olmedo  had  also  expi’essed  belief  therein,  although  he  had  not  been  present 
when  it  was  administered.  Hist.  Ind..  MS.,  ii.  445.  The  father’s  memory 
must  have  failed  him  with  respect  to  Olmedo.  Camargo  has  also  been  assured 
of  his  baptism,  with  Cort4s  and  Alvarado  for  sponsors.  Hint.  Tlax.,  1GG. 
Tezozomoc,  who  claims  to  have  investigated  the  point,  declares  explicitly  that 
the  rite  was  administered  on  his  death-bed,  when  he  received  the  name  of 
Carlos,  and  that  Cort6s,  Olid,  and  Alvarado  were  the  sponsors.  Recopilacion 
dr  veridicas  tradiciones,  probmido  que  el  emperador  Moteuhsoma  recibie}  el  sanlo 
sacramento  del  baulismo.  This  author  wrote  at  the  close  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  and  follows  traditions  only.  Bustamante,  in  modern  times,  has  also 
reviewed  the  question,  and  follows  Tezozomoc  implicitly.  In  support  thereof 
he  quotes  a poem,  by  Captain  Angel  Betancourt,  wherein  he  refers  to  Monte- 
zuma as  the  ‘ indio  bautizado ,’  introduces  the  vague  utterance  of  Ixtlilxochitl, 
and  even  attempts  to  misconstrue  a certain  expression  of  Cortes.  Montezuma 
tells  the  latter  to  baptize  his  daughters,  and  this  Bustamante  regards  as  proof 
that  he  himself  desired  the  rite.  He'  does  not  suppose  that  the  religion  of  the 
vicious  Spaniards  could  have  had  great  attractions  for  him,  but  when  about  to 
die  ha  accepted  it,  1 as  the  drowning  man  does  the  saving  plank.  ’ Article  in 
Chimalpahi,  Hist.  Conq.,  i.  287-95.  Still  fuller  is  the  review  of  Ramirez,  who 
follows  Torquemada  in  pointing  out  the  fact  that  neither  Cortds  nor  Alvarado 
ever  referred  to  their  supposed  sponsorship,  as  they  certainly  would  have  done 
in  connection  with  so  distinguished  a personage  had  they  felt  empowered.  Soc. 
Mcx.  Geo;/. , Boletin. 

7 Cortes’  chronology,  as  indicated  in  the  Cartas,  shows  clearly  that  he  left 
Mexico  during  the  night  of  June  30th,  as  will  be  demonstrated.  He  also 
implies  what  Bernal  Diaz  and  Herrera  distinctly  assert,  that  considerable 
fighting  took  place  on  the  Tlacopan  road  between  the  time  the  corpse  was 
surrendered  to  the  Aztecs  and  the  Spaniards  returned  to  their  quarters  pre- 
paratory to  evacuation.  Hence  the  death  must  have  occurred  early  on  that 


CHARACTER  OF  THE  MAN. 


455 


after  the  trying  scene  in  the  presence  of  his  people, 
that  the  monarch  breathed  his  last.  And  even  the 
Spaniards  forgot  for  a moment  their  diabolisms,  and 
allowed  their  minds  to  dwell  on  the  virtues  of  this 
magnificent  heathen,  this  mighty  sovereign,  their 
sweet-tempered  prisoner,  and  kind  and  generous  host.8 

Of  a truth,  despite  his  pusillanimity  with  regard 
to  the  Spaniards,  which  was  indeed  little  else  than 
pardonable  superstition,  this  man  was  in  many  re- 
spects not  unworthy  the  title  of  Great  so  freely 
betowed  upon  him.  Montezuma  was  but  forty-one9 
at  the  time  of  his  death,  and  had  wielded  the  sceptre 
for  nearly  eighteen  years  with  wonderful  success. 
Under  him  the  Aztec  empire  acquired  its  widest 
extent  and  greatest  glory.  While  his  armies  by  well 
directed  operations  spread  the  terror  of  his  name  to 
distant  provinces  and  increased  the  national  domain 
by  fresh  conquests,  his  subtle  intrigues  secured  ad- 
vantages at  home,  and  established  the  supremacy  of 
Mexico  in  the  tripartite  alliance.  With  a high  regard 
for  the  dignity  of  his  throne,  he  caused  the  sovereign 
to  be  worshipped  almost  like  a god,  and  sustained 
the  grandeur  of  his  surroundings  with  lavish  expendi- 
ture. This  severe  and  ostentatious  pride  kept  him 
above  the  reach  of  his  people,  and  failing  to  under- 
stand their  wants  or  to  sympathize  with  their  condi- 
tion, he  ruled  not  by  love,  but  by  fear.  Thus  it  is 
that  we  find  the  native  records  dwell  upon  his  fitful 

day.  Herrera  confirms  Cortes’  testimony  that  he  could  not  have  died  before 
the  30th,  by  saying,  ‘en  quatro  dias  se  murio.’  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  x.  It  is 
also  generally  admitted  that  he  was  not  wounded  before  the  third  day  of  the 
siege. 

8 ‘Cortes  llorb  por  61,  y todos  nuestros  Capitanes,  y soldados:  6 hombres 
huvo  entre  nosotros ....  que  tan  llorado  fue,  como  si  fuera  nuestro  padre.  ’ 
Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  104.  Cort6s  speaks  highly  of  him,  ‘y  siempre 
tuvo  mui  buena  voluntad  ;i  los  Espanoles,’  but  this  is  in  the  deed  presented 
to  his  daughter.  See  Privilegio,  Monummtos  Domin.  Esp.,  MS.,  66.  In  the 
Cartas  he  is  referred  to  merely  as  a captive  who  dies.  After  saying  that  he 
never  consented  to  the  death  of  a Spaniard  nor  to  injury  against  Cort6s, 
Gomaraadds:  ‘ Tambien  ay  quien  lo  cOtrario  diga.  ’ Hist.  Mex. , 154—5. 

9 Olavigero  says  54,  but  Bernal  Diaz,  who  was  so  much  in  his  company, 
could  hardly  have  been  mistaken,  and  the  comparative  youth  of  his  children 
also  indicates  that  41  is  more  correct. 


436 


DEATH  OF  MONTEZUMA. 


cold-bloocled  cruelty  and  superstition,  not  as  a tyrant, 
however,  but  as  an  administrator  of  their  own  cruel 
yet  revered  rites.  He  was  reputed  just,  but  this 
quality  was  to  be  found  rather  in  the  intention  than 
in  the  act.  With  all  his  pride  he  appears  to  have 
been  most  affable  and  kind  to  those  with  whom  he 
came  in  contact.  The  Spaniards  certainty  found  him 
so.  In  their  later  intercourse  other  considerations 
may  have  ruled  him,  however,  and  with  the  cunning 
and  secrecy  of  his  race  he  may  have  submitted  to  the 
inevitable  demands  of  circumstances.10 

Surrounded  by  fawning  ministers,  whose  existence 
depended  on  his  favor,  he  was  encouraged  in  the  ex- 
travagant habits  of  a magnificent  court,  which  pro- 
moted their  schemes  at  the  expense  of  a tax-ridden 
people.  The  ambition  to  extend  his  fame  and  power 
required  the  maintenance  of  immense  armies,  of  numer- 
ous garrisons,  and  of  costly  campaigns,  which  proved 
another  drain  on  the  people.  This  was  augmented  in 
subjected  provinces  by  the  extortions  of  imperial 
officers,  who  found  means  to  prevent  the  cry  of  the 
oppressed  from  reaching  the  throne.  Perhaps  the 
most  terrible  infliction  was  the  levy  on  the  youth  of 
both  sexes  for  slaves,  and  for  sacrificial  victims  to 
appease  the  bloody  appetite  of  Aztec  gods — an  appe- 
tite which  had  increased  in  horror  with  the  abject 
superstition  of  this  otherwise  enlightened  monarch. 
Enlightened  he  undoubtedly  was,  for  as  high -priest 
he  had  become  versed  in  the  higher  learning  of  the 
priesthood.  The  study  of  mythology  came  naturally  to 
him,  while  astronomy  and  natural  history  were  favorite 
subjects  with  the  lords  of  the  lake  peoples,  the  former 
connected  with  myths  and  divinations,  the  latter  illus- 
trated by  specimens  from  different  regions,  and  col- 


10  * Antes  ni  despues  huvo  en  este  mundo  quien  le  igualase  cn  magestad  y 

profanidad. . . .fuemuy  justiciero decondicion  muy severe, aunquecuerdo  y 

gracioso.’  1 xtlilxochitt,  Hist.  Chick.,  301.  ‘Dizen  los  Indios  que  fue  el  mejor 
de  su  linaje,  y el  mayor  rey  de  Mexico.’  Goman i,  Hist.  Mex.,  155.  ‘ Fu  circo- 
spetto,  magnifico,  liberale . . . .sua  giustizia  degenera va  in  crudeltii.’  Clavigt.ro, 
iStoria  Mess. , iii.  132;  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  x.;  Torquemada,  i.  499-500. 


THE  MAN  AND  THE  NATION. 


457 


lected  in  the  botanic  and  zooloinc  gardens  of  Mexico 
and  other  cities.  The  studies  of  his  youth  had  gained 
for  him  a well  merited  respect  from  his  priestly  con- 
freres, and  the  prudence  and  sagacity  which  controlled 
the  well  stored  mind  commanded  attention  in  the 
council.11  While  yet  a young  man  there  seemed  to 
develop  qualities  which  fitted  him  for  the  position  of 
high -priest,  also  as  counsellor,  to  which  his  princely 
rank  paved  an  easy  way.  Besides  this  he  had  shown 
himself  possessed  of  great  courage,  and  had  established 
his  fame  as  a general  by  many  victories. 

It  was  with  this  reputation,  as  zealous  and  learned 
priest,  prudent  statesman,  and  brave  soldier,  that  he 
ascended  the  throne  in  1503,  while  only  twenty -three 
years  of  age.  It  is  in  such  terms  that  his  colleague 
Nezahualpilli  in  his  coronation  address  refers  to  the 
hopes  entertained  of  the  youthful  ruler.12  Though 
ever  a devout  servant  of  the  gods,  the  effeminate 
pleasures  of  the  court  weakened  the  nerves  and  energy 
of  the  soldier,  till  his  warlike  ardor  survived  only  in 
a taste  for  military  reviews  and  for  the  chase.  The 
caution  of  the  general  remained,  but  timidity  saves 
few  leaders  from  disaster.  Vanity  and  designing  min- 
isters overruled  too  often  the  dictates  of  wisdom  in 
the  administration  of  affairs.12  His  path  had  been 
prepared  by  able  predecessors,  and  answered  well  for 
the  policy  of  aggrandizement  which  became  the  lead- 
ing feature  of  his  reign.  In  this  his  natural  liberality 
and  talent  for  intrigue,  fostered  by  priestly  training, 
served  him  well  and  procured  blindly  devoted  instru- 
ments for  his  plans.  Thus,  by  fair  means  and  foul,  the 
empire  was  raised  to  the  pinnacle  of  its  glory,  but 
not  being  of  a natural  or  healthy  growth  it  proved 
unstable,  and  crumbling  under  the  strong  commotion 

11  ‘ Fue  muy  sabio,  pues  passaua  por  las  cosas  assi,  o muy  neoio  q no  las  sentia.  ’ 

Gom/xra,  Hist.  Mex. , 155.  ‘ El  liombre  mas  s;'i  bio  de  su  siglo.’is  Bustamante’s 

interpretation.  He  also  discovers  that  Montezuma  objected  to  sacrifices ! 
Cliinwlpain,  Hist.  Conq.,  292-3. 

12  See  Native  Races , ii.  149-50. 

13  « pareva  aver  cangiato  di  sesso,  siccome  dicevano  i suoi  sudditi.  ’ Clavigero, 
Storia  Mess.,  iii.  132. 


45S 


DEATH  OF  MONTEZUMA. 


created  by  the  approach  of  Castilians,  it  revived 
only  for  a moment  in  the  present  uprising  like  the 
mental  illumination  preceding  death.  Montezuma 
could  not  have  failed  to  recognize  the  insecurity  of 
the  bonds  which  held  it,  and  influenced  by  the  pre- 
dictions of  its  downfall  he  readily  fell  beneath  the 
spell  of  the  superior  intellects  which  were  to  assume 
control.  It  was  his  misfortune  to  have  lost  the  san- 
guine energy  of  his  youth,  which  might  have  enabled 
him  to  rise  above  the  weaknesses  of  himself  and  his 
age.  Duty  and  honor  were  overcome  by  superstition 
and  absorbing  love  of  power,  of  life,  and  he  reaped 
the  natural  fruit  of  puerile  and  misdirected  efforts  by 
losing  both.  Resistance  might  not  long  have  delayed 
the  inevitable,  but  it  would  at  least  have  procured  for 
him  an  end  worthy  of  his  grandeur. 

Of  his  many  wives  may  be  named  the  princesses 
Teitlalco,  Acatlan,  and  Miahuaxochitl,  of  whom  the 
first  named  appears  to  have  been  the  only  legitimate 
consort.14  By  her  he  left  a son,  Asupacaci,  who  fell 
during  the  noclie  triste,  and  a daughter,  Tecuichpo, 
baptized  as  Isabel,  married  consecutively  to  Quaulite- 
motzin,  the  last  Mexican  sovereign,  to  visitador 
general  Alonso  Grado,  to  Pedro  Andrade  Gallego, 
and  to  Juan  Cano  de  Saavedra.  She  had  children 
by  the  latter  two,  from  whom  descend  the  illus- 
trious families  of  Andrade-Montezuma  and  Cano- 
Montezuma. 

By  the  Princess  Acatlan  were  left  two  daughters, 
baptized  as  Marfa  and  Mariana.  The  latter  alone 
left  offspring,  from  whom  descends  the  Sotelo-Monte- 
zuma  family.  By  the  third  wife  came  to  the  emperor 
the  son  Tlacahuepantzin,  known  after  baptism  as 
Pedro  Yoliualicahuacatzin  Montezuma,  whose  de- 
scendants, the  condes  de  Montezuma  y de  Tula, 
intermarried  with  the  noblest  families  of  Spain,  and 

14  So  Cano,  the  son-in-law,  declares,  Oviedo , iii.  549,  and  so  Cortes  inti- 
mates in  the  privilegio  to  Isabel,  whom  he  calls  ‘su  legitima  heredera,’ 
especially  commended  to  him. 


WIVES  AND  CONCUBINES. 


459 


connected  the  name  with  the  highest  offices  of  state, 

O 7 

and  with  the  title  of  grandee.15 

O 

15  Of  the  rest  of  the  imperial  wives  and  concubines  nothing  positive  is 
known,  save  that  a number  of  them  and  their  daughters  were  liberally  be- 
stowed, as  a mark  of  imperial  favor,  on  prominent  personages,  including 
Spaniards.  After  the  conquest  they  sank  into  obscurity,  although  some  of 
them  still  managed  to  maintain  a certain  consideration  among  the  natives, 
despite  their  poverty.  Bernal  Diaz  claims  that  he  received  one  of  the  concu- 
bines; upon  Olid  was  bestowed  a daughter,  and  upon  Cortes  two,  it  is  said, 
one  baptized  as  Ana,  the  other  as  In£s.  Two  witnesses  declare  that  Isabel 
also  ‘cinco  meses  questava  casada  con ....  Gallego  e que  pario  una  fija  y que  hera 
del ....  Cortes.’  Cortes,  Resblencia,  ii.  242,  39, 244;  i.  (i3, 99,  221,263.  The  three 
daughters  confided  to  Cortes  on  their  father’s  death-bed  were  not  in  the  Span- 
ish quarters  at  the  time,  at  least  not  all  of  them,  but  were  found  after  the 
conquest  and  baptized.  The  eldest  and  legitimate,  the  attractive  Tecuichpo, 
was  then  the  wife  of  the  last  and  captive  sovereign,  Quauhtemotzin,  her 
cousin,  who  had  married  her  chiefly  with  a view  to  strengthen  his  hold  on 
the  throne,  for  she  was  too  young  for  the  married  state.  She  was  baptized 
as  Isabel,  and  her  Indian  husband  having  been  executed,  Cortes,  on  his  return 
from  Honduras,  gave  her  in  marriage  to  the  hidalgo  Alonso  Grado,  of  Al- 
cantara, who  had  succeeded  Avila  as  contador,  and  now  held  the  position  of 
visitador  general  of  New  Spain.  In  consideration  partly  of  Grado’s  services 
and  partly  of  Isabel’s  rank,  the  captain-general  bestowed  as  dower,  in  the 
emperor’s  name,  the  town  of  Tacuba  (Tlacopan),  with  the  villages  and  farms 
subject  to  it,  together  with  the  title  of  seuora  thereof.  The  deed,  which 
recounts  the  services  of  her  father  and  the  intrusting  of  his  daughters  to 
Cortes,  is  signed  by  him  as  captain-general  and  governor  of  New  Spain,  and 
dated  June  27,  1526.  It  is  given,  among  other  books,  in  Monumentos  Domin. 
Esp.,  MS.,  65-8.  Grado  dying  soon  after,  without  issue,  she  married  Pedro 
Andrade  Gallego,  by  whom  she  had  one  son,  Juan  Andrade,  the  founder  of  the 
Andrade-Montezuma  family.  This  branch  inherited  the  Villa  Alta  villages, 
in  Oajaca,  and  other  estates,  which  in  1745  were  bought  up  by  the  crown  for 
a pension  of  3000  pesos,  continued  by  the  Mexican  government  in  irregular  pay- 
ments. A member  of  this  branch  was  the  bishop  of  Chiapas  a few  years  later. 
Certification  da  las  Mercedes,  MS.,  14-18.  M.  Fossey  describes  a visit,  in 
1S49,  to  the  poverty-stricken  yet  proud  descendants.  Mexique,  497-500.  The 
omission  of  Gallego ’s  middle  name  has  led  the  critical  Alaman,  among  others, 
to  assume  that  this  family  descends  from  Isabel’s  fifth  marriage  with  Juan  An- 
drade. Prescott's  Max.  (Mex.  1844),  ii.  31.  Nor  is  Prescott  free  from  error 
in  connection  with  Montezuma’s  descendants.  The  Andrade  branch  became 
allied  t > the  Condes  de  Miravalle,  and  a daughter  of  this  house  was  the  wife  of 
General  Barragan,  who  became  presidente  interinooi  the  republic,  thus  raising 
a descendant  of  Montezuma  once  again  to  the  supreme  place  in  the  country. 
The  Princess  Isabel  was  married  a fourth  time,  to  Juan  Cano  de  Saavedra, 
by  whom  she  had  five  children,  the  inheritors  of  the  Tacuba  estates,  also  ex- 
changed for  a pension  which  was  continued  by  the  republic.  Of  the  Princess 
Acatlan’s  two  daughters,  Maria  and  Mariana,  the  former  left  no  issue.  Mariana 
married  the  conquistador  Juan  de  Paz,  bringing  a dower  of  three  towns,  and 
after  his  death  she  took  for  husband  the  conqueror  Cristobal  de  Valderrama. 
By  him  she  had  a daughter,  Leonor,  who,  marrying  Diego  Arias  Sotelo, 
gave  origin  to  the  Sotelo-Montezuma  f imily.  Fonseca,  Hist.  Hacienda,  i.  434. 
This  work,  with  its  collection  of  official  papers  and  extracts,  gives  a mass  of 
information  about  the  imperial  descendants  and  estates.  Prescott  confounds 
the  mother  and  daughter.  Mex.,  ii.  351-2.  Viceroy  Mendoza,  in  a despatch 
to  the  emperor  of  December  10,  1537,  refers  to  the  death,  three  weeks  before, 
of  Valderrama,  and  speaks  of  children  by  the  former  husband,  which  arc  not 
admitted  in  Fonseca.  Pacheco  and  Cdrdeiias,  Col.  Do  •.,  ii.  208.  Cortes  refers 
to  three  sons  of  Montezuma : the  heir,  who  fell  on  the  causeway  during  the 


460 


DEATH  OF  MONTEZUMA. 


noche  trifle,  and  two  surviving  boys,  ‘ one  said  to  be  insane,  the  other  para- 
lyzed. ’ On  leaving  Mexico  he  took  with  him  one  son  and  two  daughters,  liis 
concubines  probably,  all  of  whom  perished.  Cartas,  1 3->,  153.  Sahagun  names 
two  sons,  who  perished  on  that  occasion.  Hist.  Conq.  (ed.  1840),  122,  123. 
Ixtlilxochitl  gives  them  different  names.  Hist.  Chick.,  302.  Cano  gives  the 
name  Asupacaci  to  the  heir,  or  only  legitimate  son,  the  brother  of  his  wife 
Isabel,  and  states  that  he  was  killed  by  jQuauhtemotzin,  who  feared  him  as 
the  only  rival  to  the  throne.  Oviedo,  iii.  549.  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  follows 
him.  but  prefers  the  name  of  Cipocatzin  for  the  young  prince,  while  Axayoca 
is  also  applied.  Cortes’  version  is  more  likely  to  be  correct,  however.  One 
of  the  surviving  sons,  ‘Signor  di  Tcnajocean,’  Clavijero,  Storia  Mess. , iii. 
133,  was  baptized  with  the  intervention  of  his  sponsor,  Rodrigo  de  Paz, 
and  died  three  years  after  the  conquest,  ‘ y se  enterro  en  la  Capilla  de  San 
Joseph.’  Vetancvrt,  Teatro  Mex.,  pt.  iii.  144.  This  author  assumes  that 
the  youth  fled  with  the  Spaniards  from  the  capital  and  hid  at  Tepotzotlan. 
The  other  prince,  son  of  Miahuaxochitl,  daughter  of  the  lord  of  Tula,  and 
niece  of  Montezuma — baptized  as  Maria,  says  Vetancurt — received  the  name 
of  Don  Pedro.  He  accompanied  Cortes  to  Spain  in  152S,  it  appears,  at 
the  age  of  eighteen,  and  made  repeated  appeals  to  the  emperor  for  a main- 
tenance in  accordance  with  his  rank.  At  first  some  trifling  favors  were 
granted,  and  he,  together  with  a cousin,  was  educated  by  the  Franciscans  in 
Madrid.  Putja,  Cedulario,  85.  President  Fueuleal,  of  the  audiencia,  and  other 
prominent  persons  having  added  their  recommendation,  regular  pensions  and 
encomiendas  were  bestowed,  including  the  town  of  Tula,  the  seat  of  his 
maternal  grandparents,  upon  which  was  based  the  second  title  of  Condes  de 
Montezuma  y de  Tula,  conferred  on  his  grandson,  The  line  expired  on  the 
male  side  with  the  great  great-grandson  of  the  emperor,  whose  daughter  mar- 
ried Sarmiento  de  Valladares,  duke  of  Atlixco,  and  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  thus 
raising  the  name  again  to  the  highest  position  in  the  country.  Prescott, 
following  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  i.  191,  203,  calls  Valladares,  by  mistake,  a 
descendant  of  Montezuma.  The  cousin  of  the  vice-queen  married  Silva,  the 
first  marquis  of  Tencbron,  whose  descendants  inherited  the  title  and  estates 
from  the  other  branch,  and  became  grandees  in  1765.  Their  pension  amounted 
at  this  time  to  40,000  pesos,  says  Berni,  Titulos  de  Castilla,  which  represented 
in  part  the  encomiendas  withdrawn  by  the  government.  The  republic  recog- 
nized this  portion,  as  it  had  the  pensions  to  the  other  branches.  Shortly 
after  the  independence  of  Mexico  the  holder  of  the  title,  Alonso  Marcilla  de 
Teruel  Montezuma,  came  over  with  the  intention  of  asserting  his  claim  to  the 
throne  of  his  forefathers,  but  the  prudent  possessors  of  the  power  thought  it 
best  not  to  admit  him,  and  he  passed  on  to  New  Orleans,  there  to  put  an  end 
to  his  life  some  years  later.  Prescott  understands  that  the  septuagenarian 
had  been  disappointed  in  love.  Mex.,  ii.  352.  Several  members  of  the  Spanish 
nobility  have  intermarried  with  this  line,  among  them  a branch  of  the  Guzman 
family,  whence  the  claim  made  for  the  consort  of  Napoleon  III.  of  having 
Montezuma’s  blood  in  her  veins.  Gondra  gives  a portrait  of  a member  married 
into  the  Mendoza  family.  Prescott's  Mex.  (ed.  Mex.  1845),  219.  One  of  the 
line,  Padre  Louis  de  Montezuma,  wrote  the  Iiistoria  del  Emperador,  which 
has  been  consulted  by  Alaman,  Disert.,  i.  app.  ii.  158.  Clavigero  gives  a 
genealogic  table  in  Storia  Mess. , iii.  235.  and  Carbajal,  while  plagiarizing  the 
statements  and  blunders  of  others,  adds  a few  of  his  own.  Hist.  Mex. , ii. 
37S-88.  In  Fonseca,  Hist.  Hacienda,  i.  455  et  seq.,  are  to  be  found  several 
valuable  extracts  concerning  titles  and  estates;  also  in  Reales  Cidulas,  MS., 
i.  pt.  i.  5,  ii.  4 etc. ; Certificacion  de  las  Mercedes,  MS.;  Mex.  Mem.  Hacienda, 
1S43,  35-6;  Fuenlecd,  Carta,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  xiii.  222. 
The  family  name  has  been  spelled  in  different  ways,  also  by  its  possessors,  as 
Motezuma,  Muteczuma,  Moctezuma,  Mocthecuzoma,  Motecuhzuma,  Moteuh- 
zuma ; but  Montezuma  is  the  most  common  form. 

The  Historia  de  las  hidias  de  Nueva-Espaiia  y Mas  de  Tierra  Firme,  by 
Father  Diego  Duran,  is  claimed  by  its  author,  in  the  introductory  to  chapter 
lxxiv.,  to  be  devoted  essentially  to 'the  life  and  rule  of  this  monarch,  ‘cuya 


DURAN  AND  ACOSTA. 


461 


vida  6 historia  yo  escribo.’  The  preparation  of  the  work  was  more  directly 
prompted  by  a compassion  for  the  maltreated  natives,  whose  champion  he 
constituted  himself,  in  common  with  so  many  of  the  friars.  This  spirit  led 
him  naturally  to  color  the  occurrences  of  the  conquest ; and  a non-critical 
acceptance  of  whimsical  legends  and  statements  in  favor  of  his  prot6g6s  - 
tends  further  to  reduce  the  value  of  the  work.  His  deep  interest  in  the  abo- 
rigines and  their  history  may  be  explained  by  the  fact  that  he  was  born  at 
Tezcuco,  of  a native  mother.  Franco  wrongly  calls  him  Pedro,  and  Clavigero, 
Fernando.  He  professed  as  a Dominican  at  Mexico,  in  1556,  with  missionary 
aspirations,  no  doubt,  but  a delicate  constitution  and  constant  suffering  con- 
fined him  rather  to  the  monastery,  and  directed  his  efforts  to  researches  and 
writing.  Castellanos,  Defen-sa,  28,  attributes  several  works  to  him,  and 
Eguiara,  Bib.  Mex. , 324,  the  compilation  of  the  Dominican  history  of  Davila 
Padilla,  though  not  the  style  and  form.  Ddvila  also,  ‘scrisse  la  Storia  antica 
de’  Messicani,  servendosi  de’  materiali  raccolti  gia  da  Ferdinando  Duran 
Domenicano  da  Tezcuco;  ma  questa  opera  non  si  trova.’  Clavigero,  Storia 
Miss. , i.  13.  But  this  may  be  a mistake.  A similar  rewriting  would 
have  greatly  improved  the  Wstoria  de  las  Lidias,  which  is  exceedingly 
unpolished  and  slovenly,  full  of  repetitions  and  bad  spelling,  and  show- 
ing great  poverty  of  expression.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  relieved  by  an 
admirable  portrayal  of  character  and  knowledge  of  human  nature,  and  by 
a minute  study  of  the  effect  of  conversion  on  the  natives.  The  work  con- 
sists of  three  tratados,  the  first  in  78  chapters,  giving  the  history  of  Mexico 
from  its  origin  to  the  conquest,  terminating  with  the  expedition  to  Hon- 
duras. This  was  completed  in  1581,  while  the  other  two  were  finished 
two  years  before.  The  second  tratado,  in  23  chapters,  treats  of  Mex- 
ican divinities  and  rites,  and  the  third,  in  two,  or  more  properly  nineteen, 
chapters,  of  calendar  and  festivals.  Padre  Duran  died  in  1588,  leaving  the 
manuscripts  to  Juan  Tovar,  D Avila  Padilla,  Ilist.  Fend.  Mex.,  653,  who  gave 
them  to  Acosta,  then  occupied  in  preparing  his  Natura  Novi  Orb's,  and 
other  works.  The  contribution  came  most  opportunely,  and  was  used  chiefly 
f >r  his  account  of  Mexico,  as  he  frankly  admits,  though  giving  the  credit  to 
Tovar,  who  may  have  claimed  the  authorship.  On  the  strength  of  this  state- 
ment Clavigero,  with  others,  confirms  the  claim  to  the  ‘nobilissimo  Gesuita 
Messicano  ’ Torquemada,  i.  170-1,  ii.  120,  himself  not  spotless,  takes  ad- 
vantage of  the  confession  to  rail  at  Acosta  for  borrowed  iffumage,  mutilated 
at  that.  The  manuscripts,  now  in  the  Biblioteca  Nacional  de  Madrid,  are 
written  in  double  columns  and  illustrated  with  numerous  plates.  Pinelo, 
Epitome,  ii.  711,  refers  to  them  as  in  two  parts.  A few  copies  have  been  taken, 
mine  forming  three  volumes.  A set  obtained  by  .Jos6  Fernando  Ramirez,  one 
of  Maximilian’s  ministers,  was  prepared  by  him  for  publication,  but,  owing  to 
the  death  of  the  imperial  patron,  only  the  first  68  chapters  were  issued  at 
Mexico,  1867,  in  one  volume,  with  notes  and  considerable  changes  of  the 
style.  This  mutilation,  as  some  term  it,  may  have  been  a reason  for  the 
seizure  of  the  whole  edition,  together  with  the  separate  plates,  by  the  repub- 
lican government.  Only  a few  copies  escaped  this  fate,  one  of  which  I suc- 
ceeded in  obtaining.  Although  independent  issue  was  long  withheld  from 
Duran,  he  has  at  least  enjoyed  the  honor  of  being  associated  with  one  pos- 
sessed of  far  greater  fame  than  he  himself  could  ever  hope  to  achieve. 

The  motives  which  impelled  Joseph  de  Acosta  to  write  on  America  were 
quite  pretentious.  Among  the  many  Spanish  books  on  the  New  World,  he  says : 

‘ I have  not  seene  any  other  author  which  treates  of  the  causes  and  reasons  of 
these  novelties  and  wonders  of  nature,  or  that  hath  made  any  search  thereof. 
Neither  have  I read  any  booke  which  maketh  mention  of  the  histories 
of  the  antient  Indians,  and  naturall  inhabitants.’  With  a view  to  repair 
these  omissions  he  issued  De  Natvra  Novi  Orbis  libri  dvo,  et  de  Promvlga- 
tione  Evangelii,  apvd  Harbor  os,  give  de  Procvranda  Indorvm  Salute  Libri  sex. 
Salmanticce,  15S9.  The  first  part,  De  Natura,  is  a philosophic  dissertation 
on  physical  features,  on  the  probable  knowledge  among  the  ancients  of  a 
western  hemisphere,  and  on  the  origin  of  the  Indians.  The  second  part,  in 


4G2 


DEATH  OF  MONTEZUMA. 


six  bocks,  bearing  a separate  imprint  under  1588,  though  published  only  in 
connection  with  the  previous  two  books,  treats  entirely  of  the  method  and 
progress  of  Indian  conversion.  The  Nutura  was  translated  into  Spanish,  and 
incorporated,  with  some  amendments,  in  the  Historia  Natvral  y moral  de  las 
Lidias , Sevilla,  1590,  dedicated  to  Infanta  Isabel,  which  treats  also  of  Indian 
history  and  customs,  and  refers  briefly  to  the  conquest.  The  work  achieved 
great  success,  and  was  reproduced  in  numerous  editions,  in  nearly  every 
language,  though  often  without  Acosta’s  name,  and  in  distorted  form,  as  in 
De  Bry  and  some  German  versions.  This  may  not  be  considered  bad  treat- 
ment by  those  who  charge  Acosta  with  plagiarism,  although  he  frankly  ad- 
mits following  a number  of  authors,  among  them  ‘ es  vno  Polo  Ondegardo, 
aquien  communmente  sigo  en  las  cosas  de  el  Piru : y en  las  materias  de  Mexico 
loan  de  Touar  prebendado  que  fue  de  la  Iglesia  de  Mexico,  y agora  es  religioso 
de  nuestra  Compaiiia  de  Iesvs.  El  qual  por  orden  del  Virrey  hizo  d5  Martin 
Enriquez  diligete,  y copiosa  auerigaciO  de  las  historias  antiguas.  ’ See  p.  396. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  the  interest  and  value  of  the  work  are  owing  chiefly 
to  the  circumstance  that  the  original  authorities  have  remained  sealed,  until 
lately  at  least;  for,  despite  its  pretentious  aim,  the  pages  are  marred  by 
frequent  indications  of  the  then  prevalent  superstition  and  credulity.  The 
Procvrando  Indorvm  Salvtc  is  more  in  consonance  with  the  character  of  the 
Jesuit  missionary  and  scholastic. 

Bom  at  Medina  del  Campo  about  1539,  he  had  in  his  fourteenth  year  joined 
the  Society,  to  which  four  brothers  already  belonged.  After  studying  and 
teaching  theology  at  Ocana,  he  proceeded  in  1571  to  Peru,  where  he  became 
the  second  provincial  of  his  order.  Returning  to  Spain  seventeen  years  later — 
‘ post  annos  in  Peruano  regno  exactos  quindeciem,  in  Mexicano  & Insularibus 
duos,’  says  the  dedication  of  1588  to  Philip  II.,  in  De  Natvra  of  1589 — he 
gained  tlxe  favor  of  the  king,  occupied  the  offices  of  visitador  and  superior, 
and  died  as  rector  at  Salamanca,  February  15,  1600.  Sevei-al  other  works,  in 
print  and  manuscript,  chiefly  theologic,  are  attributed  to  him — see  Camus, 
104—13 — among  them  De  la  crianca  de  Cyro,  dedicated  to  Filipe  III.  in  1592, 
which  was  also  a borrowed  text,  from  Xenophon,  and  remained  a manuscript 
in  the  Royal  Librarv. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 


LA  NOCHE  TRISTE. 

Junk  30,  1520. 

The  Captive-King  Drama  Carried  too  Far — Better  had  the  Span- 
iards Taken  Montezuma’s  Advice,  and  have  Departed  while 
Opportunity  Offered — Diplomatic  Value  of  a Dead  Body— Ne- 
cessity for  an  Immediate  Evacuation  of  the  City — Departure  from 
the  Fort — Midnight  Silence — Thu  City  Roused  by  a Woman’s 
Cry  — The  Fugitives  Fiercely  Attacked  on  All  Sides  — More 
Horrors. 

And  now  what  must  have  been  the  feelings  of  the 
invaders,  who,  like  the  ancient  mariner,  had  killed 
the  bird  that  made  the  breeze  blow ! For  assuredly 
they  were  responsible  for  the  emperor’s  death.  Indeed, 
the  direct  charge  of  murder  against  Cortes  has  not 
been  wanting,  even  among  Spanish  chroniclers;  but 
this  was  owing  greatly  to  the  effort  of  the  general  to 
extricate  the  army  from  its  desperate  situation  while 
the  enemy  was  supposed  to  be  distracted  by  grief  and 
engaged  in  solemn  obsequies.  We  may  be  sure,  how- 
ever, that  the  Spaniards  did  not  kill  Montezuma ; that 
they  did  not  even  desire  his  death;  but  regarded  it 
at  this  juncture  as  the  greatest  misfortune  which  could 
happen  to  them.1  For  in  the  vast  evolvings  of  their 
fast,  unfathomable  destiny,  they  were  now  all  like 
sea-gulls  poised  in  mid-air  while  following  a swiftly 
flying  ship. 

1 According  to  the  version  of  the  rabid  Duran,  based  on  native  paintings 
and  narratives,  the  bodies  of  the  prisoners  were  found  in  the  fort  after 
its  evacuation,  that  of  Montezuma  with  five  stabs  in  the  breast.  Hist, 
hid.,  MS.,  ii.  477-9.  Acosta  seems  rather  to  favor  the  story,  improbable  as 
several  of  its  points  are.  1 list.  Ind.,  524.  To  some  extent  it  rests  on  the 
statement  repeated  by  Ixtlilxochitl,  which  assumes  that  Cacama,  who  had 

(463) 


4G4 


LA  NOCHE  TRISTE. 


It  is  interesting  to  note  the  manoeuvring  on  both 
sides  over  the  dead  monarch,  who  having  minis- 
tered so  faithfully  to  his  enemies  while  living,  must 
needs  continue  in  the  service  after  death.  The.  hostile 
chiefs  were  called  and  informed  of  the  sad  conse- 

made  himself  particularly  obnoxious  to  the  Spaniards,  was  killed  with  47 
stabs  before  the  fort  was  evacuated.  Hist.  Chick.,  301.  A more  severe  account  is 
found  in  a manuscript  fragment  in  Ramirez’  collection,  written  by  a Tezcucan, 
wherein  it  is  related  that  a sword  was  thrust  into  the  intestines,  ‘por  la  parte 
baxa.’  The  body  was  thereupon  taken  to  the  roof,  as  if  to  address  the 
people.  A stone  struck  the  head,  and  now  the  Spaniards  proclaimed  that  this 
had  caused  the  death.  .S'oc.  Mex.  Geoj. , Boletin,  x.  302.  This  is  substantially 
repeated  in  Ixtlilxochitl,  Bel.,  457.  A stronger  testimony,  however,  conies 
from  Sahagun,  who  states  that  Cort6s  recommended  to  his  followers  the  mur- 
der of  the  prisoners  in  order  to  terrify  the  natives  and  to  assume  the  mastery. 
‘ Y lo  primero  que  hicieron,  fue  dhr  Garrote  ii  Motecuhpuma,  y ix  Itzquauhtzin, 
Senor  de  Tlatelolco,  y h otros.’  Version  in  Torquemcula,  i.  498,  and  in  Saha- 
gun,  Hist.  Conq.  [ed.  1S40],  113.  The  issue,  modified  by  the  censor,  merely 
states  that  the  bodies  were  found  near  a stone,  Teoaioc,  outside  the  fort.  Id. 
[cd.  1829],  31.  This  account  has  received  its  chief  support  in  the  quasi 
admission  of  Torquemada ; and  when  he,  the  otherwise  zealous  champion  of 
the  conquerors,  takes  such  a view,  others  may  be  pardoned  for  accepting  it.  ‘ Y 
que  esto  aia  sido  asi,  puede  ser  posible,  pues  para  tenerse  por  seguros,  ie 
avian  prendido ; y viendo  agora,  que  no  bastaba  la  prision,  vsarian  de  este 
vltimo  medio,  para  ver  si  le  aplacaban,  y atemorifaban  estos  Mexicanos.’ 
i.  498-9.  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  accepts  the  version,  and  adds  that  Monte- 
zuma was  told  of  his  fate  and  urged  to  accept  baptism.  ‘ On  repandit 
aussitot  la  nouvelle  de  sa  mort  comme  s’il  efit  expire  naturellement.  ’ Hence 
even  the  soldiers  did  not  know  of  the  murder.  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  330-1. 
Bustamante,  of  course,  adopts  anything  Sahagun  may  say  against  the  Span- 
iards; and  Carbajal  takes  Torquemada’s  view.  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  375.  as  does 
Beltrami,  eager  for  any  sensation.  Mex.,  ii.  145.  Vetancurt  seeks  to  recon- 
cile conflicting  opinions  by  assuming  that  when  Montezuma  died  Itzquauhtzin 
and  several  other  prisoners  were  murdered  and  cast  out  together  with  the 
emperor’s  body,  hi  order  to  terrify  the  Mexicans  and  occupy  their  attention 
while  the  Spaniards  hurried  away.  Teatro  Mex. , pt.  iii.  142.  ‘ Io  non  posso  per- 
suadermi,’  says  Clavigero,  ‘die  gli  Spagnuoli  si  risolvessero  a toglier  la  vita 
ad  un  Re,  a cui  doveano  tanti  beni,  e dalla  cui  morte  non  potevano  aspettarsi, 
se  non  molti  mali. ’ Stnria  Mess.,  iii.  131.  Solis  cannot  believe  Cortes  guilty 
of  an  act  so  bad  and  reckless.  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  150-1.  Prescott  disposes  of  the 
charge  as  an  ‘absurdity’  and  a ‘monstrous  imputation.’  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  321. 
It  must  be  considered,  however,  that  the  Spaniards  did  seek  to  profit  by  the 
death;  and  scruples  about  ‘ killing  a dog  of  an  Indian,’  as  they  had  so  lately 
termed  him,  could  not  have  weighed  with  such  men  when  their  interests 
were  concerned;  how  much  less  when  their  lives  were  at  stake?  The  whole 
argument,  then,  may  be  said  to  depend  on  the  question  whether  Montezuma 
was  more  valuable  as  captive  or  as  corpse.  If  the  people  manifested  little 
respect  for  the  living  ruler,  the  Spaniards  could  have  had  no  reason  to  expect 
more  for  the  dead.  His  death  would  only  have  loosened  the  bond  which  still 
restrained  a vast  number,  whether  of  kindred  or  of  mere  subjects,  and  given 
the  hostile  leaders  fresh  motives  and  strength  for  their  operations.  Besides, 
Montezuma  must  have  retained  a great  influence  outside  the  city,  which  a 
fugitive  army  would  have  found  of  service.  The  recognition  of  this  influ- 
ence is  shown  by  the  efforts  made  to  save  the  imperial  children,  as  noticed 
even  by  the  most  rabid  accusers  of  the  Spaniards.  It  may  be  mentioned 
that  no  charge  is  brought  forward  in  the  residencias  either  against  Cortes  or 
Alvarado. 


THE  EMPEROR’S  BODY. 


465 


qucnces  of  their  outrage  on  the  emperor.  The  body 
would  be  sent  to  them,  so  that  they  might  accord 
it  the  last  honors.  The  leaders  replied  curtly  that 
they  had  now  a new  chief,  and  cared  no  longer  for 
Montezuma,  dead  or  alive.  The  corpse  was  neverthe- 
less carefully  arrayed  in  fitting  robes  and  given  in 
charge  of  two  prisoners,  a priest  and  a chief,2  with  in- 
structions to  carry  it  to  the  Mexican  camp,  and 
explain  the  circumstances  of  the  death  and  the  grief 
of  the  Spaniards.  On  appearing  outside  the  fort  a 
leader  motioned  them  back,  and  would  probably  have 
used  force  but  for  the  priestly  character  of  the  bearers, 
behind  whom  the  gate  had  been  closed.  A few  mo- 
ments later  they  disappeared  from  view.  The  disre- 
spect shown  the  living  was  not  spared  the  dead.  As 
the  corpse  was  borne  through  the  streets  jeers  and 
insults  fell  from  lips  which  formerly  kissed  the  ground 
on  which  the  monarch  had  stood.  Many  declared 
that  a coward  like  Montezuma,  who  had  brought  so 
many  misfortunes  on  the  country,  was  not  worthy  of 
even  ordinary  burial.3  The  imperial  party  managed, 
however,  to  secure  the  body,  and,  assisted  by  those  to 
whom  the  royal  blood  and  high  priestly  character  of 
the  deceased  outweighed  other  feelings,  an  honorable 
though  quiet  cremation  was  accorded  in  the  Celpalco, 
where  Sahagun  intimates  that  the  ashes  remained.4 


2 Apanecatl,  according  to  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ. , iv.  332. 
Bernal  Diaz  sends  these  men  to  carry  the  news  of  the  death,  and  following 
them  were  six  high  personages  and  most  of  the  captive  priests,  carrying  the 
body.  Hist.  Verdad.,  105. 

3 Stones  were  thrown  upon  the  cortege,  and  it  was  driven  from  quarter  to 
quarter.  Finally  Apanecatl  took  refuge  in  the  palace  where  Cuitlahuatzin 
held  forth,  and  appealed  to  him,  only  to  be  repulsed  by  his  courtiers.  The 
body  was  nevertheless  secured  by  a friendly  party.  Manuscrit  Nuhuatl,  1576 , 
in  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  333. 

4 ‘ Hicieron  todas  las  solemnidades  que  solian  hacer. . . . Mocthecuzoma  lo 

enterraron  en  Mexico ....  algunos  decian  mal  de  Mocthecuzoma  porque  habia 
sido  muy  cruel.’  Hist.  Cong.,  31.  ‘ Vimos  4 hiziero  muy  gran  llanto,  q bie 

oimos  las  gritas,  y aullidos  q por  fel  dauan.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  105. 
‘ Hizieron  muy  gran  llanto,  para  enterrar  al  rey  en  Chapultepec.  Gomara, 
Hist.  Mex.,  154.  Herrera  combines  these  two  authorities  in  saying  ‘le 
deuieron  de  enterrar  en  el  monte  de  Chapultepeque,  porque  alii  se  oy6  vn 
gran  llanto.’  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  x.  He  forgets  that  Chapultepec  lay  three 
miles  off.  Torquemada  corrects  Herrera,  and  insists  that  the  ‘ Copalco’  was 

Hist.  Hkx.,  Yol.  I.  30 


4G6 


LA  NOCHE  TRISTE. 


Shortly  after  the  body  had  left  the  Spanish  quarters 
Cortes  sent  a fresh  message  to  the  Mexicans,  believing 
that  by  this  tune  the  presence  of  the  august  dead 
might  have  had  its  effect  on  them.  He  pointed  out 
the  respect  due  to  the  remains  of  a sovereign,  and  pro- 
posed a cessation  of  hostilities  with  that  view,  and 
till  they  had  elected  a successor,  one  more  worthy  than 
the  present  leader,  who  had  driven  them  to  rebel.5 
The  chiefs  replied  that  the  Spaniards  need  trouble 
themselves  about  nothing  but  their  own  safety.  They 
might  come  forth,  they  added  tauntingly,  to  arrange 
a truce  with  their  new  leader,  whose  heart  was  not  so 
easily  moulded  as  that  of  Montezuma.  Respect  for 
the  emperor,  the  Spaniards  replied,  had  made  them 
hitherto  lenient  toward  his  people,  but  if  they  re- 
mained obstinate  no  further  mercy  would  be  shown, 
and  not  one  Mexican  would  be  spared.  “Two  days 
hence  not  one  Spaniard  will  be  alive!”  was  the  retort. 

Hostilities  were  thereupon  resumed,  and  Cortes 
did  not  delay  the  prearranged  attempt  to  complete 
the  capture  of  the  approach  to  Tlacopan.  The  pres- 
ence of  the  imperial  corpse  had  either  a retarding 
influence  on  the  movements  of  the  enemy,  or  else  the 
Spaniards  sallied  unexpectedly  and  fought  with  greater 
energy,  for  the  four  remaining  bridges  were  gained 
with  little  difficulty,  and  twenty  horsemen  passed  on 
to  the  shore,  while  the  infantry  and  allies  took  posses- 
sion of  the  route,  and  began  filling  in  the  channels 
with  debris,  so  as  to  form  a solid  path,  or  to  repair  the 

the  place.  He  gives  specimens  of  the  insults  offered  during  the  cremation, 
i.  499.  ‘Estaban  indignados  contra  61.’  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hint.  Chick.,  301.  It 
has  been  asserted  by  some,  says  Duran,  that  the  ashes  were  scattered  to  the 
winds,  as  unworthy  of  preservation.  Hist.  Ltd,.,  MS.,  ii.  479.  Acosta  attempts 
a modification  by  stating  that  the  body  being  contemptuously  rejected,  a ser- 
vant burned  it,  ‘ypuso  sus  cenizas  dode  pudo  cn  lugar  harto  desechado.’ 
J Hat.  Ind. , 524.  The  burial-place  has  certainly  not  been  pointed  out  to  pos- 
terity. According  to  Sahagun,  the  body  of  Itzquauhtzin  was  ‘cast  forth’ 
from  the  quarters,  together  with  that  of  Montezuma,  and  was  taken  in  charge 
by  his  subjects  of  Tlatelulco,  by  whom  he  was  greatly  beloved  and  mourned, 
ubi  sup.  To  ‘cast  forth’  the  bodies  could  have  been  only  a needless  insult, 
which  Cortes  was  too  prudent  to  inflict  on  the  people. 

5 ‘Que  alcasscn  a su  primo  del  Montezuma,  que  con  nosotros  estaua,  por 

Rey.  ’ Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  105.  ‘Dixo  Cortes el  se  queria  hallar 

a sus  honras.  ’ Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  x. 


HOLLOW  PEACE  PROPOSALS. 


4G7 


bridges  at  the  deeper  places.  At  this  time  a messen- 
ger arrived  with  the  announcement  from  the  chiefs 
who  were  directing  the  siege  of  the  fort  that  they 
were  willing  to  treat  for  peace.  Leaving  the  forces 
in  charge  of  Velazquez,  Cortes  hurried  with  some 
horsemen  to  answer  the  welcome  summons.  The 
chiefs  proposed  that  if  pardon  was  granted  them  for 
past  offences  they  would  raise  the  siege,  repair  the 
bridges  and  causeways,  and  return  to  peaceful  inter- 
course. In  order  to  arrange  the  conditions  they  de- 
manded the  liberation  of  the  captured  high-priest. 
This  was  at  once  agreed  to,  and  after  some  discussion 
messengers  were  despatched  to  different  parts  of  the 
city,  bearing  orders,  it  was  said,  to  stay  hostilities. 

It  is  somewhat  singular  that  the  astute  Cortes 
should  have  given  such  ready  credence  to  proposals 
so  advantageous  to  himself.  Yet  this  appears  to  have 
been  the  case.  Delighted  with  the  happy  adjust- 
ment of  affairs,  he  ordered  prepared  a grand  supper; 
but  he  had  hardly  seated  himself  at  table  before 
tidings  reached  him  that  the  Mexicans  had  returned 
to  the  attack  on  the  causeway,  largely  reinforced  by 
land  and  water,  and  were  regaining  the  bridges  taken 
that  day.  The  conference  had  been  a ruse  to  throw 
the  Spaniards  off  their  guard,  to  obtain  the  release  of 
the  high-priest,  from  whom  besides  much  information 
was  expected  about  the  condition  of  the  besieged, 
and  to  gain  time  for  bringing  up  reinforcements.6 
Fearful  that  his  retreat  would  yet  be  cut  off,  Cortes 
galloped  back  to  the  causeway,  threw  himself  on  the 
enemy,  recovered  the  bridges,  and  was  soon  in  hot 
pursuit  of  the  flying  Mexicans.  He  had  not  pro- 
ceeded far,  however,  when  the  Indians,  who  had 
rushed  for  safety  into  the  lake  and  the  canals,  were 


6 Prescott,  following  Clavigero,  assumes  that  the  whole  was  an  artifice  to 
liberate  the  two  captive  priests,  one  of  whom  was  indispensable  in  the  event 
of  a coronation.  Mex.,  ii.  338.  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  supposes  that  the  par- 
ley was  conducted  by  the  party  favorable  to  the  Spaniards,  and  duped  by  the 
stronger  faction,  which  never  intended  to  adhere  to  the  arrangement.  Hut, 
flat.  Civ.,  321. 


4C3 


LA  NOCHE  TPJSTE. 


encouraged  to  return  to  the  attack  and  cut  off  the 
cavalry.  With  furious  charges  they  drove  the  guard 
from  the  bridges,  and  began  to  destroy  them  and 
remove  the  filling.7  The  causeway  swarmed  again 
with  foes,  and  the  water  round  it  was  alive  with  canoes, 
whence  myriads  of  missiles  were  directed  against  the 
horsemen  as  they  pushed  their  way  back.  On  reach- 
ing the  last  causeway  breach,  nearest  the  city,  the 
riders  feared  they  would  be  overwhelmed,  for  here 
the  enemy  was  gathered  in  masses  and  had  destroyed 
the  passage.  Nothing  was  left  for  them  but  to  take 
to  the  water,  midst  a storm  of  stones  and  darts,  while 
lines  of  spears  and  javelins  pressed  against  them  from 
the  land  and  from  canoes.  The  party  was  thrown  in 
disorder,  and  one  rider  was  pitched  from  his  saddle 
during  the  melee,  obstructing  the  passage  to  the  rest.8 
Cortds  remained  the  last  to  cover  the  retreat,  and 
single-handed  now  and  then  turned  on  the  swarming 
warriors,  striking  with  the  energy  of  despair.  Eager 
to  secure  the  great  general,  the  enemy  pressed  heavily 
upon  him,  and  but  for  the  stout  armor  protecting 
himself  and  the  horse  he  would  certainly  have  per- 
ished. As  it  was,  he  received  two  severe  wounds  in 
the  knee,  besides  many  scratches.  The  last  Spaniard 
having  left  the  bank,  Cortes  rang  loud  his  San  Pedro 
cry,  and  clearing  the  way  he  leaped  his  heavily  laden 
horse  across  the  chasm,  six  feet  in  width,  and  quickly 
left  behind  him  the  discomfited  crowd.  “ Had  not 
God  helped  me,”  he  writes,  “that  moment  would  have 
been  my  last.”  Indeed,  it  was  already  rumored  in  the 
city  that  he  was  dead.  It  being  found  impossible  to 
hold  the  causeway  bridges,  a guard  was  left  only  at 
the  others,  while  the  remainder  of  the  troops  returned 
to  the  fort,  worn-out  and  demoralized.9 

7 ‘Como  los  peones  estaban  cansados  y heridos  y atemorizados; . . . .ninguno 
me  siguid.  A cuya  causa,  despuds  de  pasadas  yo  las  puentes ....  las  halld  toma- 
das.  ’ Cortts,  Cartas,  134.  Where  had  he  left  his  prudence? 

8 ‘ Halid  & todos  los  de  caballo  que  conmigo  iban,  caidos  en  ella,  y un  caballo 
suelto.’  Id. 

9 With  a loss  of  over  twenty  men.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  105.  This 
author  places  all  the  fighting  on  the  causeway  on  one  day,  a Thursday,  the 


EVACUATION  RESOLVED  ON. 


4G9 


Long  since  it  had  been  agreed  among  the  Span- 
iards that  the  city  must  be  evacuated;  time  and 
method  were  the  only  questions.  The  former  of  these 
was  now  resolved  on  by  the  council : it  should  be  this 
very  night.  It  was  safer  to  meet  the  issue  now.  than 
later.  The  enemy  was  hourly  reinforced.  Perilous 
indeed  was  the  undertaking  to  pass  with  luggage, 
war  stores,  prisoners,  and  women  over  the  broken 
causeway  in  the  darkness;  but  to  remain  was  death. 
Botello,  the  astrologer,  had  declared  for  this  time, 
and  so  it  was  determined.  For  Botello  was  wise  aud 
prudent,  knowing  Latin  and  the  stars ; he  had  foretold 
the  greatness  of  Cortes,  and  had  recommended  his 
night  attack  on  Narvaez,  and  general  and  soldiers 
believed  in  him.10  Had  he  lived  a century  or  two 
later  his  words  might  have  been  employed  as  the  vox 
stellarum  by  the  almanac  makers.  The  Mexicans  had 
said  that  they  would  make  it  a time  of  sore  distress, 
any  attempted  escape  of  the  intruders,  a time  when 
men  must  struggle,  and  women  would  pray  and  weep ; 
and  if  so,  it  were  no  worse  for  the  fugitives  that  black 
night  should  fling  her  mantle  over  the  bloody  scene. 

Since  the  Indians  were  supposed  to  have  destroyed 
the  crossing  at  the  causeway  channels,  a portable 


day  of  evacuating  Mexico,  and  the  day  following  the  surrender  of  Montezuma’s 
body.  Herrera,  who  is  far  more  confused,  has  a sally  on  this  day  in  three 
directions,  one  being  the  Tlacopan  road;  but  the  operations  on  the  latter  route 
are  only  partially  told,  and  the  rest  referred  to  the  third  day  of  the  siege. 
There  are  also  several  contradictions  to  aid  in  confusing  the  many  who  follow 
him.  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xi.  Prescott  abandons  himself  to  the  guidance 
of  Clavigero  for  the  occurrences  of  these  days,  but  embellishes  the  narrative 
with  some  incidents  belonging  to  the  siege  of  Alvarado. 

10  ‘ Botello ....  afirmd  que . . . . supiessen  que  moriria  el  o su  hermano,  y 
algunos  de  la  copafiia,  y qui  se  saluaria  el  Capitan,  y otros  muchos,  y ninguno 
si  salian  de  dia.’  Herrera,  doc.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xi.  ‘Hora  lo  creyesen,  hora  no.’ 
Gomara,  Hist,  if  ex.,  159.  ‘ Anteponendo  le  vane  osservazioni  di  quel  meschino 
Soldato  alia  luce  della  prudenza  militare,’  is  the  indignant  comment  of  Clavi- 
gero, Storia  Mess.,  iii.  135.  But  there  is  no  doubt  that  ‘military  prudence’ 
had  more  weight  in  the  matter  than  Botello ’s  words,  and  that  the  result  was 
not  due  to  his  advice.  Solis  casts  the  blame  of  crediting  the  ‘ignorant  char- 
latan’ Botello  chiefly  on  the  majority  of  the  council,  to  whom  Cortes  yielded. 
Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  171-2.  In  order  to  lull  any  suspicions  among  the  Mexicans, 
says  Bernal  Diaz,  a leading  priest  and  some  other  captives  were  sent  to  the 
Mexican  camp  with  a proposal  to  surrender  all  the  gold  if  the  Spaniards  were 
allowed  to  leave  in  peace  eight  days  later.  Hist.  Verdad. , 105. 


470 


LA  NOCHE  TRISTE. 


bridge  was  made  with  which  to  effect  the  passage. 
Two  more  would  probably  have  been  made  had  time 
and  convenience  permitted,  but  misfortune  willed  it 
otherwise.  It  was  agreed  that  a large  portion  of  the 
effects  must  be  left  behind  in  order  not  to  encumber 
the  march,  but  the  gold  demanded  special  care.  The 
royal  officials,  Mejia  and  Avila,  were  charged  to  secure 
it,  and  for  this  purpose  a number  of  carriers  were  as- 
signed, the  general  giving  also  one  of  his  OAvn  mares. 
Their  convoy  was  intrusted  to  a body  of  infantry, 
under  Alonso  de  Escobar.11  The  secretary,  Hernandez, 
and  the  royal  notaries  were  called  to  testify  that  all 
had  been  done  that  was  possible.  There  still  remained 
a large  quantity  of  the  bulky  jewels  belonging  to  the 
king,  besides  a mass  of  unappropriated  treasure,  which 
could  not  be  intrusted  to  carriers,  or  for  which  no 
carriers  were  found,  and  rather  than  leave  them  to 
the  ‘Indian  dogs’  Cort&s  announced  that  the  soldiers 
might  take  all  they  wished — after  permitting  his  favor- 
ites the  first  selection.  He  warned  them,  however, 
that  the  more  they  took  the  more  their  safety  would 
be  endangered.  The  adherents  of  Cortfis  do  not  ap- 
pear to  have  been  eager  to  encumber  themselves,  and 
Bernal  Diaz  shared  this  prudence  in  taking  only  four 
chalchiuite  stones.  The  men  of  Narvaez  practised 
less  restraint,  and  many  loaded  themselves  with  the 
metal.  Cortes  was  afterward  charged  with  having 
appropriated  a considerable  share  of  the  wealth  thus 
thrown  open;  he  certainly  had  funds  with  which  to 
send  for  horses,  war  material,  and  supplies.12 

11  Lejalde,  Secjunda  Prob.,  in  Icazbalceta , Col.  Doc.,  ii.  424.  For  carrying  the 
royal  treasures  ‘ les  did  siete  cauallos  heridos,  y cojos,  y vna  yegua,  y muchos 
Indios  Tlascaltecas,  que  segun  dixeron,  fueron  mas  de  ochenta.  ’ Bernal  Diaz, 
Hist.  Verdad.,  106. 

12  Bernal  Diaz,  for  instance,  states  that  he  had  hardly  taken  the  four 
chalchiuites  for  his  share,  from  a collection  in  a mat,  when  Cortes  gave  orders 
to  his  mayordomo  to  secure  it.  loc.  cit.  His  penchant  for  appropriating  large 
shares  to  himself  is  well  known.  Greed  of  gold  was  not  now  his  motive,  how- 
ever, but  rather  a prudential  care  to  secure  means  for  his  plans,  and  he  could 
hardly  neglect  them  when  taking  so  great  care  of  the  royal  portion.  Martyr, 
Gomara,  and  Herrera  estimate  the  treasure  at  700,000  ducats,  chiefly  in 
bulky  jewels  according  to  Gomara.  Bernal  Diaz  reckons  in  pesos,  which  may 
mean  pesos  de  oro.  Peter  Martyr  assumes  it  to  have  been  the  general  fund, 


ASSIGNMENT  OF  DUTIES. 


471 


Sandoval  was  appointed  to  lead  the  van,  with  two 
hundred  infantry  and  twenty  horsemen,  assisted  by 
Ordaz,  Andres  de  Tapia,  and  others.  With  him  went 
fifty  men  under  Captain  Magarino  to  carry  the  bridge. 
They  were  pledged  to  remain  at  their  post  to  the  last, 
and  were  escorted  by  a select  body  of  infantry  and  allies. 
For  the  middle  were  destined  the  baggage  and  treasure, 
the  prisoners  and  the  sick,  under  a large  escort,  super- 
vised by  Cortes  himself,  who,  with  Olid,  Morla,  Avila, 
and  other  captains,  and  a special  force  of  one  hundred 
men,  were  to  render  aid  where  needed.  The  artillery 
was  intrusted  to  two  hundred  and  fifty  Tlascaltecs  and 
fifty  soldiers,  and  the  rear  was  placed  in  charge  of 
Alvarado  and  Velazquez,  with  thirty  horsemen  and 
about  one  hundred  adherents  of  Cortes,  with  most  of 
the  men  of  Narvaez.  The  allied  forces,  of  whom  a 
number  appear  to  have  returned  home  during  the 
inaction  of  Montezuma’s  captivity,  and  who  had 
suffered  greatly  during  the  siege,  must  still  have 
numbered  nearly  six  thousand  men,  including  car- 
riers, distributed  among  the  three  divisions.13  Among 
the  prisoners  Cortes  enumerates  the  legitimate  son  of 
Montezuma,  and  two  of  his  daughters,  probably  those 
bestowed  on  the  general  in  marriage,  King  Cacama 
and  his  younger  brother  and  successor,  and  several 


from  which  the  royal  fifth  had  been  set  apart  only  at  the  last  moment,  but 
not  apportioned,  dec.  v.  cap.  vi.  Solis  assumes  that  700,000  pesos  remained 
after  the  king's  portion  had  been  deducted.  Hist.  Mex. , 174-5.  One  witness 
estimates  that  oyer  2,000,000  pesos  were  lost  during  that  night.  Cortes , Resi- 
dencia,  ii.  414.  The  Carta  del  Ejercito  reduces  the  loss  to  400,000  pesos  de 
oro.  Another  witness  states  that  300,000  Castellanos  remained  when  the  sol- 
diers were  told  to  help  themselves ; afterward  the  general  compelled  them 
to  surrender  what  had  been  thus  given,  only  to  keep  it  for  himself.  Cortes, 
Res'dencia,  i.  241-2.  ‘Lo  demas. . . .lo  dimos  y repartimos  por  los  espaiioles 
para  que  lo  sacasen,’  says  Cortes,  Cartas,  135,  which  may  be  interpreted 
as  either  giving  or  intrusting.  Whatever  may  have  been  left  after  the 
Spaniards  had  taken  then-  loads  was  gleaned  by  the  allies.  Gomara,  Hist. 
Hex.,  159. 

13  Bernal  Diaz  gives  Sandoval  100  young  unmarried  soldiers,  with  Francisco 
de  Acevedo,  the  dandy,  Ordaz,  Tapia,  and  eight  or  nine  of  Narvaez’  men,  cap- 
tains on  his  staff.  To  Cortes  he  gives  50  men,  and  adds  B.  V.  de  Tapia  to  his 
staff.  Hist.  Verdad.,  105.  This  author  is  contradictory,  however.  Herrera 
places  Antonio  de  Quinones  as  Sandoval’s  chief  aid,  and  Olid  and  Ordaz  in 
the  rear.  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xi.;  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  100;  Cortes,  Carlas,  134; 
Ramirez,  Proceso  contra  Alvarado,  30  et  seq. 


472 


LA  NOCHE  TRISTE. 


other  high  personages.14  The  sick  were  to  be  carried 
in  hammocks  and  behind  riders. 

It  is  the  evening  of  the  30th  of  June.15  Fiery 
copper  has  been  the  sky  that  day;  the  sun  blood-red 
and  moon-like,  turning  day  to  night,  when  night  is 
so  soon  to  be  employed  as  day.  As  the  hour  ap- 
proaches, a fog  sets  in,  which  thickens  into  mist  and 
denser  moisture  until,  to  favor  the  Spaniards,  provi- 
dence turns  it  to  a drizzling  rain,16  thus  to  veil  their 
movements,  and  make  substantial  the  silence  of  the 
city,  the  lake,  the  distant  wood;  and  thereupon  all 
join  fervently  in  the  prayer  of  Father  Olmedo  and 
commend  their  lives  to  almighty  God. 

' About  midnight  the  order  is  given  to  march.17 
Stealthily  they  creep  down  the  temple  square  and 

14  Herrera  adds  a brother  of  Montezuma,  and  Sahagun  names  two  sons. 
1 list.  Conq.,  33.  So  does  Vetancurt,  although  he  assumes  that  one  was  saved. 
Teatro  Me. r. , pt.  iii.  142-3.  Ixtlilxochitl  gives  a longer  list,  including  two  sons 
of  Montezuma,  and  two  sons  and  four  daughters  of  Nezahualpilli,  of  Tezcuco. 
One  of  the  daughters  escaped,  but  it  was  not  the  beloved  of  Oort6s,  who  had 
been  baptized  and  named  Juana.  Cacama  is  not  included  in  the  list,  because 
lie  is  assumed  to  have  been  stabbed  to  death  before  the  fort  was  evacuated. 
Hist.  Chick. , 302 ; Relaciones , 390.  With  the  prisoners’  division  went  Marina, 
the  interpreter,  the  Tlascaltec  princesses  Luisa  and  Elvira,  and  some  other 
women,  protected,  says  Bernal  Diaz,  by  30  soldiers  and  300  Tlascaltecs. 

15  This  date  is  based  on  Cortes’  letter,  wherein  he  places  the  arrival  on 
Tlascala’s  border  on  Sunday,  July  8tli,  after  giving  a clear  account  of  the  in- 
termediate days.  Any  doubt  about  this  date  is  removed  by  the  testimony  in 
Lejalcle,  Sei/unda  Probanza,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  423,  wherein  the 
leading  captains  state  that  the  siege  lasted  six  days.  This  testimony  also 
clears  up  the  only  doubtful  point  in  Cortes’  accouut  of  the  siege  operations, 
where  he  disposes  of  the  wounding  and  death  of  Montezuma  in  one  sentence, 
and  then  resumes  the  description  of  the  fighting  in  a manner  that  has  assisted 
to  mislead  Gomara  and  many  others  into  extending  the  stay  in  Mexico  till 
July  10th.  Ixtlilxochitl  adopts  this  date,  yet  in  the  Relaciones,  390,  412-13, 
lie  states  that  the  siege  lasted  only  seven  days.  Bernal  Diaz  places  the  eve  of 
the  departure  on  a Thursday,  July  10th  [with  Cortes  it  is  Saturday],  yet  he 
dates  the  battle  of  Otumba  just  one  week  later  than  Cortes.  Hist.  Verdad., 
105,  10S.  This  latter  date  induces  Zamacois  to  change  the  date  of  flight  to 
J uly  8th.  Hist.  Mej. , iii.  40G-7.  ‘ La  notte  del  1 Luglio,  ’ says  Clavigero,  Storia 
Mi-ss.,  iii.  135,  but  his  reasons  for  the  date  are  wrong,  and  the  term  he  uses 
may  apply  also  to  the  night  following  that  adopted  in  the  text. 

lc  The  Spaniards  recognized  this  as  a favoring  shield  direct  from  God,  says 
Duran,  Hist.  Ind.,  MS.,  ii.  473-4. 

17  Ojeda  was  instructed  to  see  that  no  somnolent  or  sick  person  was  left. 
He  found  one  man  asleep  on  the  roof  and  roused  him.  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  x. 
cap.  xi.  Gomara  takes  the  trouble  to  deny  the  statement  of  Cano  that  270 
men,  ignorant  of  Cort6s’  departure,  were  left  behind  to  perish.  Oviedo,  iii. 
551.  A later  note  will  explain  the  cause  of  this  rumor. 


THAT  FATAL  SHRIEK! 


473 


reach  the  Tlacopan  road.18  The  streets  are  wholly 
deserted.  All  is  quiet,  save  the  dull  rumble  of  tramp- 
ing soldiers.  The  blessed  rain,  or  some  supernatural 
interposition,  seems  to  keep  the  whole  city  within 
doors.  And  if  this  kind  power  will  but  have  patience 
and  not  desert  them  for  one  brief  hour — ah,  it  is  so 
easy  for  Omnipotence  to  help ! Along  the  road  like 
a phantom  the  army  moves.  The  van  picks  up  the 
guard  at  the  canal  crossings.  The  causeway  is  almost 
reached.  Already  they  begin  to  breathe  freer;  a 
feeling  of  intense  relief  steals  into  their  breasts, 
and — Mother  of  God!  what  noise  is  that?  It  is  the 
piercing  outcry  of  a 'woman19 — may  the  foul  fiend 
seize  her! — breaking  upon  the  stillness  like  a warn- 
ing note  from  the  watch-tower  of  Avernus.  On  the 
instant  the  war-drum  of  the  Tlatelulco  temple  sends 
forth  its  doleful  sound,  chilling  the  fugitives  to  the 
very  heart’s  core.  Quickly  its  tones  are  drowned  by 
the  nearer,  shriller  trumpet-blasts  and  shouts  of  war- 
riors, echoed  and  reechoed  from  every  quarter. 

Meanwhile  the  advance  column  had  reached  the 
sixth  bridge  crossing,20  the  first  to  connect  with  the 
causeway,  and  had  obliged  the  Mexican  picket  to 
retire,  after  exchanging  a few  shots.  The  portable 
bridge  was  here  laid,  and  the  van  crossed  with 
quickened  steps,  followed  by  the  centre  with  the  bag- 
gage and  artillery.  At  this  juncture  the  enemy  fell 
upon  the  rear,  rending  the  air  with  their  yells,  send- 

ls  The  ravaging  sallies  of  the  preceding  days,  which  had  involved  the  de- 
struction of  houses  in  the  vicinity  and  along  the  approaches  to  Tlacopan,  had 
evidently  obliged  the  enemy  to  retire  from  these  streets  and  seek  shelter  else- 
where for  the  night.  Oviedo  assumes  that  Cortes  led  the  way,  but  Diaz  and 
Herrera  let  him  advance  only  when  the  first  troops  are  guided  into  Tlacopan. 

19  ‘ Pasaron  cuatro  acequias,  y antes  que  pasasen  las  demas  salib  vna 
muger  £ tomar  agua  y viblos.  ’ Saharjun,  Ilist.  Cow/.,  32.  ‘A  devil,  without 
doubt,’  adds  Camargo,  who  describes  her  as  a keeper  of  an  eating-house,  and 
indicates  exactly  the  location  of  her  house.  Hist.  Tlax.,  167.  Cortes  states 
that  the  alarm  was  given  by  the  guard  at  the  first  breach  held  by  the 
Mexicans,  where  the  portable  bridge  was  laid  down.  Cartas,  136. 

20  Sahagun  names  this  Mictlantonco,  and  the  next  two  Tlantecayocan  and 
Petlacalco.  In  another  place  he  names  the  first  Tecpantzinco,  and  the  second 
or  third  Tolteacali.  Hist.  Conq.,  loc.  cit.,  and  [ed.  1840]  121-2.  Torquemada 
gives  the  second  breach  of  the  causeway  the  latter  name.  The  names  should 
probably  be  written  Tecpantzinco,  Tolteca-Acaluleo,  and  Petlacalco. 


474 


LA  NOCHE  TRISTE. 


ing  their  missiles  fast  and  furious,  while  from  the 
cross-roads  issued  a swarm,  with  lance  and  sword,  on 
Alvarado’s  Hank.  Over  the  water  resounded  their 
cries,  and  canoes  came  crowding  round  the  causeway 
to  attack  the  forward  ranks.  To  add  to  the  horrors 
of  the  tumult,  several  men  and  horses  slipped  on  the 
wet  bridge  and  fell  into  the  water;  others,  midst 
heart-rending  cries,  were  crowded  over  the  edge  by 
those  behind.  All  the  rest  succeeded  in  crossing, 
however,  except  about  one  hundred  soldiers.  These, 
it  is  said,  bewildered  by  the  battle  cries  and  death 
shrieks,  turned  back  to  the  fort,  and  there  held  out  for 
three  days,  till  hunger  forced  them  to  surrender  and 
meet  the  fate  of  sacrificial  victims  at  the  coronation 
feast  of  Cuitlahuatzin.21 

The  half  mile  of  causeway  extending  between 
the  first  and  second  breaches  was  now  completely 
filled  with  Spaniards  and  allies,  whose  flanks  were 
harassed  by  the  forces  brought  forward  in  canoes  on 
either  side.  Dark  and  foggy  as  the  night  wras,  the 
outline  of  the  Indian  crews  could  be  distinguished 
by  the  white  and  colored  tilmatli  in  which  many  of 
them  were  clad,  owing  to  the  coldness  of  the  air. 
Fearlessly  they  jumped  to  the  banks,  and  fought  the 
Spaniards  with  lance  and  javelin,  retreating  into  the 
water  the  moment  the  charge  was  over.  Some  crept 
up  the  road  sides,  and  seizing  the  legs  of  the  fugitives 
endeavored  to  drag  them  into  the  water.  So  crowded 
were  the  soldiers  that  they  could  scarcely  defend 
themselves;  aggressive  movements  were  out  of  the 
question. 

Repeated  orders  had  been  transmitted  to  Magarino 
to  hurry  forward  the  removal  of  his  bridge  to  the 
second  channel,  and,  seeing  no  more  soldiers  on  the 
opposite  bank  of  the  first  opening,  he  prepared  to 

n This  native  rumor,  as  recorded  in  the  mannscripts  used  by  Duran,  Hist, 
hid.,  MS.,  ii.  476-7,  is  probably  the  foundation  for  Cano’s  statement,  that 
Cortes  abandoned  270  men  in  the  fort.  Herrera  reduces  them  to  100.  ‘ Que 

se  boluieron  a la  torre  del  templo,  adonde  se  liizieron  f uertes  tres  dias.  ’ dec. 
ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xii. 


HAItD  FIGHTING. 


475 


obc}T,  but  the  structure  had  been  so  deeply  imbedded 
in  the  banks  from  the  heavy  traffic  that  his  men 
labored  for  some  time  in  vain  to  lift  it,  exposed  all  the 
while  to  a fierce  onslaught.  Finally,  after  a number 
of  the  devoted  band  had  succumbed,  the  bridge  was 
released,  but  before  it  could  be  drawn  over  the  cause- 
way the  enemy  had  borne  it  down  at  the  other  end  so 
as  effectually  to  wreck  it.22  The  loss  of  the  bridge 
was  a great  calamity,  and  was  so  regarded  by  the 
troops,  hemmed  in  as  they  were  between  two  deep 
channels,  on  a causeway  which  in  width  would  hold 
only  twenty  men  in  a line.  On  all  sides  were  enemies 
thirsting  for  blood.  Presently  a rush  was  made  for 
the  second  channel,  where  the  soldiers  had  already 
begun,  in  face  of  the  foe,  to  cross  on  a single  beam, 
which  had  been  left  intact  when  the  bridge  was  de- 
stroyed. As  this  was  an  exceedingly  slow  process, 
many  took  to  the  water,  only  to  receive  their  death- 
blow at  the  hands  of  the  watermen.  Some  were  taken 
prisoners;  some  sank  beneath  their  burden  of  gold; 
the  horses  found  a ford  on  one  side  where  the  water 
was  not  above  the  saddle 

The  canoes,  however,  were  as  numerous  here  as 
elsewhere,  and  their  occupants  as  determined;  and  the 
horsemen  had  the  greatest  trouble  to  keep  their  seats 
while  resisting  them.  The  general,  being  at  the  head, 
suffered  most.  At  one  time  some  Indians  seized  him 
by  the  leg's  and  tried  to  drag  him  off.  The  footing^ 

t-  o o o 

of  the  horse  being  so  insecure,  the  attempt  would 
probably  have  succeeded  but  for  the  prompt  aid  of 
Antonio  de  Quinones,  and  Texmaxahuitzin,  a Tlas- 
caltec,  known  afterward  as  Antonio.  Olid,  who  also 
came  to  the  rescue,  was  almost  overpowered,  but 
managed  to  free  himself  by  means  of  backhanded 
blows  from  his  muscular  arm.  One  of  the  cavalry, 
Juan  de  Salazar,  the  page  of  Cortes,  then  took  the 

n Bemal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  106,  assumes  that  the  enemy  bore  it  clown 
before  the  baggage  train  had  crossed,  and  that  the  channel  was  filled  in  con- 
sequence with  artillery,  baggage,  and  dead  bodies.  Gomara  gets  the  bridge 
across  the  second  breach.  Both  must  be  mistaken,  however. 


476 


LA  NOCHE  TRISTE. 


lead  to  clear  the  way  for  the  rest,  only  to  fall  a victim 
to  his  zeal.  The  next  moment  his  master  had  gained 
the  bank,  and  thereupon  directed  the  troops  by  the 
ford.23 

Thus  in  the  darkness  the  wild  roar  of  battle  con- 
tinued, the  commingling  shouts  and  strokes  of  com- 
batants falling  on  the  distant  ear  as  one  continuous 
moan.  The  canoes  now  pressed  on  the  fugitives  in 
greater  number  at  the  ford  than  in  the  channel. 
Sandoval,  with  his  party,  had  swum  the  channel 
before  the  Mexicans  assembled  there  in  great  num- 
bers, and  was  now  leading  the  van  down  the  cause- 
way, scattering  the  assailants  right  and  left.  Little 
regular  fighting  was  attempted,  the  Spaniards  being 
intent  on  escaping  and  the  Mexicans  quickly  yielding 
before  the  cavalry,  taking  refuge  in  and  round  the 
canoes.  With  greater  hardihood  and  success,  how- 
ever, they  harassed  those  on  foot.  On  reaching 
the  next  channel,  which  was  the  last,  the  fugitives 
found  with  dismay  that  it  was  wider  and  deeper  than 
the  others,  and  with  bitter  regret  they  saw  their 
mistake  in  not  bringing  three  portable  bridges.  The 
enemy  was  here  also  gathering  in  ever  increasing 
force,  to  watch  the  death  trap.  Every  effort  to  clear 
a passage  was  stubbornly  resisted,  and,  the  soldiers 
growing  more  irresolute,  a rider  was  sent  to  bring 
Cortes.  Before  he  arrived,  however,  Sandoval  had 
already  plunged  in  with  a number  of  the  cavalry, 
followed  by  foot-soldiers,  who  seized  the  opportunity 
to  fall  into  the  wake,  by  either  holding  on  to  the 
trappings  of  the  horses  or  striking  out  for  them- 
selves. The  passage  was  extremely  difficult,  and  more 
than  one  horseman  reeled  and  fell,  from  the  united 
pressure  of  friends  and  foes.  Those  who  followed 
suffered  yet  more,  being  pushed  down  by  comrades, 
struck  by  clubs  and  stones,  pierced  by  spears,  or,  most 

23  Camargo  relates  the  incidents  of  the  passage  in  detail,  and  says  that 
Cortes  fell  into  a hole  as  the  enemy  pounced  upon  him.  The  two  deliverers 
disputed  the  honor  of  having  rescued  the  general.  Hist,  Tlax.,  169. 


THE  DREADFUL  BRIDGE. 


477 


horrible  of  all,  drawn  in  by  dusky  boatmen,  who  care- 
fully guarded  them  for  the  dread  stone  of  sacrifice. 

With  five  horsemen  Cortfis  led  a body  of  one  hun- 
dred infantry  to  the  mainland.  Accompanying  this 
force  was  a number  of  carriers  with  treasures  secured 
by  the  general  and  his  friends.  Leaving  the  gold  in 
charge  of  Jaramillo,  with  orders  to  hold  the  entrance  of 
the  causeway  against  assailants  from  the  shore,  Cortes 
returned  to  the  channel  where  Sandoval  had  taken  a 
stand  to  keep  clear  the  bank  and  protect  the  passage. 
Tidings  coming  that  Alvarado  was  in  danger,  Cortes 
proceeded  to  the  rear,  beyond  the  second  channel,  and 
found  it  hotly  contested.  His  opportune  arrival  in- 
fused fresh  courage,  as  with  gallant  charges  he  relieved 
the  troops  from  the  terrible  pressure.  He  looked  in 
vain  for  many  comrades  who  had  been  placed  at  this 
post,  and  would  have  gone  in  search  of  them  had  not 
Alvarado  assured  him  that  all  the  living  were  there. 
He  was  told  that  the  guns  reserved  for  the  rear  had 
for  a while  been  directed  with  sweeping  effect  against 
the  ever  growing  masses  of  warriors  around  them;  but 
finall3r  a simultaneous  attack  from  the  canoe  crews 
on  either  side,  and  from  the  land  forces  to  the  rear, 
impelled  by  their  own  volume,  had  overwhelmed  the 
narrow  columns  nearest  the  city,  together  with  their 
cannon,  killing  and  capturing  a large  number,  and 
throwing  the  rest  into  the  panic-stricken  condition 
from  which  he  had  just  extricated  them. 

Leaving  Alvarado  to  cover  the  rear  as  best  he 
could,  Cortes  hastened  to  direct  the  passage  of  the 
middle  channel.  What  a sight  was  there!  Of  all  the 
bloody  terrors  of  that  dark,  sorrowful  night,  this  was 
the  most  terrible!  A bridge  had  been  wanting,  and 
behold,  the  bridge  was  there!  With  dead  and  living 
fugitives  the  chasm  on  either  side  the  slippery  beam 
had  been  filled,24  and  now  the  soldiers  and  allies 

24  ‘ El  foso  se  hinchd  hasta  arriba ; . . . . y los  de  la  retroguardia  pasaron  sobre 
los  muertos.  Los  espanoles  que  aqui  quedaron  muertos  fueron  trescientos,  y 
de  los  tlaxcaltecas  y otros  indios  amigos  fueron  mas  de  dos  mil.  ’ Sahagun, 
llist.  t'onq.  (ed.  1840),  122. 


473 


LA  XOCHE  TRISTE. 


were  rushing,  heedless  of  the  groans  beneath  them, 
across  this  gory  support,  still  narrow  and  full  of  gaps, 
to  be  filled  by  the  next  tripping  fugitive.  Scattered 
pell-mell  on  the  bank  lay  the  baggage  and  artillery, 
abandoned  by  the  fleeing  carriers,  which,  proving  only 
an  obstruction,  Cortes  ordered  it  thrown  into  the 
channel  in  order  to  widen  the  crossing. 

But  the  end  was  not  yet.  Great  as  had  been  the 
woe,  it  was  yet  to  be  increased  at  the  last  and  wider 
channel.  Here  was  indeed  a yawning  abyss,  having 
likewise  a single  remaining  beam,  whose  narrow  slip- 
pery surface  served  rather  as  a snare  than  a support.28 
The  necessarily  slow  motion  of  the  train  had  enabled 
the  Mexicans  to  come  up  in  swarms,  and  like  sharks 
surround  the  chasm.  Harassed  on  every  side,  and 
with  an  avalanche  rolling  against  the  rear,  the  re- 
treating  thought  only  of  escaping  the  new  danger, 
and  at  once.  They  threw  aside  their  arms  and  treas- 
ures and  plunged  in,  bearing  one  another  down  re- 
gardless of  any  claims  of  friendship  or  humanity. 
And  woful  to  hear  were  the  heart-rending  cries  from 
that  pit  of  Acheron.  Some  begged  help  of  Mary  and 
Santiago;  some  cursed  their  fate  and  him  who  had 
brought  them  to  it,  while  many  sank  with  mute 
despair  into  the  arms  of  death ; and  over  all  roared  the 
wild  cries  and  insults  of  the  Mexicans.  In  strong 
contrast  to  the  panic-stricken  men  appeared  a woman, 
Maria  de  Estrada,  who,  with  shield  and  sword,  faced 
the  enemy  like  a lioness,  standing  forth  among  the 
men  as  a leader,  and  astonishing  friend  and  foe  with 
her  prowess.20 

Cortes  did  all  he  could,  as  became  an  able  com- 
mander and  valiant  soldier,  to  save  his  men.  He  was 
indefatigable  in  his  efforts,  being  everywhere  present, 
encouraging,  guiding,  and  protecting.  Yet  his  posi- 
tion was  most  trying;  there  were  that  night  so  many 

23  Ramirez , Proceso  contra  A Irarado , 4,  53,  68. 

26  ‘ Cash  esta  Seiiora,  con  Pedro  Sanchez  Farfan  [who  seized  Narvaez],  y 
dieronla  en  Encomienda  el  Pueblo  de  Tetela.’  She  married  a second  time, 
and  died  in  Puebla.  Torquemmla,  i.  504. 


FALL  OF  VELAZQUEZ  DE  LEON. 


479 


brave  soldiers  given  over  to  despair,  so  many  ears 
deaf  to  commands  and  prudent  counsel.  Unable  to 
do  more  at  the  channels,  he  hastened  to  look  to 
those  who  had  crossed  and  were  proceeding  in  strag- 
gling bands  to  join  Jaramillo.  Heedless  of  companies 
or  officers,  the  soldiers  had  banded  in  parties  of  a 
score  or  two,  and  sword  in  hand,  where  this  had  not 
been  thrown  away,  they  were  hurrying  down  the 
causeway.27  The  assailants  fell  off  somewhat  beyond 
the  last  channel,  and  finding  the  advance  compara- 
tively safe,  guided  by  his  soldierly  impulses  Cortes 
again  returned  with  a few  horsemen28  and  foot-soldiers 
to  cover  the  remnant  of  the  army.  The  rear,  com- 
posed chiefly  of  the  Narvaez  party,  were  approaching 
the  last  channel,  but  under  the  continued  onslaught 
panic  had  seized  them.  They  made  hardly  an  effort 
to  defend  themselves,  and  like  the  Indians  during  the 
massacre  by  Alvarado  they  huddled  one  against  the 
other,  offering  their  backs  as  a target  for  unsparing 
attack.  Among  this  number  was  the  loyal  and  noble 
Velazquez  de  Leon,  who  shared  with  the  Tonatiuh  the 
command  of  this  section.  ITow  he  fell  is  not  known, 
but  he  never  crossed  the  last  breach.29 

Alvarado  had  been  wounded  and  had  lost  his  horse, 
in  common  with  most  of  his  party.  Finding  it  im- 
possible to  control  the  men,  he  gathered  a small  band 
round  him  and  sought  the  channel,  leaving'  the  rest 
to  look  to  themselves.30  On  reaching  the  spot  he  saw 

27  Bernal  Diaz  formed  one  of  a band  of  50,  who  were  repeatedly  attacked 
with  arms  and  midst  insults.  He  quotes  some  of  the  low  expressions  used. 
Hist.  Verclad.,  106. 

2S  One  authority  states  that  Cortds  was  nearing  Tlacopan,  when  Olid  and 
others  called  out  to  him  that  the  fugitives  were  accusing  the  captains  of  aban- 
doning them,  and  urged  that  they  should  turn  back.  ‘It  is  a miracle  to  have 
escaped,  ’ was  his  reply,  ‘ and  fewer  will  be  left  if  we  return.  ’ Saying  this  he 
headed  a dozen  horsemen  and  a few  foot-soldiers  and  galloped  back.  Bernal 
Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  106.  But  Cortes  was  not  the  man  to  wait  in  such  a 
case  till  entreaty  came.  ‘ Yo  con  tres  6 cuatro  de  caballo,’  he  says,  ‘ y hasta 
veinte  peones,  que  osaron  quedar  conmigo,  me  fui  en  la  rezaga.  ’ Cartas,  1 35. 
He  takes  the  palm  from  all  American  conquerors,  exclaims  Oviedo,  iii.  326. 

29  Zamacois  makes  atonement  for  a lack  of  research  by  inventing  doughty 
deeds  for  this  hero.  Hist.  Mcj. , iii.  417-18. 

,0  Among  the  soldiers  contributed  in  later  times  by  Garay’s  expedition 
was  one  Ocampo,  who,  fond  of  scandal  and  pasquinades,  libelled  many  of  the 


4S0 


LA  NOCIIE  TRISTE. 


a confused  mass  of  struggling  humanity  in  the  water, 
but  the  solitary  beam  which  spanned  it  was  vacant, 
and  steadying  himself  with  his  lance  he  sprang  swiftly 
across.  Narrow  and  slippery  as  was  the  beam,  it  was 
no  insignificant  feat  for  a wounded  man  to  cross  upon 
it,  but  time  magnified  the  performance  to  something 
miraculous.  When  Alvarado  came  to  the  channel,  it 
is  related,  no  friendly  beam  spanned  the  wide,  deep 
gap.  His  life  turned  on  brief  resolve  and  instant  ac- 
tion. Lithe,  strong,  and  determined,  even  though 
wounded,  he  was  not  yet  ready  to  yield  all.  With  a 
searching  glance  into  the  troubled  pool  and  across 
the  awful  chasm  he  stepped  back  for  a preparatory 
spring.  Then,  rushing  forward,  he  planted  the  long 
pike  upon  the  yielding  debris  and  vaulted  across, 
to  the  wonder  of  all  witnesses.  The  Indians,  says 
Camargo,  prostrated  themselves  in  admiration,  and 
tearing  up  grass,  ate  it,  with  the  exclamation,  “Truly, 
this  man  is  the  Tonatiuh!”  So  runs  the  story,  pre- 
served by  tradition,  and  by  the  name  yet  given  to  the 
spot,  ‘ El  Salto  de  Alvarado.’31 

captains,  among  them  Alvarado,  declaring  that  he  had  left  Velazquez  with 
over  200  men  to  die.  B<  rnal  Diaz. , Hist.  Verdad.,  106-7.  The  charge  came 
forward  in  the  residencia,  hut  Alvarado  brought  witnesses  to  prove  that  he 
had  lost  all  control  over  the  men,  and  could  do  nothing  else  than  to  save 
himself,  wounded  and  unhorsed  as  he  was.  There  were  other  witnesses  who 
did  all  they  could  to  blacken  his  fame,  and  to  attribute  to  his  neglect  of  duty 
a great  portion  of  the  loss  sustained  during  that  sad  night.  Ramirez , Proceso, 
4,  38,  53,  08,  and  288.  Ramirez  decides  against  the  accused.  But  Alvarado 
was  admittedly  brave,  recklessly  so,  and  it  must  be  regarded  rather  as  his 
misfortune  that  a panic  seized  the  men.  Perhaps,  as  commander  intrusted 
with  this  section,  he  should  have  remained  longer  at  his  post.  This  signified 
death,  and  such  men  as  then  comprised  his  command  he  regarded  as  hardly 
worth  dying  for.  He  chose  to  save  life  at  the  expense  of  a blemish  on  his 
honor.  More  it  never  amounted  to,  for  the  court  absolved  him.  He  redeemed 
the  fault  afterward  by  brave  achievements. 

31  Camargo  intimates  that  several  Tlascalan  chiefs  of  the  expedition  testi- 
fied to  the  feat.  Hist.  Tlax.,  168;  and  Gomara  adds  that  several  followers 
tried  to  imitate  it,  but  failed,  and  were  drowned.  Hist.  Mex. , 160.  Contra- 
dictory as  Bernal  Diaz  is  about  the  incidents  of  the  night,  he  strenuously 
insists  that  the  channel  was  examined  during  the  following  siege  and  found 
to  be  too  wide  and  too  deep  to  allow  of  such  a leap.  Hist.  Verdad.,  107.  This 
solitary  denial  of  a story  which  has  been  adopted  by  almost  every  writer, 
from  Oviedo  to  Prescott,  finds  support  in  testimony  during  the  hero’s  resi- 
dencia, wherein  it  is  distinctly  stated  that  he  crossed  the  channel  on  a fixed 
beam.  His  own  testimony  gives  assent  to  the  charge  so  formulated,  although 
hitherto  he  had  no  doubt  allowed  the  other  version  to  be  believed.  Ramirez, 
Proceso,  4,  53,  68  et  seq. 


RETREAT  TOWARD  TLACOPAK. 


481 


Cortds  and  his  small  band  of  rescuers  came  up  as 
Alvarado  appeared,  pike  in  hand  and  bleeding,  ac- 
companied by  a few  stragglers.32  Among  these  was 
Juan  Tirado,  who,  in  gratitude  for  his  deliverance, 
erected  at  this  bridge  after  the  conquest  a hermitage 
to  San  Acacio,  known  also  as  De  los  Martires — 
martyrs  to  avarice,  as  Torqucmada  intimates.33  The 
badly  wounded  Were  now  mounted  behind  the  horse- 
men,34 and  repelling  the  foes  who  still  pressed  on  them, 
Cortes  in  person  covered  the  remnant  of  the  army  in 
its  retreat  toward  Tlacopan,33  losing  in  this  final 
struggle  the  gallant  Captain  Morla.36  The  route  lay 
through  Popotla  village  or  suburb;  and  here,  accord- 
ing to  tradition,  Cortes  seated  himself  on  a stone  to 
weep  over  the  misfortunes  of  this  Sorrowful  Night.37 

By  a similar  process  of  annealing,  gold  is  made  soft 
and  iron  hard ; so  by  misfortune  the  wise  man  is  made 
wiser  while  the  fool  is  hardened  in  his  folly. 


32  Seven  Spaniards  and  eight  Tlascaltecs,  all  badly  wounded.  Bernal  Diaz, 
Hist.  Verdad.,  10G. 

33  ‘ Duro  poco  este  nombre,  pues  tampoeo  les  convenia  A los  muertos,  que 
iban  cargados  de  Oro.  ’ Monarq.  Ind.,  i.  504.  Zamacois  describes  the  site  as 
he  found  it  not  long  ago.  Hist.  Mej. , iii.  421-3.  Bernal  Diaz,  implies  that 
the  ‘ martyr  ’ name  was  given  in  honor  of  those  captured  and  sacrificed  during 
the  siege,  a year  later.  Jlist.  Verdad.,  153. 

3lAlvarado  was  taken  on  Gamboa’s  horse,  Laso  on  Sandoval’s.  Ramirez, 
Proceso  contra  Alvarado,  G9,  119. 

33 Alvarado  said  that  only  the  dead  remained  behind,  but  Olid  insisted 
that  a number  were  still  fighting  the  enemy.  Cortes  accordingly  went  back 
again  and  rescued  several  more.  Castaneda,  in  hi.,  44.  Bernal  Diaz  also  states 
that  Cortes  returned  as  far  as  the  bridges.  Hist.  Verdad.,  1 00. 

80  The  same  who  sprang  into  the  sea,  off  Yucatan,  to  replace  the  rudder  of 
his  vessel,  unshipped  during  the  storm. 

37  La  Noche  Triste,  as  it  has  ever  since  been  called.  Amid  so  much  that 
is  romantic  the  tendency  to  further  romance  is  often  uncontrollable.  The 
truth  of  this  statement  is  open  to  grave  doubts.  ‘ Llego  [Alvarado]  A Cortes, 
que  estaba  encima  de  unas  gradas  de  un  qii,  sentado  di<;iendo  muchas  lastimas.  ’ 
Oviedo,  iii.  514.  Zamacois  describes  the  enormous  tree,  yet  standing,  which 
shaded  the  stone  and  bears  the  name  of  ‘ Arbol  de  laNoche  Triste.'  llist.  M(j., 
iii.  424.  Prescott  improves  the  occasion  by  allowing  the  army  to  file  past  in 
sad  dilapidation,  regardless  of  the  fact  that  the  army  was  already  gathered  in 
Tlacopan.  Mex.,  ii.  371-2.  Testimony  confirms  the  statement  of  Cortes  that 
‘fui  en  la  rezaga,  peleando  con  los  indios  hasta  llegar  A una  ciudad  que  se  dice 
Tacuba’  [Tlacopan].  Cartas,  135-6. 


Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  X.  31 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 


RETREAT  TO  TLASCALA. 

July,  1520. 

Fatal  Mistake  of  the  Mexicans — A Brief  Respite  Allowed  the  Span- 
iards— The  Remnant  of  the  Army  at  Tlacopan — They  Set  out  for 
Tlascala — An  ever  increasing  Force  at  their  Heels — Rest  at 
the  Tepzolac  Temple — Cortes  Reviews  his  Disasters — The  March 
Continued  amidst  Great  Tribulation — Encounter  of  the  Grand 
Army — Important  Battle  and  Remarkable  Victory — Arrival  at 
Tlascala — The  Friendly  Reception  Accorded  them  There. 


W hat  would  Emperor  Charles  have  said  to  Hernan 
Cortes  had  they  met  on  the  morning  after  the  Sor- 
rowful Night ! It  is  related  of  Xerxes  that  with  a 
golden  crown  he  rewarded  a pilot  who  had  saved  his 
life,  and  .thereupon  ordered  him  beheaded  for  having 
sacrificed  in  the  operation  the  lives  of  so  many  of 
his  Persian  subjects.  Now  Cortes  had  not  saved  the 
emperor’s  life,  nor  yet  the  emperor’s  gold;  he  had 
sacrificed  many  lives,  and  had  little  to  show  for  them. 
Had  Charles  been  there,  and  had  he  valued  Spaniards 
as  did  Xerxes  Persians,  he  might  have  cut  off  the 
Estremaduran’s  head;  but  Cortes  was  yet  worth  to 
Charles  more  than  all  that  had  been  thus  far  lost  in 
New  Spain. 

Prosperity  implies  ability;  adversity,  weakness  of 
mind  and  character.  In  the  high-souled  and  chival- 
rous, prosperity  tends  to  yet  loftier  heights,  while  ad- 
versity sinks  the  unfortunate  still  lower;  nevertheless, 
the  fortitude  and  dignity  which  come  to  the  really 
great  under  misfortune  are  among  the  grandest  sights 
in  this  universe.  I have  said  that  Cortes  might  have 

(482) 


IN  THE  MORNING. 


4S3 


ridden  to  Mexico  over  palm  branches,  midst  hosannas, 
had  he  but  known  it;  but  had  he  done  so,  there  would 
have  been  no  greatness  attending  the  act.  The  door 
of  peaceable  exit  from  the  city  of  Mexico  had  long 
been  open  to  him ; but  to  have  accepted  Montezuma’s 
invitation  hence  would  not  have  raised  Cortes  in  the 
estimation  either  of  himself  or  of  his  soldiers. 

After  all  the  terrible  disasters  of  the  Noche  Triste 
the  Spaniards  were  not  wholly  forsaken  by  fortune, 
though  they  called  it  the  irrepressible  Santiago  on 
his  milk-white  steed  who  caused  the  Mexicans  to 
neglect  their  opportunity  of  vigorously  pursuing  the 
fugitives  beyond  the  last  channel,  and  in  their  help- 
less state  to  exterminate  them.  Yet  we  cannot  help 
asking  why  Santiago  did  not  come  to  their  assist- 
ance sooner,  and  save  them  untold  woe.  The  Span- 
iards, however,  were  not  captious  in  their  criticisms 
of  benefactors,  and  so  a small  stone  was  erected  on 
the  Tacuba  road  in  honor  of  the  mounted  saint.1  If 
we  would  have  the  real  cause  why  the  Mexicans  did 
not  follow  up  the  Spaniards,  we  may  find  it  in  their 
greed  for  spoils,  as  Sahagun  observes,  which  detained 
the  warriors,  especially  round  the  channels.  A thor- 
ough search  was  soon  instituted  by  them ; the  canals 
were  dragged,  and  quantities  of  arms,  baggage,  and 
personal  effects  were  secured,  beside  the  gold  and 
jewels  which  had  been  taken  by  the  Spaniards.  Their 
own  dead  they  decently  buried,  while  those  of  the 
Spaniards  and  their  allies  were  more  summarily  dis- 
posed of,  and  the  whole  road  cleared  of  obstructions 
and  whatever  might  infect  the  atmosphere.2 

According  to  Gomara  the  discovery  of  the  bodies 
of  Montezuma’s  son  and  heir  and  other  princes  cre- 
ated such  sorrow  that  pursuit  was  on  this  account 
suspended.  It  seems  not  unreasonable  that  the  na- 

1 ‘Esto  despues  lo  declararon  los  mismos  Indios.’  Vetancvrt,  Teatro  Max., 
pt.  iii.  143.  Nor  do  they  omit  the  ever  recurring  story  of  the  virgin  image 
casting  dust  into  the  eyes  of  the  pursuers. 

2 The  Tlascaltec  and  Ccmpoalan  bodies  were  thrown  among  the  reeds,  and 
the  Spanish  into  deeper  water.  Sahajun,  Hist.  Couq.  (ed.  1840),  126-7. 


484 


RETREAT  TO  TLASCALA. 


tives  should  have  charged  their  death  wounds  to 
the  Spaniards,  who,  rather  than  see  men  like  King 
Cacama  free  to  create  mischief,  should  have  preferred 
to  dispatch  them,  offering,  Medea-like,  a bribe  to 
reverence  and  love  with  a view  to  retard  the  Colchian 
pursuers.3  Although  this  accusation  could  not  be 
proven,  their  death  was  nevertheless  to  be  avenged. 
At  least  forty  Spaniards  and  a number  of  allies  had 
been  captured  during  the  night,  and  at  the  obsequies, 
which  were  of  the  most  imposing  order,  they  added 
solemnity  to  the  occasion  by  yielding  their  hearts’ 
blood;  while  those  who,  according  to  native  tradition, 
turned  back  to  hold  the  fort  for  three  days  before 
they  swelled  the  throng  of  victims,  were  reserved  for 
the  coronation  soon  to  follow. 

The  respite  from  close  pursuit  had  enabled  the 
fugitive  army  to  join,  in  detached  groups,  the  nucleus 
already  gathered  under  Jamarillo  in  one  of  the  squares 
of  Tlacopan,4  the  capital  of  the  smallest  tripartite 
state,  half  a league  from  Mexico.  A sorry  spectacle 
was  this  remainder  of  the  brilliant  army  which  had 
so  lately  entered  Mexico  as  conquerors.  A haggard, 
bleeding,  ragged  crowd,  dreggy  with  mire  and  smeared 
with  gore,  many  without  weapons,  and  without  a ves- 
tige of  their  ba^ga^e  and  war  stores.  When  Cortes 
arrived  with  the  last  remnant  the  sun  was  rising,  and 
fearing  the  danger  of  an  attack  in  the  narrow  streets, 
such  as  had  made  the  sallies  in  Mexico  so  disastrous, 
he  hastened  to  conduct  his  men  into  the  open  field. 
The  movement  was  made  none  too  soon,  for  imme- 


3 Duran  and  Ixtlilxochitl  make  the  murders  take  place  in  the  Spanish 
quarters,  as  we  have  seen.  Sahagun  pennits  two  of  Montezuma’s  sons  to  fall 
between  the  last  channel  and  Popotla,  while  guiding  the  fugitives.  Hist.  Conq. , 
33  (ed.  1S40),  122.  Gomara  assumes  also  that  the  pursuers  may  have  been 
content  with  the  injury  inflicted,  or  cared  not  to  renew  the  fight  cn  more  open 
ground.  Hist.  Max.,  101.  Solis  attributes  the  respite  wholly  to  the  discovery 
of  the  bodies.  Hist.  Mex. , ii.  185-6. 

4 ‘ Llegado  A la  dicha  ciudad  de  Tactiba,  hallA  toda  la  gente  remo’.inada 

en  una  plaza,  que  no  sabian  donde  ir.  ’ Cortis , Cartas,  136.  ‘ Hasta  cerca  de 

Tlacupan  hasta  un  lugar  que  se  llama  Tilihucan.’  Sahaqun,  Hist.  Co.iq.,  33. 

‘ Tacuba . . .is  at  the  present  day  chiefly  noted  for  the  large  and  noble  church 
which  was  erected  there  by  Cortez.’  Lai  robe's  [lambin',  12S. 


TOTOLTEPEC  TEMPLE. 


485 


diately  after  the  scouts  gave  warning  of  approaching 
hosts,  magnified  to  a hundred  thousand  or  more, 
speedily  the  war  shrieks  again  broke  on  the  ears  of 
the  startled  troops.  The  Mexicans  had  sent  word  to 
Tlacopan  and  the  neighboring  towns  to  intercept  the 
fugitives,  and  assistance  coming  with  the  dawn  they 
joined  in  the  attack.5 

A Tlascaltec  chief  had  recommended  a northward 
course,  round  the  lakes,  as  the  least  exposed  to  pursuit, 
and  offered  himself  as  guide.6  The  march  was  accord- 
ingly directed  north-westward  through  some  maize- 
fields,  with  Cortes  leading.  The  enemy  were  upon 
them  before  the  rear  left  the  city,  and  several  soldiers 
loll  in  the  onslaught.  A short  distance  before  them 
rose  the  hill  of  Totoltepec,  Bird  Mountain,7  sur- 
mounted by  a temple  with  several  strong  buildings,8 


5 Gomara  assumes  that  the  Tlacopan  people  were  not  aware  of  the  broken 

condition  of  the  troops.  Now  they  joined  the  40,000  Mexicans  who  had  set 
forth  prepared  for  pursuit.  Hint.  Hex.,  161.  ‘ Yk  auian  venido  de  Mexico .... 

dar  mandado  a Tacuba,  y a Escapu<;:ilco,  y a Tenayuca,  para  que  nos  saliessen 
al  encucntro.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Vertlcul.,  106.  The  Mexicans  were  disgusted 
with  those  of  Tlacopan  for  their  neglect,  llerrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xii. 

6 ‘ Un  Angel  de  Guarda,  6 San  Pedro,  como  otros  quieren,  6 Santiago 
Apostol,’  observes  the  enthusiastic  Lorenzana.  Cortes,  Hist.  N.  Espaiia,  14.3. 

7 ‘Totolpec.’  IrtlUxoclutt,  Hist.  Chick.,  302;  Toltotepec  is  Vetancurt’s  mis- 
spelling. ‘ Cerro  llamado  de  Muteczuma.  ’ Lorenzana,  ubi  sup. 

8 ‘ Una  torre  y aposento  fuerte.’  Cortes,  Cartas,  136.  ‘ Vnas  caserias  q en 

vn  cerro  estauan,  y alii  juto  a vn  Cu,  e adoratorio,  y como  fortaleza.’  Bernal 
Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  107.  ‘A  este  templo  llamaron  de  la  Vitoria,  y despues 
nuestra  Seiiora  de  los  remedios.’  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xii.  Sahagun 
calls  the  rise  Acueco,  and  places  upon  it  the  Otomi  village  of  Otoncapulco. 
IHst.  Conq.  (ed.  1S40),  1‘22.  Vetancurt  follows,  Teatro  Hex.,  pt.  iii.  143,  while 
Camargo  calls  it  Tzacuyocan.  The  variations  in  Sahagun’s  editions  lead  Tor- 
quemada  to  say  that  the  Spaniards  moved  the  same  day  from  Otoncalpulco 
pueblo  to  Acueco.  an  Otomi  village,  i.  504—5.  This,  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg 
follows.  The  Spaniards  may  have  passed  through  it  on  departing,  but  would 
hardly  move  from  a stronghold  to  a probably  open  village  while  surrounded 
by  enemies.  If  food  was  the  object,  the  able-bodied  soldiers  would  have 
made  a sally  for  it.  It  appears  that  the  army  camped  for  the  night  on  the  hill 
now  occupied  by  the  Remedios  shrine,  and  in  the  fortress-like  temple,  to 
which  a small  village  was  attached.  Alzate,  however,  who  took  pains  to  in- 
quire into  the  subject,  found  that  the  natives  applied  the  name  Otoncapulco, 
not  to  the  Remedios  hill,  but  to  the  mountain,  three  fourths  of  a league  off. 
On  this  mountain  he  found  the  ruins  of  a strong  building,  and  none  on  the 
hill,  whence  he  assumes  that  the  camp  was  not  made  on  the  site  of  the 
shrine,  but  on  the  mountain.  Gacetas  de  Lit.,  ii.  457-9.  Bustamante  accepts 
this  view,  but  Archbishop  Lorenzana,  whose  testimony  in  the  matter  must 
be  reliable,  says : ‘Se  conservan  aun  algunos  vestigios  de  la  antigua  Fortaleza, 
y esta  se  ha  convertido  dichosamente  en  el  c^lebre  Santuario  de  N.  Sra.  de 
los  Remedios.  ’ Cortes,  Hist.  TV.  Espaiia,  p.  xiii.  He  also  intimates  that  the 


486 


RETREAT  TO  TLASCALA. 


and  a small  village.  This  appeared  an  eligible  spot 
for  the  rest  which  they  so  much  needed.  Crossing  the 
Tepzolac  Creek,  at  its  foot,  Cortes  ordered  the  advance 
guard,  under  Ordaz,  to  capture  it,  while  he  faced  the 
pursuers.  Little  resistance  was  offered  at  the  temple, 
but  the  general  was  hotly  pressed,  as  the  enemy  per- 
ceived that  their  prey  was  about  to  escape.  At  this 
juncture  it  was  said  that,  the  Vfrgen  de  los  Remedios 
appeared,  and  by  casting  dust  into  the  eyes  of  the  foe 
enabled  the  Spaniards  to  effect  their  escape  with  little 
loss  into  the  temple.  “By  this  time,”  writes  Cortes, 
“we  had  not  a horse  that  could  run,  or  a horseman 
who  could  lift  an  arm,  or  a foot-soldier  who  could 
move.”9 

A few  additional  intrenchments  were  thrown  up, 
and  the  necessary  guards  posted  to  watch  the  baffled 
enemy,  who  perceiving  the  strength  of  the  place  con- 
tented themselves  with  flinging  their  missiles  and 
filling  the  air  with  shouts.  Feeling  comparatively  se- 
cure, the  troops  abandoned  themselves  to  rest  round 
blazing  fires.  The  food  found  in  the  place,  although 
insufficient  for  the  demands  of  the  half-starved  men, 
afforded  some  comfort,  which  was  increased  by  grateful 
sleep.10 

Thus  were  refreshed  the  wounded  and  disheart- 
ened. And  with  grateful  hearts  the  remnant  of  the 
brave  army  returned  thanks  to  God  for  deliverance. 
Some,  however,  attributed  their  escape  to  the  presence 
among  them  of  the  image  of  the  Vfrgen  de  los  Reme- 

Otoncapulco  name  is  misapplied.  Hence  it  may  be  assumed  that  the  common 
application  of  Otoncapulco  to  this  hill  is  due  to  a misinterpretation  of  Sahagun’s 
versions,  which  have  been  greatly  tampered  with,  for  that  matter,  and  that 
the  ruins  mentioned  by  Lorenzana  had  disappeared  by  the  time  Alzate  ex- 
amined the  place. 

9 Carta *,  136;  Cabrera,  Escudo  Armas,  110.  ‘Aqui  se  senalo  mucho  Gon- 
(;alo  Dominguez,  liombre  diestro  y valiente.’  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xii. 
Prescott  makes  several  blunders  and  omissions  in  connection  with  this  day. 

10  A few  stragglers  managed  to  reach  the  camp,  and  among  them  one 
Sopuerta,  who  had  escaped  death  by  feigning  it.  Herrera,  ubi  sup.  Sahagun 
states  that  Otomis  from  Teucalhuican,  and  from  the  immediate  neighbor- 
hood, no  doubt,  brought  food,  and  invited  the  Spaniards  to  the  former  town, 
a few  leagues  from  there.  Ilist.  Com].,  33.  Torquemada  follows  him,  but  the 
story  is  probably  an  cxaggei  ation. 


VlRGEN'  DE  LOS  REMEDIOS. 


4S7 


dios,  which  Rodriguez  de  Villafuerte  is  said  to  have 
afterward  placed  in  the  great  temple  of  Mexico.  It 
had  been  brought  here  by  the  owner,  although  some 
supposed  it  might  have  come  over  of  its  own  accord, 
as  it  is  said  to  have  miraculously  done  in  later  times 
when  detained  in  Mexico  against  its  will.11  Some 
years  after  the  Noclie  Triste  it  was  found  on  this  hill 
under  a bush,  by  a converted  cacique  named  Juan  de 
Tobar,  who  kept  it  for  a long  time,  and  then  by  divine 
direction  built  a hermitage  for  it  on  the  hill,  where  it 
had  been  found.  The  many  miracles  reported  of  the 
shrine  induced  the  City  of  Mexico  in  1574  to  adopt 
it  as  a patron,  and  by  the  following  year  the  simple 
chapel  was  replaced  by  a fine  temple  worthy  of  the 
sanctity  of  the  image  which  has  absorbed  so  large  a 
share  of  holy  pilgrimage.12 

The  review  held  on  Remedios  Hill  revealed  the  full 
extent  of  the  blow  suffered,  “one  which  Spaniards 
alone  could  have  endured,”  says  Peter  Martyr.  At 
the  beginning  of  the  siege  the  army  mustered  twelve 
hundred  and  fifty  Spaniards  and  six  thousand  allies, 
with  arms  and  ammunition  in  abundance,  and  now 

11  It  has  been  shown  previously,  by  testimony  not  accessible  till  later  years, 
that  the  image  placed  in  the  great  temple  was  a picture  on  a tablet,  while 
that  of  Remedios  is  a doll.  But,  of  course,  the  image  that  could  move  through 
the  air  could  also  transform  its  shape.  Bernal  Diaz  assumes,  as  we  have 
seen,  that  Montezuma  had  ordered  the  image  to  be  cared  for ; yet  many  believe 
that  Rodriguez  secured  it  before  or  after  the  massacre,  while  the  more  pious 
prefer  to  suppose  that  he  could  not  find  it,  for  want  of  time,  perhaps,  and 
that  it  moved  miraculously  to  the  camp.  Acosta,  Hist.  Ind.,  524;  Ixtlilxochitl, 
Hist.  Chick.,  302.  After  the  departure  of  the  troops  the  image  bid  itself  on 
the  spot,  or  Rodriguez,  tired  of  the  burden  which  had  saved  liis  life,  ungrate- 
fully left  it  there.  It  is  also  supposed  to  have  been  carried  to  Tlascala  ere  it 
reappeared  on  its  later  site.  Cabrera,  Escudo  Armas,  108  et  seq.;  Aiaman, 
Disert.,  i.  122.  Lorenzana  accepts  it  as  the  image  from  Mexico’s  temple. 
Cortis,  Hist.  N.  Esj/afia,  138. 

12  It  has  frequently  heen  brought  to  Mexico,  and  is  still  brought  to  avert 
epidemics  and  other  ills,  to  bring  rain  or  other  blessings.  When  detained  it 
would  travel  back  of  its  own  accord  to  the  shrine,  a proof  of  which  was 
afforded  by  the  travel  stains  on  the  dress.  One  rainy  night  it  arrived  covered 
with  mud.  Latrohc's  Rambler,  133.  Thompson  describes  it  as  ‘a  little  alabaster 

doll,  with  the  nose  broken,  and  the  eye  out about  eight  inches  high.’  Her 

wardrobe  and  jewels  are  valued  at  over  $1,090,000.  Recollections,  103-0. 
He  gives  an  account  of  the  veneration  for  the  image  and  its  miraculous  power. 
The  history  of  its  origin  and  worship  is  to  be  found  in  a multitude  of  books, 
among  which  may  be  mentioned,  Medina,  Chr6n.  S.  Diego  Mex.,  30  et  seq.; 
Cabrera,  Escudo  Armas,  105  et  seq.;  Bustamante,  Mem.  Piedad.,  Mex.,  1-52. 


488 


RETREAT  TO  TLASCALA. 


little  more  than  five  hundred  soldiers  and  loss  than 
two  thousand  allies  remained.13  The  baggage,  artillery 
and  ammunition,  intrusted  to  the  trains  of  carriers,  had 
all  been  lost,  and  a great  portion  of  the  arms  carried  by 
the  men,  so  that  only  twelve  battered  cross-bows  and 
seven  firelocks  could  be  counted.  What  better  com- 
mentary could  we  have  on  the  night’s  disaster!  The 
side  arms  were  fortunately  better  preserved,  and  there 
were  twenty-four  horses  left,  now  the  only  formidable 
element  of  the  army.14  Of  the  treasure  none  could 
tell  what  had  been  saved,  the  holders  keeping  the  fact 
secret.  It  was  whispered,  however,  that  Cortes  had 
taken  good  care  of  the  portion  appropriated  by  him, 
Bernal  Diaz,  among  others,  insisting  that  with  the 
first  party  conducted  by  the  general  to  Tlacopan  went 
a number  of  carriers  with  gold  bars  and  jewels. 
Among  these  is  said  to  have  been  some  of  the  royal 
treasure,  but  the  officers  declared  that  it  had  all  been 
lost,  including  the  mare  with  the  fifth  proper,  and  the 
account  books  and  records.  The  loss  of  the  papers, 
however  unfortunate  for  history,  must  have  been 

13  Cortds  prudently  limits,  and  we  must  add  untruthfully,  the  loss  to  150 
soldiers  and  some  2000  allies.  It  is  with  a view  to  this  estimate  that  he  reduced 
the  force  brought  into  Mexico  to  570  men,  to  which  must  be  added  the  140 
composing  the  garrison.  Deducting  the  150  lost,  5G0  remain,  and  since  he 
would  hardly  overestimate  the  number,  lor  obvious  reasons,  this  figure  is 
probably  near  the  truth.  Bernal  Diaz  musters  1300  at  Tlascala,  and  has  80 
at  Mexico.  Deducting  from  this  800  men  stated  to  have  been  lost  before 
entering  Tlascala,  not  counting  those  who  fell  in  other  provinces,  leaves  about 
580;  yet  he  acknowledges  only  440  alive.  Hist.  Verdad.,  108  et  seq.  Herrera 
is  also  contradictory,  admitting  in  one  place  500,  and  in  another  ‘ less  than  ’ 400 
soldiers  and  GOO  allies.  Oviedo  reduces  the  soldiers  to  340.  iii.  513.  Vetan- 
curt  adopts  Bernal  Diaz’  440  soldiers  and  Herrera’s  GOO  allies.  Prescott  hastily 
declares  Gomara  as  nearest  to  the  truth,  yet  he  departs  from  him  in  the  result. 
With  regard  to  the  allies,  he  reckons  the  full  number  of  all  who  were  brought 
to  Mexico,  while  it  is  pretty  obvious,  from  figures  and  facts,  that  a portion 
must  have  been  allowed  to  return  home  during  the  inaction  of  the  emperor’s 
captivity.  The  list  of  losses,  as  given  by  different  authorities,  stands  as  fol- 
lows : 150  soldiers,  over  2000  allies,  Cortis;  over  200  soldiers,  over  2000  allies, 
Lejalde,  Probanza;  nearly  200  soldiers,  over  1000  allies,  Solis;  300  soldiers, 
over  2000  allies,  at  one  bridge,  Saharjun,  122;  450  soldiers,  4000  allies,  Gomara , 
followed  by  IxtlUxochitl,  Clavigero,  Camargo,  and  others ; over  500  soldiers  in 
all  New  Spain,  Carta  del  Ejircito;  over  GOO  soldiers,  Robertson;  over  GOO  sol- 
diers, D.  V.  de  Tapia,  in  Ramirez,  Proceso  contra  Alvarado,  38, • 800  soldiers 
in  all  New  Spain,  Cor  Lis,  Residencia,  i.  42 ; 870  soldiers  in  all  New  Spain,  Bernal 
Diaz  ; 1170  soldiers,  8000  allies,  Cano,  in  Oviedo,  iii.  551. 

H The  loss  in  horses  varies  from  45,  in  Cortes,  to  56,  in  Lejalde,  Probanza, 
both  acknowledging  24  left. 


VAIN  REGRETS. 


4S9 


rather  convenient  to  Cortes,  at  least,  who  had  a 
fancy  for  adjusting  facts  and  figures  to  suit  his 
schemes.15 

Deeply  stricken  was  Cortes,  and  bitterly  did  he 
repent  of  the  mistakes  which  had  contributed  to  this 
sad  result:  of  having-  left  Alvarado  in  charge  to  follow 
his  rash  bent;  of  having  treated  Montezuma  and  his 
chiefs  so  inconsiderately  on  his  arrival;  and,  above 
all,  the  faulty  arrangements  for  the  flight  by  night.16 
His  had  been  the  greatest  conquest  yet  undertaken 
in  the  New  World,  and  his  the  greatest  disaster. 
The  men  of  Narvaez  had  suffered  most,  partly,  it  is 
said,  because  they  were  most  eager  to  burden  them- 
selves with  gold,  but  rather  because  they  were  inex- 
perienced, and  assigned  chiefly  to  the  rear.  It  was 
the  gaps  in  the  ranks  of  his  veterans  that  touched 
Cortes  most.  Gone  was  the  dear  dandy  Francisco  de 
Salcedo,  whom  slovenly  comrades  should  no  more 
trouble!  The  cavalry,  so  sadly  depleted,  missed 

is  < Perdido  se  todo  el  oro  y joyas  y ropa,’  etc.  Cortes,  Cartas,  135.  It  had 
been  confided  to  Tlascaltecs,  and  was  nearly  all  lost,  says  their  chief.  Camar/jo, 
Jlist.  Tiax.,  1G9-70.  The  officers  testified  afterward  before  public  notary : ‘ Se 
perdio  todo  el  dicho  oro  6 joyas  de  SS.  AA.,  6 mataron  la  yegua  que  lo  traia.’ 
L' jedde,  Probanza,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  425.  Two  witnesses  during  the 
residencia  of  Cortes  stated  that  the  general  had  two  mares,  one  given  to  carry 
the  royal  treasures  and  the  other  laden  with  his  own.  The  latter  being  lost, 
he  claimed  the  other  to  be  his,  and  in  this  manner  appropriated  45,000  pesos 
or  more  which  belonged  to  the  king.  Cortis,  Residencia,  i.  G9,  101-2.  Not 
b ng  a^ter  the  retreat  he  called  on  all  to  declare,  under  penalty,  what  gold  they 
had  saved  of  that  taken  from  the  unappropriated  piles.  From  those  who  did  so 
the  treasures  were  taken,  although  it  was  understood  that  they  had  been  given 
to  them.  All  this  Cort6s  kept.  Id.,  101-2,  241-2;  ii.  402.  Many  refused  to 
surrender,  and  since  the  leaders  had  also  secured  shares  from  the  common 
pile,  the  order  to  reveal  possession  thereof  was  not  enforced,  says  Bemal 
Diaz.  He  adds  that  one  third  was  to  be  retained  by  the  possessor  as  a reward. 
Cortt-s  kept  as  a forced  loan  what  had  been  surrendered.  Hist.  Verdad. , 117-18. 
The  loss  of  treasure,  that  thrown  away  by  carriers  and  pressed  soldiers,  or 
sunken  with  their  bodies,  has  been  estimated  at  from  several  hundred  thousand 
pesos  to  over  two  millions,  in  the  values  of  that  time ; to  which  Wilson  sarcas- 
tically objects,  that  ‘nothing  was  really  lost  but  the  imaginary  treasure,  now 
grown  inconveniently  large,  and  which  had  to  be  accounted  for  to  the  emperor. 
The  Conquistador  was  too  good  a soldier  to  hazard  his  gold ; it  was  therefore 
in  the  advance,  and  came  safely  off.’  Conq.  Mex.,  412-13. 

16  ‘ Si  esta  cosa  fuera  de  dia,  por  ventura  no  murieran  tantos,  ’ adds  Gomara, 
Hist.  Mex.,  161.  While  grieving  he  recognized  ‘el  manifiesto  milagro  que  la 
reyna  de  los  angeles  su  abogada,  el  apostol  San  Pedro,  y el  de  los  eg6rcitos 
Espanoles  Santiago,  habian  liecho  en  liaberse  escapado  (Si.  ’ IxtHlxochitl,  Jlist. 
C /licit.,  302.  Vetancurt  moralizes  on  the  flight  as  a chastisement  by  God, 
who  saved  the  remnant  to  spread  the  faith.  Teatro  Mex.,  pt.  iii.  145-6. 


490 


RETREAT  TO  TLASCALA. 


among  its  number  the  dashing  L&res17  and  the  brave 
Morla.  Neither  could  Botello  be  injured  by  the 
curses  freely  given  him  for  his  false  reading  of  the 
stars. w The  death  which  most  deeply  moved  Cortes, 
however,  was  that  of  the  true-hearted  and  brave 
Velazquez,  whose  standing  and  influence,  as  a relative 
of  the  Cuban  governor  and  as  a man  of  high  birth, 
had  so  greatly  assisted  the  general  in  carrying  out 
his  schemes.  Cortes  had  in  return  conferred  on  him 
some  of  the  most  important  commissions,  ever  re- 
garding him  as  among  the  truest  of  his  friends.  With 
him  had  died  his  native  wife,  Elvira,  the  daughter  of 
the  Tlascaltec  lord  Maxixcatzin,  and  nearly  every 
prisoner.19 

With  so  many  losses  to  deplore,  it  proved  a solace 
for  Cortes  to  find  present  his  favorite  captains,  San- 
doval, Alvarado,  and  Olid.  His  interpreters  were 
also  here,  and  foremost  the  loving  Marina,  whose  life, 
together  with  that  of  Luisa,  Xicotencatl’s  daughter, 
was  due  to  the  zealous  care  of  the  latter’s  brothers. 
Martin  Lopez,  the  ship-builder,  also  survived,  and 
the  sight  of  him  assisted  to  give  the  thoughts  of  the 

O o O 


general  a hopeful  bent,  rousing  in  his  enterprising 
spirit  projects  for  vengeance  and  recuperation.  Rem- 
nants though  they  were,  his  forces  were  still  larger 
than  those  with  which  he  had  overcome  Narvaez, 
and  which  he  had  till  then  regarded  as  sufficient  for 


the  conquest  of  the  empire.  The  experience  gained 
and  a knowledge  of  the  country  were  in  themselves 
an  army;  and,  thank  fortune,  he  had  some  gold,  and 
better  still,  allies.  Tlascala  was  now  his  hope.  Ev- 
erything, indeed,  depended  on  the  little  republic,  and 


17  On  a later  page  Bernal  Diaz  says  he  fell  at  Otumba.  Hist.  Verdad., 
107,  246. 

18  Herrera  attempts  to  save  somewhat  the  reputation  of  the  astrologer  by 
the  statement  that  lie  prophesied  death  for  himself  or  his  brother. 

19  Every  one,  say  Cortes  and  Herrera ; but  Ixtlilxochitl  states  that  one 
sister  of  King  Cacama  was  saved,  and  he  intimates  that  one  or  two  of  his 
brothers  also  escaped.  He  is  contradictory,  however.  Hist.  Chick.,  302,  390. 
The  one  who  escaped  must  have  been  Cuicuitzcatl,  the  newly  made  king  of 
Tezcuco.  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  adds  two  of  his  brothers,  probably  froin 
misinterpreting  ixtlilxochitl.  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  339. 


AT  CALACOAYAlSr. 


491 


whether  it  would  afford  him  shelter  and  aid.  He 
knew  that  the  loss  of  so  many  of  its  warriors  under 
his  banner  had  brought  wide-spread  affliction,  which 
might  turn  to  hatred  toward  him  as  the  cause. 
Thereupon  he  talked  to  the  Tlascaltec  chiefs  who 
were  yet  alive,  and  endeavored  to  stir  in  them  the 
thirst  for  revenge,  and  excite  their  desires  for  rich 
spoils  and  increased  domain.20 

Besiegers  and  besieged  sat  watching  each  other  the 
whole  day,  but  the  latter  made  no  signs  of  stirring. 
Thinking  that  they  would  not  venture  forth  for  some 
time,  many  of  the  former  began  to  file  off  homeward, 
leaving,  nevertheless,  a strong  force  round  the  hill.  * 
Cortes  feared  that  the  morrow  would  bring  them 
back  with  reinforcements  and  make  escape  difficult. 
Trusting  again  therefore  to  the  darkness,  now  joined 
to  the  more  advantageous  circumstance  of  an  open 
field,  he  set  forth,  leaving  the  fires  blazing  to  lull  the 
watchfulness  of  the  foe.  Eight  captains  were  ap- 
pointed for  the  different  sections  to  maintain  the 
arranged  order  of  march,21  Cortes  with  a portion  of 
the  cavalry  taking  the  rear,  as  the  post  of  danger. 
The  rest  of  the  horsemen  led  the  van,  while  the  sound 
infantry  formed  a cordon  for  the  centre,  wherein 
the  wounded  were  carried  in  hammocks,  or  hobbled 
along  on  hastily  prepared  crutches,  a few  being  taken 
up  behind  the  horsemen.  The  rear  had  hardly  left 
the  temple  before  the  enemy  were  upon  them  with 
swords  and  lances,  many  of  the  captured  and  recov- 
ered weapons  of  the  Spaniards  being  now  used  against 
themselves.  But  the  attack  was  not  severe,  partly  be- 
cause the  pursuers  had  been  reduced  to  irregular  bands 
from  the  mainland  settlements,  whose  chief  object 
was  plunder.  At  dawn  the  town  of  Calacoayan  was 

20  Ixtlilxoehitl  names  some  of  the  chiefs  to  whom  these  offers  were  made. 
Hvst.  C'hich.,  302. 

21  Avila,  a veritable  martinet,  maimed  a soldier  with  a blow  for  stepping 
from  the  ranks  to  pluck  some  fruit.  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xii.  The 
same  story  has  been  told  of  Avila  in  Cempoala. 


492 


RETREAT  TO  TLASCALA. 


sighted,  and  on  approaching  it  the  mounted  scouts 
came  in  a ravine  upon  an  ambuscade  formed  by  its 
warriors.  Believing  them  to  be  numerous  the  horse- 
men galloped  back,  and  joined  by  others  returned  to 
charge.  It  is  related  that  the  leader  halting  for  a 
moment  to  arrange  for  the  attack,  a soldier  became 
impatient,  and  hoisting  an  improvised  flag  on  his 
lance  he  called  out,  “Santiago!  follow  me  who  dare!” 
The  rest  responded,  and  the  enemy  was  routed  with 
slaughter.22  The  town  was  ransacked  for  food  and 


Citlal  tepee  o zacamolco? 

Tepotzoj^  t^Zumpango 

Quauhtiti, 


Iu,1c 

Teuculhuacan  ‘ 
CaJacoayan0 
Tlacopan  e 
^Mexico 


Teotihuacan 

Otumba 


te^c0 

Zultepec 


©Hueyotlipan 


Calpulalpan 


Tlascala 

| ' 1 ztaccihuatl 

Huexotzinco 
Cholula 

Quauhquechollan  o 


Jm 


w 


Popocatepetl  % 


^Huitzilapan 
Tepeaca  0 


Acatzingo 

o 

Quecholac 


Itzucan 


Tecamachalco  „ 


fired  as  a warning  to  the  assailants.  The  march  was 
resumed,  and  the  plain  of  Tizaapan  reached,  but 
owing1  to  the  fight  at  the  town  and  the  constant 
skirmishing  only  three  leagues  were  made  that  day. 
Toward  sunset  they  reached  the  hamlet  of  Teucul- 
huacan, and  took  peaceable  possession  of  the  temple 
for  the  night.23 

22  Cortes  allows  the  five  scouts  to  defeat  the  enemy,  who  are  frightened  by 
the  supposition  that  a larger  force  is  upon  them.  Cartas,  137.  Herrera  is  more 
explicit  with  regard  to  the  ambuscade,  and  makes  Ordaz  lead  up  the  reinforce- 
ments. dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xii. 

23  ‘ Mas  no  cenar.’  Go mara , Hist.  Hex.,  162.  Saliagun  states,  however,  that 
this  was  the  town  to  which  the  Otomis  had  on  the  preceding  day  invited 
them,  chiefly  because  they  were  related  to  the  Otomis  of  the  Tlascaltec  division 
un.ler  Cortes.  Hist.  Cow/.,  34—5.  A risky  proceeding,  if  true,  for  an  isolated 
community,  on  whom  might  fall  the  vengeance  of  the  hostile  Mexicans.  In 


SAHAGUN  AX'D  BRASSEUR  DE  BOURBOURG. 


403 


At  noon  on  the  3cl  the  march  was  resumed,  with 
quickened  steps  and  with  less  interruption.  Though 
persistent  in  harassing,*  the  pursuers  fled  whenever  the 


the  account  of  the  route  followed  to  Tlascala  Cortes  is  still  the  best  guide,  for 
he  not  only  kept  a record,  but  wrote  his  report  while  the  occurrences  were 
yet  fresh.  He  is  wanting  in  details,  however,  and  fails  to  give  names  to 
localities.  These  omissions  are  remedied  by  Sahagun,  who  now  seems  more 
reliable.  Other  authors  are  vague  or  misleading  for  the  route,  but  the  oc- 
casional incidents  told  by  them  are  noteworthy.  Bernal  Diaz  indicates  only 
one  stopping  place,  Quauhtitlan  evidently,  before  Otumba  is  reached.  Camargo 
skips  to  a place  adjoining  Otumba,  and  Ixtlilxochitl  takes  the  army  to  Quauh- 
ximalpan.  a place  whicli  modern  maps  locate  south  of  Remedios.  He  resumes 
the  northern  route,  but  names  some  towns  that  cannot  be  identified.  Gomara 
adheres  pretty  well  to  Cortes,  but  his  commentator,  Chimalpain,  supplies  names 
for  places,  which  differ  from  Sahagun  and  indicate  a deviation  from  the  ex- 
treme northern  course,  as  will  be  seen.  Torquemada  follows  chiefly  Sahagun, 
whom  he  recommends.  Orozco  y Berra  has  closely  studied  the  journey,  and 
throws  much  light  on  it,  more  so  than  any  other  writer ; yet  his  conclusions 
are  not  always  satisfactory.  Jlinerario  del  Ejercito  Espaiiol,  in  Mex.  Not. 
Ciudad.,  240  et  seq.  I have  already  spoken  at  leugth,  in  Native  Races,  iii. 
231-G,  on  the  life  and  writings  of  Father  Sahagun,  and  will  here  refer  only 
to  the  twelfth  book  of  his  Hisloma  General,  inserted  by  Bustamante,  at  the 
beginning  of  the  set,  under  the  title  of  Historia  de  la  Conrjuista  de  Mexico. 
This  copy  is  from  one  found  by  Munoz  in  the  Franciscan  convent  of  Tolosa, 
in  Navarre.  Another  copy  of  the  twelfth  book,  in  possession  of  Conde  de 
Cortina,  claimed  as  the  true  original,  tv  as  published  separately  by  the  same 
editor,  at  Mexico,  1S40,  with  lengthy  notes  from  Clavigero  and  other  writers 
to  complete  the  chain  of  events,  and  to  comment  on  the  suppression  in  the 
former  issue  of  statements  concerning  Spanish  misdeeds.  It  has  also  an  addi- 
tional chapter.  Neither  copy,  however,  corresponds  quite  to  that  used  by 
Torquemada,  who  in  more  than  one  instance  quotes  passages  that  are  startling 
compared  with  the  modified  expressions  in  the  others.  The  severity  of  the 
friar  toward  Spanish  conquerors  was  no  doubt  a strong  reason  for  the  sup- 
pression of  his  work.  The  twelfth  book  begins  with  Grijalva’s  arrival  and 
the  omens  preceding  it,  and  carries  the  narrative  of  the  conquest  down  to  the 
fall  of  Mexico.  According  to  his  own  statement,  on  page  132,  it  is  founded 
to  a great  extent  on  the  relations  given  him  by  eye-witnesses,  soldiers  who 
had  assumed  the  Franciscan  robe  and  associated  daily  with  the  friar;  but 
much  is  adopted,  with  little  or  no  critique,  from  superstitious  natives,  the 
whole  forming  a rather  confusing  medley,  so  that  it  is  difficult  to  extract  the 
many  valuable  points  which  it  contains.  This  difficulty  is,  of  course,  not  en- 
countered by  such  followers  as  Bustamante  and  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  and 
similar  supporters  of  native  records  or  anti-Spanish  versions. 

In  the  Native  Races  I give  the  traits  which  characterize  the  French  alibi 
and  his  famous  works  on  Central  American  culture  and  antiquities,  and  it 
remains  only  to  refer  briefly  to  his  version  of  the  conquest,  comprised  in 
the  fourth  volume  of  the  Ifis/oire  des  Nations  Cimlisees.  His  pleasing  style 
lends  attraction  to  every  page,  but  his  faults  become  more  conspicuous  from 
the  comparison  presented  by  a vast  array  of  authorities,  revealing  the  indis- 
creet and  enthusiastic  readiness  to  accept  native  tales,  or  anything  that  favors 
the  hypotheses  by  which  he  is  ruled,  and  in  the  disposition  to  build  magnificent 
structures  on  airy  foundation.  His  version,  indeed,  strives  rather  to  narrate 
the  conquest  from  a native  standpoint,  and  to  use  Spanish  chronicles  only  as 
supplementary  authority.  To  this  end  he  relies  chiefly  on  the  now  well 
known  writings  of  Sahagun,  Ixtlilxochitl,  Camargo,  and  Torquemada,  and  it 
is  but  rarely  that  he  is  able  to  quote  the  often  startling  original  manuscripts 
possessed  only  by  himself. 


494 


RETREAT  TO  TLASCALA. 


cavalry  charged,  and  took  refuge  on  the  hill-slopes,  fling- 
ing with  their  missiles  jeers  and  insults.  “Women!” 
they  cried;  “cowards,  who  fight  only  when  mounted! 
You  are  going  whence  none  of  you  shall  escape!”  The 
latter  threat  was  frequently  heard,  but  its  meaning 
failed  as  yet  to  be  understood.  There  was  a worse 
enemy  than  the  Mexicans,  however,  and  that  was 
hunger,  which  made  itself  severely  felt,  “although 
Spaniards  can  endure  its  pangs  better  than  any  other 
nation,”  vaunts  Gomara,  “and  this  band  of  Cortes’ 
better  than  all.”  Eagerly  they  scanned  the  road  side 
for  fruit  or  roots,  and  many  ate  grass,  while  the  Tlas- 
ealtecs  threw  themselves  upon  the  ground  and  begged 
their  gods  to  take  pity  upon  them.24  One  soldier 
opened  a dead  body  and  ate  the  liver,  and  when 
Cortes  heard  of  it  he  ordered  the  man  hanged,  but 
the  sentence  was  not  executed.  The  route,  at  first 
craggy,  passed  through  the  towns  of  Quauhtitlan  and 
Tepotzotlan,  along  the  lake  of  Zumpango,  to  Citlal- 
tepec,  where  camp  was  formed.  The  inhabitants  had 
fled,  but  food  was  there  to  eat,  and  even  to  carry  on 
their  journey,  and  there  they  remained  all  the  next 

25 

Jl  ‘ Mordiendo  la  tierra,  arrancando  yeruas,  y alpado  los  ojos  al  cielo,  dezian, 
dioses  no  nos  desampareys  en  este  peligro,  p;ies  teneys  poder  sobre  todos  los 
liombres,  hazed  que  con  vuestra  ayuda  salgamos  del.  ’ llcrrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  x. 
cap.  xii. 

26  Herrera  conforms  to  Cortes  and  Gomara  in  admitting  a stay  of  two 
nights  at  one  place,  but  makes  this  Tecopatlan,  called  ‘ duck  town,’  from  its 
many  fowl.  This  is  evidently  Tepotzotlan.  But  it  was  not  near  the  lake 
like  Citlaltepec,  and  ‘duck  town’  applies  rather  to  a lake  town,  in  this 
region,  at  least.  Cortes  also  writes,  in  Cartas,  137,  ‘ fuimos  aquel  dia  por 
cerca  de  unas  lagunas  hasta  que  llegamos  d una  poblacion,’  and  this  does  not 
apply  well  to  Tepotzotlan,  which  lies  a goodly  distance  from  the  lakes,  re- 
quiring certainly  no  march  along  ‘ some  ’ lakes  to  reach  it.  Hence  the  Citlaltepec 
of  Sahagun  must  be  meant.  This  author,  however,  supposes  tjie  Spaniards  to 
stay  one  night  at  each  place.  Hist.  Conq.,  36  (ed.  1840),  129.  Ixtlilxochitl 
calls  the  place  after  Tepotzotlan,  Aychqualco.  Hist.  Chich. , 302.  At  Tepot- 
zotlan, says  Vetancurt,  some  of  the  people  remained  to  receive  the  Spaniards — 
this  is  in  accordance  with  one  of  Sahagun’s  versions — and  here  remained  to 
hide  the  son  of  Montezuma,  whom  he  supposes  to  have  escaped  with  the  troops. 
Teatro  Mex.,  pt.  iii.  144.  According  to  Chimalpain’s  interpretation  the  Span- 
iards stay  the  two  nights  at  Quauhtitlan,  and- thence  proceed  by  way  of  Eca- 
tepec,  now  San  Cristobal,  skirting  the  northern  shore  of  Tezcuco  Lake,  and  on 
to  Otumba.  Hist.  Conq. , i.  304-5.  This  route  certainly  appears  the  most  direct, 
but  there  is  no  authority  for  it.  The  sentence  from  Cortes  might  no  doubt  be 
adopted  equally  well  for  this  road ; but  Sahagun,  Ixtlilxochitl,  and  Herrera 


day 


A HOST  AT  HAND. 


493 


On  the  morning  of  the  5th  of  July  they  skirted 
the  lake  and  turned  westward  to  Tlascala,  pursued  by 
increasing  forces;26  owing  to  which,  or  to  the  rough- 
ness of  the  road,  or  to  the  guide,  less  progress  was 
made  than  on  the  previous  day,  and  camp  was  pitched 
at  the  deserted  hamlet  of  Xoloc.  The  following  day 
they  proceeded  toward  the  Azaquemecan  Mountains, 
and  halted  at  the  town  Zacamolco.27  Observing  a 
mysterious  movement  among  the  Indians  on  the  slope, 
Cortes  set  out  with  live  horsemen  and  a dozen  foot- 
soldiers  to  reconnoitre.  After  skirting  the  mountain 
he  came  in  sight  of  a large  army,28  with  a portion 
of  which  he  came  to  close  quarters,  the  fleet  natives 
having  gained  on  the  foot-soldiers  in  making  the  turn 
of  the  hill.  In  the  melee  Cortes  was  badly  wounded  in 
the  head.29  He  retreated  to  camp  and  had  the  wound 
bandaged,  and  the  forces  were  hurried  away  from  the 
town,  which  appeared  too  exposed  for  an  attack.  The 
Indians  pursued  them  so  closely  that  two  men  were 
killed  and  a number  wounded,  beside  four  or  five 
horses.  One  of  the  animals  died,  and  although  the 
troops  deplored  its  loss,  the  meat  proved  acceptable, 
for  roasted  maize  with  a little  fruit  had  been  their 
only  food  for  several  days.30  Camp  appears  to  have 

name  towns  which  lie  east  and  noi’th  of  the  Zumpango  Lake,  and  during  the 
rainy  season  now  prevailing  the  passages  between  the  lakes  were  rather 
swampy.  Tezcuco  was  beside  too  close  for  the  fleeing  army.  Alaman  accepts 
tae  route  south  of  Zumpango,  Disert.,  i.  122,  against  which  nearly  all  the 
above  reasons  apply. 

26  ‘ Nos  convenia  ir  muchas  veces  fuera  de  camino.’  Cortfs,  Cartas,  138. 
Owing  to  the  guide’s  inefficiency,  adds  Gomara,  HUt.  Me x.,  162. 

2rSahagun  also  calls  the  mountain,  or  the  slope,  Tona.  His  confusing 
versions  sometimes  reverse  all  the  names.  CortCs  places  it  two  leagues  from 
the  last  camp. 

28  ‘ Detrds  del  [hill]  estaba  una  gran  ciudad  de  mucha  gente.  ’ Cort6s,  Cartas, 
13S.  Zacamolco  is  also  called  a large  town.  There  could  hardly  be  two  large 
towns  so  close  together  in  a district  like  this,  so  that  the  other  must  have  been 
Teotihuacan,  ‘ city  of  the  gods,’  with  its  ancient  and  lofty  pyramids,  sacred  to 
all  Anahuac,  and  one  of  the  chief  centres  of  pilgrimage.  For  description  of 
ruins,  see  Native  Races , iv.  529-44. 

**  ‘Con  un  golpe  de  piedra  en  la  cabeza  tan  violento,  que  abollando  las 
armas,  le  rompio  la  primera  tunica  del  cerebro.’  So  Solis  defines  the  wound, 
which  afterward  grew  dangerous.  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  203.  He  supposes  that  it 
was  received  at  Otumba. 

3,1  ‘ Le  comieron  sin  dexar  [como  dizen]  pelo  ni  huesso.  ’ Gomara,  Hist. 
Mex.,  162.  ‘ La  cabeza  cupo  a siete  o ocho.’  The  horse  was  Gamboa’s,  on 


496 


RETREAT  TO  TLASCALA. 


been  formed  for  the  night  in  a hamlet  among  the 
hills,  the  enemy  being  left  on  the  opposite  western 
slope  of  the  range. 

A serious  encounter  being  apprehended  the  next  day, 
additional  crutches  and  hammocks  were  prepared  for 
those  of  the  wounded  who  had  hitherto  been  carried 
on  horseback,  so  as  to  leave  the  cavalry  free  in  its 
movements.31  Before  dawn  on  July  7th32  the  march 
was  resumed,  in  the  hope  of  eluding  the  forces  in  the 
rear,  little  suspecting  that  this  was  but  a wing  of  the 
main  body  now  preparing  to  surround  them.  They  had 
proceeded  about  a league,  and  were  on  the  point  of 
entering  the  large  plain  of  Otumba,33  when  the  scouts 
came  galloping  back  with  the  information  that  the 
whole  field  was  filled  with  warriors  in  battle  array. 
The  hearts  of  the  Spaniards  sank  within  them.  They 
were  hoping  to  escape  an  enemy  such  as  this.31  Cortes 
ordered  a halt,  and  with  his  captains  talked  over  the 
situation.  Retreat  was  out  of  the  question,  and  to 
turn  aside  would  be  useless.  “We  must  charge  upon 
this  host,”  said  Cortes;  “we  must  make  our  path 
through  its  very  centre.  Remember  your  dead  com- 
rades; remember  your  God;  comport  yourselves  like 
Christian  soldiers,  and  this  idolatrous  horde  will  melt 
before  you  like  the  morning  mist.”  He  thereupon 
issued  the  necessary  instructions  for  charging  and 


which  Alvarado  was  saved  after  his  leap.  Herrera,  ii.  x.  xii. ; Bernal  Diaz, 
lliifi.  Verda-l.,  107.  Ixtlilxochitl  says  that  Ziuacatzin,  of  Teotihuacau,  killed 
it — he  whom  we  shall  find  leading  the  enemy  on  the  morrow. 

31  ‘ Y parecio  que  el  Espiritu  Santo  me  alumbro  con  este  aviso,’  exclaims 
Cortes,  Carlas,  139.  Many  a soldier  carried  a comrade  on  his  back.  Gomara, 
llist.  Mex.,  163. 

32  According  to  Cortes,  whose  dates  I have  already  shown  to  be  reliable. 
He  makes  it  a Saturday.  Prescott  makes  it  the  8th,  a mistake  which  has 
been  copied  by  several  writers,  including  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  and  Carbajal 
Espinosa. 

33  ‘Llanos  de  la  provincia  de  Otupam.’  The  battle  taking  place  near 

Metcpec.  IxtlUxochitl,  Hist.  Chick.,  302-3.  Plain  of  Otumpan,  also  called 
Atztaquemecan.  Camargo,  Hist.  Tlax.,  170.  ‘ Los  Llanos  de  Apan.  ’ ‘ElValle 

de  Otumba.’  Lorenzana,  in  CortHs,  Hist.  N.  Espaiia,  xiv.  148.  Clavigero  caHs 
it  the  plain  of  Tonan,  derived  from  Sahagun,  who  applies  the  name  to  the  slope 
of  the  range  bordering  it. 

31  Following  the  intimation  given  by  Sahagun,  Torquemada  states  that  the 
enemy  came  pouring  in  from  rear  and  sides  to  surround  the  troops,  i.  oOS. 


A BRILLIANT  DISPLAY. 


497 


resisting,  and  for  protecting  the  disabled.  The  horse- 
men were  to  ride  with  loose  rein,  lancing  at  the  faces, 
so  as  to  break  the  enemy’s  lines,  and  open  a path  for 
the  infantry,  who  were  to  follow  and  thrust  their  side- 
arms  at  the  bowels  of  their  assailants.35 

Commending1  themselves  to  the  virgin,  and  invoking 
the  aid  of  Santiago,  the  troops  advanced  and  entered 
the  plain,  skirted  on  the  east  by  the  lower  ranges  of 
the  Tlaloc,  which  inclosed  in  the  distance  the  town 
of  Otumba.  The  sight  was  as  grand  as  it  was  terri- 
fying. In  every  direction  were  seemingly  endless 
columns,  with  flowing  plumage,  brilliant  shields  of 
varied  designs,  and  above  and  beyond  these  a forest  of 
glittering  iztli  points.  “It  was  the  finest  army  Span- 
iards ever  encountered  in  the  Indies,”  exclaims  Bernal 
Diaz.  Their  number  was  legion,  and  the  richness  of 
their  attire  signified  the  presence  of  the  strength  and 
nobility  of  the  empire.  The  original  estimate  was 
doubled,  and  that  was  increased  fourfold,  until,  like 
Don  Quixote’s  sheep,  two  hundred  thousand  seemed 
small.  Aware  of  the  route  taken  and  the  destination 
of  the  Spaniards,  Cuitlahuatzin  had  sent  orders  to  the 
caciques  of  Otumba,  Teotihuacan,  Calpulalpan,  and 
adjoining  region,  to  mass  their  forces  here  and  exter- 
minate the  intruders.  This  order  came  most  oppor- 
tune, for  at  the  time  a fair  was  held  at  Otumba, 
which  attracted  a large  concourse,  from  which  volun- 
teers were  readily  obtained  for  so  laudable  an  object, 
represented  not  only  as  easy  of  achievement,  but  as 
profitable  from  the  spoils  that  were  to  follow.  A 
strong  force  from  the  lake  region  had  come  to  form 
the  nucleus  of  the  army,  the  command  of  which  was 
assumed  by  Ciliuacatzin,  lord  of  Teotihuacan.36 

35  While  they  were  halting,  writes  Ojeda,  a big  Indian  with  club  and  shield 
advanced  to  challenge  any  Spaniard  to  single  combat.  Ojeda  responded,  but 
in  advancing  against  the  man  his  negro  slave  followed  him,  and  either  the 
sight  of  two  frightened  the  native  or  he  sought  to  decoy  them,  for  he  retreated 
into  a copse.  Herrera , ii.  x.  xiii. 

3l>  Camarrjo,  Hist.  Tlax.,  171-2;  Torquemada,  i.  509.  Ixtlilxochitl  spells 
the  name  Zihuatcatlzin,  and  Oviedo  calls  it  Xiaquetenga,  based  probably  on 
that  of  the  Tlascaitec  chief.  Duran,  Ills',  [.id.,  MS.,  ii.  450.  ‘ La  flor  de  Mexico, 
y de  Tezcuco,  v S dtocan.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  10S. 

Hist!  Hex.,  Vol.  I.  32 


498 


RETREAT  TO  TLASCALA. 


The  sight  of  the  sorry  remnant  of  the  Spanish 
army  was  greeted  by  the  native  host  with  triumphant 
shouts,  trumpet  blasts,  and  the  clashing  of  weapons. 
Nothing  should  now  prevent  their  escape;  they  were 
doomed!  Cautiously  the  Indians  advanced  to  sur- 
round them;  for  though  the  wounded  and  bedraggled 
band  was  small,  it  still  looked  viperish.  Like  the 
French  in  Egypt  the  Mexicans  might  have  said  that 
the  centuries  were  looking  down  on  them  from  the 
mystic  towers  of  Teotihuacan,  consecrated  to  the 
sacred  past.  It  was  natural  enough  for  them  to  feel 
glad  and  proud;  surely  the  invaders  had  brought 
them  misery  enough  to  justify  any  return.  But  let 
them  not  forget  that  there  are  still  strong  men,  now 
nerved  to  desperation.  And  just  beyond  the  mountain 
fringe,  toward  which  pointed  their  holy  banner  of  the 
cross,  was  a promised  land,  ‘the  land  of  bread,’  and, 
as  they  hoped,  of  trusty  friends. 

Cortes  did  not  wait  for  them  to  advance  too  near  be- 
fore he  made  a charge.  With  head  and  arm  bandaged 
he  led  the  cavalry,  which  in  parties  of  five  rushed  at 
the  enemy,  lancing  straight  at  the  face,  and  opening  a 
way  for  the  infantry,  which  followed  at  a quick  pace, 
thrusting  sword  and  pike  as  they  had  been  directed.37 
This  tactic  disconcerted  the  natives  somewhat,  and 
discarding  their  projectile  weapons  the  front  ranks 
seized  on  lances,  two-handed  swords,  and  heavy  clubs, 
encouraging  one  another  by  shouting  the  names  of 
their  towns  and  districts.  After  breaking  the  lines 
the  horsemen  turned  to  open  another  path  in  the 
direction  of  the  infantry,  throwing  the  Indians  in  a 
disorderly  pressure  one  against  the  other,  and  keeping 
them  in  a state  of  apprehension  as  to  where  the 
mounted  avalanche  would  next  roll  over  them.  Again 
the  horsemen  turned,  dashing  close  along  the  flanks 
of  the  troops,  scattering  the  intermediate  assailants  in 
confusion,  and  rendering  them  an  easy  prey  to  the 

37  Solis  clears  the  way  with  volleys,  but  only  seven  muskets  remained  and 
no  ammunition. 


DESPERATE  FIGHTING. 


499 


foot-soldiers.  Swift  as  the  wind  the  gallant  Sandoval 
flew  past,  crying  to  his  comrades:  “We  win  to-day, 
sehores!  We  win  to-day,  God  helping  us!”  Maria 
de  Estrada  was  likewise  there,  cheering  onward  the 
men,  and  sharing  danger  with  the  foremost  of  the 
brave. 

It  would  indeed  seem  to  persons  of  less  confidence 
than  the  Spaniards  that  some  supernatural  power 
had  been  necessary  on  this  day  to  deliver  them. 
Nor  did  the  Tlascaltecs  belie  their  fame  as  warriors, 
for  they  fought  like  lions,  as  the  soldier- chronicler 
declares,  the  chief  Calmecahua  being  particularly  con- 
spicuous for  his  bravery.38 

F or  a while  the  horsemen  had  it  all  their  own  way, 
chiefly,  as  Cortes  observes,  because  the  enemy  con- 
sisted of  such  disorganized  masses  as  to  prevent  one 
another  either  from  fighting  or  fleeing;  but  as  they 
became  more  used  to  the  Spanish  tactics  they  offered 
firmer  resistance.  The  horse  of  the  general  being 
so  severely  struck  in  the  mouth  as  to  become  un- 
manageable, Cortes  dismounted  and  turned  it  loose 
to  seek  another.  The  injured  animal,  seemingly  im- 
bued with  its  master’s  spirit,  dashed  at  the  enemy  in 
mad  career,  creating  quite  a panic  in  its  course.  The 
cavalry  took  advantage  of  the  confusion  to  follow, 
partly  with  a view  to  secure  the  animal;  after  re- 
gaining the  main  body  they  indulged  in  a brief  rest. 
The  heat  no  less  than  the  fighting  had  tired  out  both 
men  and  horses;  but  there  was  for  them  little  respite, 
for  no  sooner  had  the  foes  observed  their  inaction 
than  they  closed  in  round  them  with  renewed  courage. 
“ Thrust  well  and  deep,”  came  the  order  to  the  soldiers, 
“for  they  are  all  chiefs!”  And  so  they  seemed,  from 
their  rich  dress,  their  elaborate  devices,  and  their 
glittering  ornaments.  Cortes  now  mounted  a horse 
whose  viciousness  had  hitherto  consigned  him  to  the 

38Camargo  states  that  he  lived  to  an  age  exceeding  130  years.  Heroes  in 
all  ages  have  enjoyed  the  privilege  of  not  being  tied  down  to  laws  governing 
ordinary  mortals. 


500 


RETREAT  TO  TLASCALA. 


baggage  department,39  and  again  tbe  cavalry  formed, 
this  time  in  more  compact  order.  But  the  enemy, 
ever  relieved  by  fresh  men,  maintained  the  firnmes3 
with  which  they  had  begun  the  charge,  and  both 
horsemen  and  foot -soldiers  found  the  pressure  be- 
coming greater  and  the  fight  hotter.  Thus  the  battle 
continued  during  the  greater  part  of  the  forenoon,40 
the  natives  evidently  as  fresh  as  ever,  and  the  Spaniards 
visibly  failing.  “We  thought  surely  that  this  was  to 
be  our  last  day,”  writes  Cortes,  “in  view  of  the  great 
strength  of  the  Indians  and  the  little  resistance  they 
could  find  in  us,  tired  as  we  were,  and  nearly  all 
wounded,  and  faint  with  hunger.” 

A feeling  of  suffocation  and  deathly  despair  comes 
over  the  Spaniards  as  the  dusky  host  fold  them  in 
closer  and  yet  fiercer  embrace.  Hot  falls  the  blood- 
reeking  breath  upon  their  faces,  as,  flushed  with  suc- 
cess and  sure  of  their  victims,  the  foe  lay  hold  of  the 
Spaniards  to  drag  them  away  to  the  sacrifice.  Rare 
offerings  to  the  gods,  indeed,  are  these  magnificent 
men  I And  such  they  will  surely  become  if  Mary, 
Santiago,  or  the  ready  genius  of  Cortes  appears  not 
quickly  to  the  rescue!  But  how  shall  there  be  rescue? 
What  rescue  is  there  to  the  sinking  ship  alone  in  mid- 
ocean? Can  this  Cortds  for  the  release  of  his  com- 
rades baffle  death  like  Hercules  for  the  release  of 
Alcestis  ? 

So  it  would  seem.  Behold  yonder  grand  personage, 
borne  aloft  in  open  litter,  high  over  the  others,  with 
plumed  head-dress,  and  above  it  the  gold-net  standard, 
the  tlcihuizmatlaxopilli,  set  with  precious  feathers,  and 
secured  to  his  back  by  a staff,  according  to  custom.41 

39  An  ill-natured  brute,  which  attacked  the  enemy  with  teeth  and  hoofs.  He 
did  good  service  all  through  the  following  campaign,  till  he  fell  in  one  of  the 
last  battles  of  the  great  siege.  Camargo,  Hist.  Tlax.,  172. 

40  ‘ Curb  este  terrible  conflicto  por  mas  de  cuatro  horas ....  Llegado  el  medio 
dia,  con  el  intolerable  trabajo  de  la  pelea,  los  espauoles  comenzaron  a desmayar.  ’ 
Saha  gun,  Hist.  Cong.  (ed.  1840),  132. 

ll  ‘ En  vnas  Andas,  vn  Caballero  mandando,  con  vna  Rodela  Dorada,  y que 
la  V andera,  y Senal  Real,  que  le  salia  por  las  Espaldas,  era  vna  Red  de  Oro, 
que  los  Indios  llamaban  Tlahuizmatlaxopilli,  que  le  subia  diez  palmos.’  Torgut- 
mada,  i.  509.  ‘ Su  vandera  tendida,  con  ricas  armas  de  oro,  y grandes  penachcs 


BRILLIANT  ACHIEVEMENT. 


501 


This  is  the  generalissimo  of  all  the  native  forces  there 
gathered,  and  around  him  are  the  flower  of  the  army 
in  feathered  armor  of  rich  designs,  guarding  with 
zealous  care  the  banner,  and  encouraging  the  rest  to 
renewed  efforts  and  brave  deeds.  Cortes  sees  him, 
and  his  purpose  for  weal  or  woe  is  fixed  almost  before 
his  comrades  are  aware  of  the  chieftain’s  approach; 
for  he  comes  as  captain  of  the  hounds  to  be  in  at  the 
death  of  these  Spanish  foxes.  Cortes  is  well  aware 
of  the  importance  attached  by  natives  to ’the  person  of 
the  general,  and  to  the  safe-keeping  of  the  standard. 
In  these  centre  all  the  hope  of  their  armies:  success 
is  theirs  so  long  as  they  remain;  but  once  brought 
low,  and  the  Indian  regards  all  as  lost.  Even  at  this 
juncture  Cortes  does  not  fail  to  observe  the  increased 
firmness  and  spirit  among  the  warriors  as  the  banner 
approaches.  Here,  then,  is  the  one  chance  more,  which 
is  all  the  brave  man  asks.  With  a quick  motion  to 
his  mounted  followers,  pointing  to  the  sacred  insignia, 
and  as  if  he  would  throw  the  whole  might  of  Spain 
into  his  brief  words,  Cortes  cries  out : “ Senores,  lot  us 
break  with  them ! In  the  name  of  God  and  St  Peter, 
senores,  let  us  close  with  them!”  Not  a man  there 
but  knew  that  the  next  moment  would  determine  all, 
would  determine  the  fate  of  every  Spaniard  in  New 
Spain. 

Throwing  themselves  with  the  compact  force  of  one 
of  their  own  cannon-balls  against  the  heaving  mass, 
they  mow  an  instant  path  to  the  charmed  centre. 
The  wave  of  disorder  strikes  the  sacred  guard,  while 
the  unruly  horse  of  Cortes,  bearing  him  unresistingly 
onward,  overturns  the  litter  of  the  generalissimo,  and 
hurls  the  bearers  to  the  ground.  “Victory!”  shouts 
Cortes,  when  he  recovers  his  breath;  and  “victory! 
victory!”  echo  his  people,  while  Juan  de  Salamanca 
plunges  his  lance  into  the  body  of  the  prostrate  chief, 


de  argenteria.  ’ Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.Verdad.,  108.  Ixtlilxochitl  calls  the  gold 
net  matlaxopili.  Hist.  Chick.,  303.  Camargo  more  correctly  agrees  with  Tor- 
quemada. 


502 


RETREAT  TO  TLASCALA. 


and  seizing  the  sacred  banner, presents  it  to  the  general 
as  his  rightful  trophy.12 

The  welcome  cry  of  Cortes  electrified  the  whole 
Spanish  line,  while  the  warriors  lately  so  triumphant 
stood  stupefied  with  dismay.  With  the  disappear- 
ance of  the  palladium  their  courage  had  fallen,  while 
the  Spanish  soldiers,  with  the  confidence  and  strength 
of  joy,  rushed  from  wing  to  wing  upon  them.  The 
warriors  wavered;  then,  with  one  more  searching 
glance  in  the  direction  of  the  guiding  emblem, 
they  became  convinced  that  their  leader  had  in- 
deed fallen.  Consternation  followed;  the  panic  from 
the  centre  overtook  the  more  distant,  and  valiantly 


42  The  accounts  of  this  incident  vary  greatly.  According  to  Bernal  Diaz 
‘ Cortes  did  vn  eneuetro  co  el  eauallo  al  Capita  Mexicano,  qle  hizo  abatir  su 
vadera ....  quie  siguib  al  Capitan  q traia  la  vandera  que  aun  no  auia  caido  del 
cncucntro  que  Cortes  le  did,  fue  vn  J uan  de  Salamanca,  natural  de  Ontiueros, 
con  vna  buena  yegua  ouera,  que  la  acabo  de  matar.’  Hist.  Verdad.,  108.  The 
banner  could  not  have  fallen  without  the  general.  Gomara  intimates  that 
Cortes  charged  alone  against  the  ‘ capitan  general,  y dio  le  dos  lambadas,  de 
que  cayo  y murio.’  Hist.  Mix.,  163.  This  is  also  substantially  the  view  of 
Duran  and  Camargo.  Herrera  leaves  the  impression  that  Salamanca  alone 
follows  Cortes  in  the  charge,  and  cuts  off  the  head  and  banner  of  the  com- 
mander after  his  chief  had  wounded  and  overthrown  him.  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap. 
xiii.  Torqucmada,  Clavigero,  Prescott,  and  others,  also  assume  that  Cortes 
lances  the  generalissimo,  but  they  let  the  cavalry  follow.  Sahagun,  who 
obtained  his  information  from  participants  that  afterward  became  friars, 
merely  states  that  Cortes  and  one  other  led  the  charge,  which  resulted  in  the 
overthrow  of  the  general  and  his  banner.  Hist.  Conq.  (ed.  1840),  132.  Cortes 
is  still  more  reticent  in  saying : ‘ quiso  Dios  que  murio  una  persona  dellos, 
que  debia  ser  tan  principal,  que  con  su  muerte  ceso  toda  aquella  guerra.’ 
Cartas,  139.  The  assumption  that  Cortes  overthrew  the  commander  with 
his  lance  rests  chiefly  on  the  fact  that  Cortes  as  leader  of  the  charge  receives 
credit  for  everything  that  happens.  Writers  also  forget  that  the  commander 
was  carried  aloft  in  a litter  the  better  to  observe  the  movements  of  the  army. 
His  burdened  carriers  would  with  greater  likelihood  have  been  overthrown 
by  the  horses  or  in  the  disorder  created  by  their  advance.  This  supposition 
is  confirmed  by  Cortes’  reference  to  the  affair,  wherein  he  gives  credit  to 
none  for  the  act,  his  usual  custom  when  some  one  else  performed  a note- 
worthy deed.  He  was  seldom  chary  in  giving  credit  to  himself  for  achieve- 
ments, as  may  be  gathered  alone  from  his  account  of  the  stay  iri  Mexico 
City,  which  announces  that  he  it  was  who  tore  down  the  idols,  who  captured 
the  temple  after  another  had  failed  to  do  so,  who  single-handed  covered  the 
retreat  of  his  comrades  on  the  Tlacopan  causeway  on  the  morning  preceding 
the  flight,  and  who  with  less  than  a score  that  ‘ dared  stay  with  him’  pro- 
tected the  retreat  of  the  last  remnant  from  the  city.  The  supposition  receives 
further  support  from  the  permission  given  by  the  emperor  to  Salamanca  to 
add  to  his  escutcheon  the  trophy  taken  from  the  commander.  This  implies 
that  although  the  victory  was  due  to  Cortes  he  could  not  have  inflicted  the 
mortal  wound.  Salamanca  became  alcalde  mayor  of  Goazacoalco.  Bernal  Diaz, 
Hist.  Verdad.,  108,  111. 


A DECISIVE  BATTLE. 


503 


as  they  had  fought  before,  as  cravenly  did  they 
now  tlee.43 

Forgetful  of  wounds  and  hunger,  and  regardless  of 
the  imminent  danger  attending  such  a course,  the 
Spaniards  pursued  the  foolish  fugitives,  thrusting  and 
slashing  at  them  until  they  had  killed  twenty  thou- 
sand— a round  figure,  truly,  and  one  which  accords 
well  with  the  estimates  of  the  entire  force.  But  after 
all,  what  the  natives  had  hitherto  suffered  must  have 
been  little  compared  with  the  present  slaughter,  for 
their  dead  lay  very  thick  along  the  line  of  retreat. 
Hardly  one  among  the  Spaniards  had  come  off  scath- 
less,  while  few  of  the  poor  Tlascaltecs  were  left  to 
share  in  the  rich  spoils.44 

After  recalling  the  troops  from  their  bloody  pursuit,, 
the  first  care  of  Cortes  was  to  see  that  the  wounded 
soldiers  had  rest  and  refreshment.  Then  a solemn 
thanksgiving  service  was  held,  and  right  earnestly  did 
they  all  join  in  its  offering.  Cortes  ascribed  the  vic- 
tory to  St  Peter,  as  with  his  name  on  his  lips  he  had 
made  the  miraculous  charge.  But  Santiago  was  the 
soldiers’  favorite,  as  they  declared  he  was  present  and 
fought  with  them;  and  near  the  village  of  Tenexcalco 
a chapel  was  afterward  erected  to  commemorate  his 
appearance.45 

Obviously  this  battle  was  the  most  important  so  far 
in  the  New  World;  and  it  must  ever  be  regarded  as 
one  of  the  most  remarkable  in  history.  The  natives 
were  probably  much  less  numerous  than  the  estimates 
of  the  boastful  victors;  still  they  were  immensely 
superior  in  number  and  condition  to  the  Spaniards, 
enfeebled  by  recent  defeat,  by  wounds,  and  want. 


43  ‘ Los  principales,  lleuaro  cO  gra  Uanto,  el  cuerpo  de  su  general,  ’ says 
Herrera;  but  this  is  doubtful,  to  judge  also  from  his  subsequent  observations. 

44  ‘ Murieron ....  casi  todos  los  amigos  de  los  espaiioles,  y algunos  de  ello3 
rnismos.’  S&hagun,  Hist.  Coaq.  (ed.  1840),  132.  Solis  acknowledges  on'y 
wounded,  of  whom  two  or  three  died  afterward.  Ilisl.  Mex.,  ii.  203.  Cortes 
did  not  escape  additional  wounds,  from  which  he  was  soon  to  suffer  intensely. 

J The  natives  were  particularly  ready  to  testify  to  this  supernatural  aid, 
as  Camargo  relates.  Hi  t.  Tlax.,  172,  perhaps  for  their  own  credit,  as  good 
converts  and  brave  warriors. 


504 


RETREAT  TO  TLASCALA. 


Further,  the  latter  had  no  fire-arms  wherewith  to 
terrify  the  natives,  only  swords  and  pikes.  Their  main 
advantage  lay  in  their  horses,  their  discipline,  and  the 
genius  of  their  leader  ;46  all  strengthened  by  the  enthu- 
siasm born  of  a national  pride,  and  a certain  knowledge 
that  failure  meant  utter  destruction. 

Fatigued  as  all  were,  and  weakened  from  battle, 
Cortes  resolved  nevertheless  to  push  on  toward  Tlas- 
cala  the  same  day,  fearing  that  the  enemy  might  be 
shamed  into  a rally,  or  receive  such  reinforcements 
to  their  already  immense  numbers  as  to  encourage 
them  to  return.  In  this  he  was  not  mistaken,  for 
Cuitlahuatzin  had  ordered  Tezcuco,  Chaleo,  and  neigh- 
boring districts  to  send  larger  forces,  and  so  insure  an 
assumed  victory  for  the  Otumban  army.  The  rein- 
forcements appear  to  have  been  already  in  motion 
when  news  came  of  the  defeat,  accompanied  by  the 
rumor  that  a Tlascaltec  army  was  on  the  way  to  aid 
the  Spaniards.  The  hasty  march  eastward  of  the 
fugitives  offered  in  itself  sufficient  encouragement  for 
strasrorling  marauders  from  the  surrounding  villages  to 

OO  O O o 

follow  in  their  wake  and  harass  them  with  occasional 
missiles.47 

By  night  the  town  of  Temalacayocan48  was  reached, 
and  here  the  army  obtained  some  food  and  camped 
in  and  around  the  temple.  Badly  wounded  as  he 
was,  Cortes  took  charge  of  the  watch,  for  sleep  had 
no  power  over  his  mind  at  that  moment.  Before  him 
rose  invitingly  the  ranges  of  the  Tlascaltec  border, 


46  ‘ Never,’  writes  Gomara,  ‘did  a man  show  such  prowess  as  he,  and  never 
were  men  so  well  led.  He  by  his  own  personal  efforts  saved  them.’  Hist. 
Mex.,  163.  ‘ Se  tuuo  la  vitoria  despues  de  Dios,  por  el  valor  de  Cortds.  ’ 

Herrera , dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xiii.  While  quite  prepared  to  uphold  the  general 
as  a hero,  Bernal  Diaz  takes  exception  to  this  praise  as  unjust  to  his  many 
followers,  who  not  only  did  wonders  in  sustaining  him,  but  in  saving  his  life. 
Hist.  Verdacl. , 111. 

4T  Ixtlilxochitl  assumes  that  another  army  was  encountered  and  routed 
with  great  slaughter,  a few  leagues  ahead,  at  Teyocan.  Hist.  Cluck. , 303. 

46  Ixtlilxochitl.  Chimalpain  calls  it  Apam,  which  appears  to  have  been  situ- 
ated farther  north.  Lorenzana  refers  to  all  this  extent  as  the  plains  of  Apan, 
the  name  which  it  now  bears.  Camargo  names  the  plains  of  Apantema,  Ta- 
cacatitlan,  and  Atlmolovan  as  traversed  by  the  army  to  reach  Tlascala.  Hist. 
Tlax. , 172. 


DISMAL  FOREBODINGS. 


505 


where  he  hoped  to  find  a haven.  It  was  only  hope, 
however;  for  Cortes  came  not  as  before,  heralded  as 
the  invincible  conqueror,  to  whose  bravery  and  deeds 
the  warlike  republic  was  delighted  to  offer  homage; 
nor  with  the  vision  of  the  mighty  Montezuma  bend- 
ing before  him;  nor  with  the  prospect  of  entering 
to  assume  control  of  a great  empire.  All  this  was 
changed.  He  had  lost  his  former  prestige,  and  could 
present  himself  only  as  a fugitive  to  seek  protection 
for  a remnant  of  his  army.  And  this  at  the  hands  of 
those  who  might  yet  smart  under  the  stigma  of  defeat 
by  a handful,  and  who  might  now  find  it  prudent  and 
convenient  to  accept  the  friendship  and  wealth  of  the 
victorious  Aztecs.  What  if  the  people  of  Tlascala 
should  reject  him?  “We  were  not  very  confident  in 
finding  the  natives  of  the  said  province  faithful  and 
friends  of  ours,”  writes  Cortes;  “for  we  feared  that 
they,  on  seeing  us  so  dismembered,  might  seek  our 
lives,  in  order  to  recover  the  liberty  which  they 
formerly  enjoyed.  This  thought  and  fear  kept  us  in 
as  great  an  affliction  as  when  we  marched  along 
harassed  by  those  of  Culua.”49  N evertheless  he  sought 
to  cheer  his  men  with  hopes  for  the  best,  and  to 
remind  them  how  necessary  it  was,  now  above  all,  to 
guard  their  conduct  so  as  to  give  rise  to  no  jealousies 
or  unpleasantness,  since  even  a petty  quarrel  might 
raise  a whirlwind  to  overwhelm  them.  Should  God, 
however,  not  permit  them  to  rest  in  Tlascala,  they 
must  recall  their  many  glorious  victories  over  greater 
forces  than  could  henceforth  be  brought  against  them, 
and  be  prepared  with  stout  hearts  and  vigorous  arms 
to  meet  the  issue. 

The  march  was  resumed  in  the  morning  with  the 
usual  precautions,  although  the  pursuers  fell  off  as 
the  border  was  approached.  Soon  the  Spaniards 
reached  a fountain  on  the  slope  of  a hill,  close  to  an 
ancient  fortress,  which  marked  the  boundary  of  the 

49  Cartas,  140.  ‘ Pues  quizi  sabiamos  cierto,  que  nos  auian  de  ser  leales,  6 
que  voluntad  teiuian.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  108. 


506 


RETREAT  TO  TLASCALA. 


republic.60  Resting  there  for  a while,  they  drank  of 
the  water  and  were  refreshed.  Then  they  passed  on 
to  Hueyotlipan,  a town  of  three  or  four  thousand 
families,  about  four  leagues  from  the  capital.61  Here 
food  was  obtained  in  sufficient  abundance,  yet  not 
without  the  stimulus  of  presents.  The  women,  how- 
ever, were  most  sympathetic  in  their  offers  to  tend 
the  wounded,  although  only  too  many  were  deep  in 
mourning  and  clamoring  for  vengeance  for  brothers, 
sons,  or  husbands,  who  had  fallen  during  the  retreat. 
The  captains  did  their  best  to  console  them  with  the 
prospect  of  speedy  victories,  with  bitter  retaliation  on 
the  hated  Aztecs.  Whatever  doubt  yet  remained  of 
Tlascaltec  disposition  was  dispelled  in  the  afternoon 
by  the  arrival  of  the  lords,  including  the  ruler  of 
Huexotzinco,  with  a large  suite,  bearing  provisions 
and  other  presents,  and  cheering  the  hearts  of  the  dis- 
comfited with  the  most  cordial  greeting.  They  still 
showed  admiration  for  the  white  heroes,  and  extended 
a sympathy  for  their  sufferings  which  displayed  itself 
even  to  tears.  This  feeling  was  particularly  strong  in 
Maxixcatzin,  the  most  powerful  of  the  four  chiefs, 
who  gently  upbraided  Cortes  and  his  captains  for  not 
having  listened  to  his  warnings.  Remonstrances  were 
now  out  of  place,  however,  and  he  and  his  could  only 
bid  them  welcome,  and  tender  their  estates  and  ser- 
vices. They  were  to  regard  themselves  as  in  their 
own  house.  Their  escape  from  the  plots  and  over- 
whelming forces  of  the  Mexicans  had  raised  them  and 
their  prowess  in  the  estimation  of  the  Tlascaltecs,  and 
they  were  prepared,  as  friends  and  as  vassals  of  the 
Spanish  king,  to  shed  their  last  drop  of  blood  in  the 
task  of  avenging  the  common  injury  suffered  at  the 
hands  of  their  ancient  enemies.  How  inexpressibly 
dear  is  the  prospect  of  revenge  I The  hatred  of  the 

50  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  gives  to  a village  here  the  name  of  Xaltelolco. 
Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  352.  Ixtlilxochitl  refers  to  it  as  Huexoyotlipan,  and  states 
that  Citlalquiauhtzin  came  up  with  food  and  presents  from  the  lords. 

31  Cortes  calls  the  town  Gualipan;  Bernal  Diaz,  Gualiopar;  Gomara,  Hua- 
zilipan ; Herrera  gi\  es  it  2000  houses. 


RECEPTION. 


507 


Tlascaltecs  for  the  Mexicans  was  too  deep  to  be 
smothered  by  one  reverse,  and  the  desire  to  avenge 
their  fallen  brethren  intensified  it.  When  the  news 
came  of  the  hostile  gathering  at  Otumba  they  had 
endeavored  to  procure  reinforcements  for  their  allies, 
but  had  not  been  able  to  collect  a sufficient  number 
in  time.62 

Cortes  was  deeply  moved  by  the  kind  expressions 
and  offers  accorded  him,  and  sought  in  every  way  to 
strengthen  this  so  vital  friendship.  He  exhibited 
profound  grief  over  the  death  of  so  many  Tlascaltec 
allies,  and  sympathized  in  particular  with  Maxixcatzin 
over  the  loss  of  his  daughter  Elvira,  who  had  fallen 
with  her  husband  Velazquez.  He  also  distributed 
presents,  chiefly  such  as  had  been  obtained  from  the 
Otumba  battle-field,  and  induced  his  men  to  follow 
the  example.  Maxixcatzin’ s heart  was  completely 
won  by  the  gift  of  the  banner  taken  from  the  Mexican 
generalissimo,53  and  other  chiefs  were  gladdened  with 
different  trophies.  The  troops  remained  at  Hueyot- 
lipan  for  three  days,64  in  order  to  recruit  somewhat, 
and  then,  assisted  by  a number  of  carriers,  they  passed 

52  ‘ Yo  queria,  ’ said  Maxixcatzin,  * yr  en  vuestra  busca  con  treynta  mil  guer- 
reros.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Vlrdad.,  109.  This  is  confirmed  by  the  Aztec  version 
of  Duran,  which  says  that  the  rumor  of  Tlascaltec  preparations  helped  to  in- 
timidate the  proposed  Mexican  reinforcements  for  Otumba.  Hist.  Ind.,  MS. , 
ii.  4S3.  According  to  Oviedo,  50,000  warriors,  followed  by  20,000  carriers,  met 
the  Spaniards  at  the  frontier,  iii.  514.  Camargo  extends  the  number  to  200,000, 
‘who  came  too  late,  but  served  nevertheless  to  check  pursuit  from  the  enemy.’ 
Hist.  Ttax.,  173.  Gomara  stamps  Oviedo’s  statement  as  hearsay,  but  adds 
that  the  Tlascaltecs  declared  themselves  prepared  to  return  with  the  Spaniards 
at  once  against  Mexico.  This  Cortes  declined  to  do  for  the  present,  but  allowed 
a few  soldiers  to  join  a band  in  pursuit  of  marauding  stragglers.  Hist.  .1/ ex. , 104. 
The  delay  in  collecting  the  proposed  reinforcements  may  have  been  due  to  the 
small  faction  hostile  to  the  Spaniards,  headed  by  the  captain-general,  Xicoten- 
catl  the  younger,  who  seems  never  to  have  forgiven  the  disgrace  of  defeat  which 
they  had  been  the  first  to  inflict  upon  him.  He  had  accompanied  the  lords  to 
Hueyotlipan,  perhaps  to  gloat  over  the  misfortune  of  his  victors.  According  to 
Herrera,  Captain  Juan  Paez — Torquemada  writes  Perez — was  one  of  the  in- 
valids at  Tlascala,  and  to  him  100,000  warriors  had  been  offered  to  go  to  the 
aid  of  his  general ; but  he  declined,  on  the  ground  that  his  strict  orders  were 
to  remain  with  his  SO  men  at  Tlascala.  For  this  he  was  naturally  upbraided 
by  Cortes  as  a coward,  fit  for  hanging.  The  story  is  not  very  probable,  dec. 
ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xiv.;  Torquemada,  i.  512. 

53  ‘ Que  estimo  41  mucho,  y puso  por  una  de  sus  armas.  ’ Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist. 
Chuh. , 0v>3. 

51  Curtis,  Cartas,  140.  Bernal  Diaz  intimates  one  day. 


508 


RETREAT  TO  TLASCALA. 


on  to  the  capital.  Here  the  whole  population  came 
forth,  headed  by  the  lords,  to  welcome  them,  with 
music,  and  flowers,  and  acclamations.65  Cortds  was 
taken  in  charge  by  Maxixcatzin  and  lodged  in  his 
palace ; Alvarado  became  the  guest  of  old  Xicotencatl, 
and  the  others  received  every  attention.  The  recep- 
tion concluded  with  a series  of  festivities.56 


65  ‘ Co  mas  de  duzientos  mil  hombres  en  orden : yuan  las  mugeres,  y nifios, 
en  la  delantera.’  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xiii.  This  order  may  have  been 
intended  to  signify  peace  and  welcome. 

56  Camargo  differs  from  Bernal  Diaz,  in  intimating  that  all  were  lodged  in 
Maxixcatzin’s  palace,  while  Ixtlilxoehitl  assumes  that  Cortes  was  the  guest  of 
Xicotencatl.  ‘ Magiscacin  me  tra  jo  una  cama  de  madera  encajada,  con  alguna 
ropa yd  todos  hizo  reparar  de  lo  que  61  tuvo.’  for  ten,  Cartas,  141. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

INVALUABLE  FRIENDSHIP. 

July- September,  1520. 

Divers  Disasters  to  the  Spaniards — Mexico  Makes  Overtures  to 
Tlascala — A Council  Held — Tlascala  Remains  True  to  the  Span- 
iards— Disaffection  in  the  Spanish  Army — Cortes  again  Wins 
the  Soldiers  to  his  Views — Renewal  of  Active  Operations  against 
the  Aztecs — Success  of  the  Spanish  Arms — Large  Reinforcements 
of  Native  Allies — One  Aztec  Stronghold  after  another  Succumbs. 

At  Tlascala  were  certain  invalid  Spaniards,  who 
praised  the  natives  for  their  kind  treatment,  and  for 
the  almost  universal  sympathy  exhibited  with  regard 
to  the  misfortunes  at  Mexico.  The  army  now  learned 
that  disaster  had  also  befallen  the  Spaniards  in  other 
parts  of  the  country.  The  news  of  the  flight  had 
spread  with  marvellous  rapidity,  and  Cuitlahuatzin’s 
envoys  had  not  failed  to  magnify  the  successes  of  his 
arms  while  urging  throughout  the  country  the  ex- 
termination of  the  invaders.  This  advice  had  found 
ready  acceptance  in  the  provinces  west  and  south  of 
Tlascala,  which  had  additional  reasons  for  hostility  in 
the  assumption  of  the  little  republic  since  she  became 
the  ally  of  the  strangers. 

Shortly  after  the  departure  of  the  army  from  the 
coast  a party  of  fifty  men  with  five  horses  had  fol- 
lowed with  baggage  and  valuables.  At  Tlascala  a por- 
tion of  them,  with  two  horses,  under  Juan  de  Alcdntara 
senior,  received  the  portion  of  treasure  set  aside  during 
the  late  repartition  for  the  coast  garrison,  estimated 
at  sixty  thousand  pesos.  With  this  they  set  out  on 
their  return  to  Villa  Rica,  accompanied  by  a few  in- 

(509) 


510 


INVALUABLE  FRIENDSHIP. 


valids.  On  the  way  they  were  surprised  and  slaugh- 
tered, the  treasures  and  effects  being  distributed  as 
spoils.1 

The  larger  division  of  the  party,  under  the  hidalgo 
Juan  Yuste,2  which  were  to  join  Cortes,  also  picked 
up  some  convalescents,  together  with  additional  treas- 
ure and  baggage,  and  proceeded  to  Mexico  by  the  way 
of  Calpulalpan.  They  numbered  five  horsemen,  fortv- 
five  foot-soldiers,  and  three  hundred  Tlascaltecs,  the 
latter  under  command  of  one  of  Maxixcatzin’s  sons. 
Advised  of  their  approach  the  natives  of  Zultepec, 
among  others,  were  induced,  more  by  cupidity  than 
patriotic  zeal,  to  form  an  ambuscade  along  the  steep 
declivity  of  a narrow  pass  which  had  to  be  followed. 
Here  they  fell  upon  the  party  on  all  sides  as  they  de- 
scended in  single  file,  encumbered  beside  by  their 
burdens.  Resistance  was  ineffective,  and  those  not 
slain  were  carried  to  Tezcuco  to  be  offered  up  to  the 
idols,  while  their  effects  were  distributed,  some  of  the 
trophies  being  dedicated  to  temples  of  the  Acolhuan 
capital,  there  to  tell  the  mournful  tale  to  the  returning 
conquerors.3 

1 This  appears  to  have  taken  place  on  the  Xocotlan  road,  followed  by  the 
Spaniards  on  first  entering  the  country,  for  in  the  temple  of  this  town,  says 
Bernal  Diaz,  were  found  the  saddles  and  other  trophies.  He  estimates  the 
treasure  lost  at  40,000  pesos.  Hist.  Verdad.,  108, 116-117;  Lejalde,  Probanza, 
in  Icazbalceta,  Cot.  Doc.,  i.  425. 

2 Herrera  writes,  under  Iuste  and  Morla.  If  correct  there  were  two  Morlas. 

3 Herrera  copies  this  account,  but  gives  also  another  in  an  earlier  chapter, 
which  leads  one  to  suppose  that  Yuste  and  a few  companions  escaped  to  the 
mountains.  They  either  perished  of  hunger  or  were  captured  at  some  set- 
tlement while  offering  the  remnant  of  their  treasures  for  food.  An  inscrip- 
tion by  Yuste  on  a piece  of  bark  recorded  their  sufferings.  ‘Por  aqui  passb 
el  desdichado  Iuan  Iuste,  con  sus  desdichados  companeros,  con  tata  hambre, 
que  por  pocas  tortillas  de  mayz,  di6  vno  vna  barra  de-oro,  que  pesaua  ocho- 
cientos  ducados.  ’ dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xiii. ; dec.  iii.  lib.  i.  cap.  v.  Torque- 
mada  repeats  both  versions,  i.  530- 1 . Peter  Martyr  and  Gomara  are  also 
confused,  allowing  the  Yuste  party  in  one  page  to  fall  at  the  pass,  and  on 
another  to  turn  back  to  Villa  Rica  from  Tlascala.  Hist.  M ex. , 165,  1S1-2.  A 
misinterpretation  of  a vague  passage  by  Cortes  is  the  cause  of  the  mistake, 
into  which  nearly  every  writer  has  fallen.  The  party  carried,  according  to 
the  Cartas,  141,  183-4,  a number  of  agreements  with  the  natives,  and  other 
valuable  documents,  beside  Cortes’  personal  effects  and  valuables,  worth  over 
30,000  pesos  de  oro.  Bernal  Diaz  says  three  loads  of  gold.  The  inhabitants 
said  that  people  from  Tezcuco  and  Mexico  had  done  the  deed  to  avenge 
Cacama.  But  none  except  the  natives  of  the  district  could  have  had  time 
to  gather  for  the  attack. 


EFFECTS  OF  THE  DEFEAT. 


511 


About  this  time  a vessel  arrived  at  Villa  Rica  with 
three  or  four  score  of  adventurers,  under  Captain 
Coronado,  and  being  told  of  the  fabulously  rich 
Mexico  they  resolved  to  lose  no  time  in  following  the 
army,  in  order  to  secure  a share  of  treasures.  It  was 
just  after  the  flight  from  Mexico,  and  the  provinces 
wTere  in  arms,  elated  at  the  triumphs  at  the  lake.  On 
approaching  the  Tepeaca  district  the  party  was  sur- 
prised, and  partly  slaughtered,  partly  captured,  the 
prisoners  being  distributed  among  the  towns  of  the 
province  for  sacrifice.4 

These  reports  created  no  small  alarm  for  the  safety 
of  Villa  Rica,  and  several  Tlascaltec  messengers  were 
sent  with  letters,  by  different  routes,  to  bring  news. 
Orders  were  also  given  to  the  comandante  to  forward 
powder,  fire-arms,  bows,  and  other  necessaries  that  he 
could  spare,  together  with  some  men,  sailors,  if  no 
othe-  s were  available.  The  reply  was  reassuring,  for 
although  the  natives  had  fuller  particulars  of  the 
disaster  at  Mexico  than  Cortes  had  chosen  to  impart 
to  the  garrison,  yet  everything  remained  quiet.  The 


4 Herrera  places  the  number  of  the  party  at  50  or  60.  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap. 
xv.  Bernal  Diaz  speaks  of  the  slaughter  in  Tochtepec  of  72  men  and  5 women, 
and  he  leaves  the  impression  that  they  were  a part  of  the  Narvaez  force  which 
had  followed  the  army  at  their  leisure.  Hist.  Verdad.,  108.  This  is  no  doubt 
the  party  described  in  the  text.  Yet  Herrera,  in  cap.  xvii.,  refers  to  the  de- 
struction at  Tochtepec  of  a force  of  80  men  under  Captain  Salcedo,  who  was 
sent  to  reduce  this  province  a few  months  later.  This  incident,  mentioned  by 
no  other  original  authority,  may  be  identical  with  the  preceding.  Had  the 
party  in  question  belonged  to  the  original  force  of  Narvaez  it  would  have 
accompanied  Yuste  and  Alcdntara.  Such  not  being  the  case,  it  must  have 
arrived  after  their  departure.  This  receives  confirmation  from  Gomara’s  state- 
ment that  several  small  parties,  who  had  been  attracted  to  New  Spain  by 
Cortes’ conquests,  were  killed  in  Tepeaca  and  Xalacineo.  Hist.  Mex. , 173.  The 
narratives  of  Bernal  Diaz  and  Cortes  specify  some  of  these,  numbering  from 
ten  to  eighteen  men,  who  fell  at  Quecholac,  Tepeaca,  and  other  places.  It  i3  not 
likely  that  so  many  small  parties  could  have  arrived  on  the  coast  during  the 
short  interval  of  Cortes’  departure  from  Cempoala  and  his  retreat  to  Tlascala ; 
nor  that  they  would  have  ventured  in  small  numbers  into  a strange  country, 
during  so  unquiet  a period;  nor  would  a mere  dozen  have  been  allowed  to 
penetrate  so  far  as  Tepeaca  ere  they  met  their  fate.  Hence  they  must  have 
belonged  to  the  large  party  spoken  of  in  the  text,  whose  members,  dead  or 
captive,  were  distributed  among  the  different  towns  which  had  aided  in  their 
defeat.  This  appears  to  be  the  only  way  to  reconcile  the  differing  statements, 
which  have  so  confused  every  writer  as  to  lead  them  into  apparent  blunders 
or  into  the  omission  of  facts.  Sec  Robertson's  Hist.  Am.,  ii.  99;  Prescott’s 
Hex.,  ii.  409-10;  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  353-5. 


512 


INVALUABLE  FRIENDSHIP. 


remittance  of  war  material  was  small,  and  the  men 
who  convoyed  it  numbered  less  than  a dozen,  men 
stricken  by  disease,  and  led  by  Lencero,  who  became 
the  butt  of  the  dr  dies  de  corps.5 

Every  attention  and  comfort  was  tendered  at  Tlas- 
cala  to  the  Spaniards  while  caring  for  their  wounds 
and  awaiting  the  development  of  projects.  Hardly  a 
man  had  arrived  scathless,  and  quite  a number  had 
received  injuries  which  maimed  them  for  life  or  re- 
sulted in  death.6  Cortes’  wounds  were  most  serious. 
The  indomitable  spirit  which  sustained  him  so  far 
now  yielded  with  the  failing  body.  Severe  scalp 
cuts  brought  on  fever,7  which  caused  his  life  to  hang 
in  the  balance  for  some  time.  Finally  his  strong 
constitution  and  the  excellent  empiric  methods  of  the 
native  herb  doctors  prevailed,  to  the  joy,  not  alone  of 
Spaniards,  but  of  Tlascaltecs,  who  had  shown  the 
utmost  anxiety  during  the  crisis. 

During  this  period  of  Spanish  inaction  the  Mexi- 
cans were  energetically  striving  to  follow  up  their 
blow  against  the  invaders.  The  first  act  after  ridding 
the  capital  of  their  presence  was  one  of  purgation, 
in  which  the  victorious  party  fell  on  those  whose 
lukewarmness,  or  whose  friendly  disposition  toward 
Montezuma  and  his  guests,  had  hindered  the  siege 
operations  and  aided  the  enemy.  A tumult  was  soon 
raised,  wherein  perished  four  royal  princes,  brothers 
and  sons  of  Montezuma,8  whose  death  may  be  at- 


5 Bernal  Diaz  intimates  that  only  two  vessels  remained  of  Narvaez’  fleet, 
and  one  of  these  was  now  destroyed  so  that  the  crew  might  be  sent  to  Tlascala. 
The  reinforcements  numbered  four  soldiers  and  three  sailors,  two  of  whom 
suffered  from  swollen  stomachs,  and  the  rest  from  venereal  diseases.  Hist. 
Verdad.,  109. 

6 Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad .,  109,  mentions  only  four  deaths. 

7 ‘ Se  le  pasmo  la  cabefa,  o porque  no  le  curaron  bien,  sacado  le  cascos : o 
por  el  demasiado  trabajo.’  Gomara,  Hist.  Mcx. , 1G2.  Solis  describes  the 
progress  of  the  cure  with  a minuteness  that  would  do  credit  to  a medical 
journal.  Hid.  Mex. , ii.  212-14. 

8 The  Cihuacohuatl,'  Tzihuacpopocatzin,  Cipocatli,  and  Tencuecuenotzin. 
The  account  of  this  tumult  is  given  in  a memorial  on  the  conquest  by  an 
Indian,  possessed  by  Torqucmada.  i.  509-10.  Brasseurde  Bourbourg  assumes 
Tzihuacpopocatzin  and  the  Cihuacohuatl  to  be  sous  of  Tizoc,  and  the  last  two 


AFFAIRS  AT  THE  CAPITAL. 


513 


tributcd  to  Cuitlahuatzin’s  desire  to  remove  any 
dangerous  rival  to  the  throne.  Not  that  this  was  a 
necessary  precaution,  since  his  standing,  as  a younger 
brother  of  Montezuma,  and  his  successful  operations 
against  the  Spaniards,  were  sufficient  to  raise  him 
above  every  other  candidate.9  Furthermore,  as  com- 
mander-in-chief of  the  army  and  as  leader  of  the  suc- 
cessful party,  he  held  the  key  to  the  position,  and 
accordingly  was  unanimously  chosen.  About  the  same 
time  Cohuanacoch  was  elected  king  at  Tezcuco,  in 
lieu  of  the  younger  brother  forced  on  the  people  by 
Cortes,  and  Quauhtemotzin,  nephew  of  Montezuma, 
rose  to  the  office  of  high-priest  to  Huitzilopochtli. 
The  coronation  was  the  next  prominent  event,10  for 
which  the  indispensable  captives  had  already  been 
secured  from  the  fleeing  army.  What  more  precious 
victims,  indeed,  could  have  been  desired  for  the  in- 
augural than  the  powerful  Spaniards  and  the  hated 
warriors  of  brave  Tlascala?  And  what  grander  site 
for  the  ceremon}^  than  the  great  temple,  recovered 
from  the  detested  intruders  and  purified  from  foreign 
emblems?  In  connection  with  this  came  a series  of 
festivals.11 

The  utmost  activity  was  displayed  in  repairing  the 
damage  caused  by  the  Spaniards,  and  in  fortif}Ting 
the  city  and  its  approaches  against  a possible  future 
invasion.  The  construction  and  discipline  of  the  army 
were  improved  in  some  degree  after  the  examples 
given  by  the  Europeans;  its  tactics  were  revised,  and 
its  arms  perfected  with  the  aid  of  captured  weapons, 


to  be  the  sons  of  Montezuma,  the  last  named  a bastard.  Cipocatli,  accepted 
by  him  as  the  other  name  for  Asupacaci,  the  legitimate  heir  of  the  emperor, 
he  assumes  with  Cano  to  have  been  murdered  by  Quauhtemotzin.  Hist.  Nat. 
Civ.,  iv.  345.  But  we  have  seen  that  Cortes  appears  more  correct  in  saying 
that  the  prince  fell  with  him  during  the  Noehe  Triste.  Brasseur  do  Bour- 
bourg’s  assumption  serves  merely  to  show  how  hasty  and  untrustworthy  his 
statements  often  are. 

9 Corttis  assumes  only  two  rivals,  the  natural  sons  of  Montezuma,  ‘el  uno 
dizque  es  loco  y cl  otro  perlatico.’  Cartas,  153. 

lu  Twenty  days  after  Montezuma’s  death.  Ixtlilxochitl ',  Pelaciowes,  413,  304. 
n Of  which  Sahagun  gives  some  account.  Ilist.  Conn.  (ed.  1S4„),  137.  ■'see 
also  Tonjurmada.  i.  511. 

Hist.  Mex.,  Yol.  I.  33 


514 


INVALUABLE  FRIENDSHIP. 


the  Chinantec  pike  being  also  introduced  and  tipped 
with  Toledo  blades  or  other  metal  points.  Envoys 
were  despatched  to  near  and  distant  provinces,  bidding 
for  their  support  by  remission  of  taxes  and  tributes, 
by  restoration  of  conquered  territories,  by  patriotic 
appeals,  and  by  roseate  views  and  promises.12  The 
Spaniards  were  painted  as  selfish,  perfidious,  and  cruel, 
intent  on  conquering  the  whole  country,  on  enslaving 
the  people,  on  extorting  their  substance,  and  on  over- 
throwing social  and  religious  institutions.  Spoils  and 
heads  of  Spanish  men  and  horses  were  sent  round  to 
disabuse  the  people  of  their  supposed  invulnerability; 
and  as  a further  encouragement  the  dreaded  Cortes 
was  declared  to  have  fallen. 

The  most  important  missions  were  those  to  Micho- 
acan  and  Tlascala,  the  former  an  independent  kingdom 
of  considerable  extent,  stretching  westward  beyond 
the  lake  region  to  the  Pacific,  over  an  undulating, 
well  watered  territory,  which  abounded  in  all  the  re- 
sources of  a rich  soil  and  a tropic  climate.  The  in- 
habitants, the  Tarascos,  were  distinct  from  the  Aztecs 
in  language,  but  fully  their  equals  in  culture,  which 
was  of  the  Nahua  type,  and  as  a rule  successful  in 
resisting  the  armed  encroachments  of  the  lake  allies. 
The  present  ruler  was  Zwanga,  who  held  court  at 
Tzintzuntzan,  on  Lake  Patzcuaro.  He  received  the 
embassadors  of  Cuitlalulatzin  with  due  attention,  but 
hesitated  about  the  answer  to  be  given.  The  Aztecs 
had  from  time  immemorial  been  the  enemies  of  his 
people,  and  to  aid  them  would  surely  bring  upon  him 
the  wrath  of  the  Spaniards,  who  must  still  be  powerful, 
since  the  Mexicans  came  to  plead  for  his  alliance.  In 
this  dilemma  it  was  resolved,  with  the  advice  of  the 
council,  to  send  plenipotentiaries  to  Mexico,  in  order 
to  learn  more  fully  the  condition  of  affairs,  and  there 
determine  what  should  be  done.13 

12  ‘ hi  les  hace  gracia  por  un  ano  de  todos  los  tributos  y servicios  que  son 
obligados  a 1c  liacer. ’ Cortes,  Cartas,  155;  Gomara,  Hist.  Alex.,  173. 

13  Beaumont,  Crdn.  Mech.,  MS.,  G8  etc.;  Native  liaces,  ii.  107-8;  v.  508 
et  seq. 


MEXICAN  OVERTURES. 


515 


More  decisive  in  its  results  was  the  mission  to 
Tlascala.  Regarded  as  the  most  important  of  all,  it 
was  intrusted  to  six  prominent  men,  of  acknowl- 
edged talent  for  negotiation.  They  came  fortified  with 
choice  presents  of  robes,  feathers,  salt,  and  similar  de- 
sirable commodities,  and  were  received  with  customary 
courtesy  by  the  assembled  lords  and  council.  The 
eldest  was  the  first  to  speak.  He  recalled  the  inti- 
mate relationship  between  Mexico  and  Tlascala  in 
blood  and  language,  deplored  the  feud  which  had  so 
long  existed,  and  urged  the  establishment  of  per- 
manent peace,  for  mutual  benefit,  whereby  the  Tlascal- 
tecs  would  gain  all  the  advantages  of  a long  prohibited 
trade.  One  obstacle  alone  interposed  to  prevent  a 
happy  harmony,  which  was  the  presence  of  the  Span- 
iards, to  whom  was  due  the  unfortunate  condition  of 
the  whole  country.  Their  only  aim  was  to  make 
themselves  masters,  to  overthrow  the  gods  of  the 
natives,  to  enslave  the  inhabitants,  and  impoverish 
them  by  exactions. 

The  Tlascaltecs  would  after  rendering  service  be 
treated  with  the  same  base  ingratitude  and  perfidy 
as  the  over  generous  Montezuma,  and  reap  not  only 
universal  detestation,  but  the  anger  of  the  gods. 
Better,  therefore,  to  seize  the  present  favorable  oppor- 
tunity to  deliver  themselves  from  dreadful  calamities, 
to  establish  prosperity  and  independence  on  a firm 
basis,  and  by  a joint  alliance  recover  the  alienated 
provinces  and  share  the  revenues  therefrom.14  The 
first  step  to  this  desirable  end  was  the  destruction 
of  the  Spaniards,  now  at  their  mercy,  whereby  they 
would  gain  also  the  gratitude  of  neighboring  peoples, 
the  fame  of  patriots,  and  the  blessing  of  the  gods. 

The  speech  delivered,  together  with  the  presents, 
the  envoys  withdrew  to  let  the  council  deliberate. 
Bitter  as  was  the  enmity  between  the  two  peoples, 
intensified  by  the  recent  defeat,  there  were  not  want- 

14  ‘ Entrarian  en  parte  de  todas  las  rentas  de  las  provincias  sugetas  por  el 
imperio.’  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  304. 


516 


INVALUABLE  FRIENDSHIP. 


ing  persons  to  whom  the  argument  and  offers  seemed 
all  that  the  most  brilliant  fortune  could  hr  in".  What, 
indeed,  had  they  in  common  with  a strange  race  by 
whom  they  had  been  conquered,  and  whose  presence 
portended  many  changes  in  their  social  and  religious 
institutions,  transmitted  by  their  forefathers,  and  up- 
held with  the  blood  of  generations?  Their  indepen- 
dence would  be  endangered.  Besides,  the  invaders  had 
been  shamefully  defeated,  and  might  never  again  hold 
up  their  heads.  The  whole  country  was  mustering  to 
drive  them  out,  and,  if  successful,  woe  to  Tlascala, 
as  their  ally.  In  any  case  a struggle  was  in  pros- 
pect, wherein  their  sons  and  brethren  would  be  sacri- 
ficed by  the  thousands.  And  for  what?  For  the 
benefit  of  strangers,  always  ready  with  their  yoke  of 
slavery.  On  the  other  hand,  they  were  offered  the 
peace  so  long  desired,  with  its  accompanying  blessings ; 
deliverance  from  the  trade  blockade  and  seclusion 
which  had  so  long  afflicted  them,  together  with  the 
attractive  adjunct  of  assured  independence,  and  the 
triumphant  and  profitable  position  of  conquering  allies 
of  the  Mexicans.15 

The  strongest  advocate  of  these  views  was  Xico- 

O 

tencatl  junior,  who  had  never  forgotten  the  several 
Spanish  victories  that  checked  his  triumphal  career 
as  soldier  and  general,  and  humiliated  him  in  the 
eyes  of  the  whole  people.  Yet  this  feeling  was 
tinged  with  love  for  the  independence  and  welfare  of 
the  country,  threatened,  in  his  eyes,  by  the  invaders. 
With  the  news  of  disaster  at  Mexico  his  party  had 
assumed  respectable  proportions.  Some  of  its  members 
were  impelled  by  motives  similar  to  his  own;  some 
were  bribed  by  Mexican  gifts,  and  promises  of  wealth 
and  preferment;  some  were  tempted  by  the  arms, 
baggage,  and  treasure  of  the  fugitives,  whom  it  seemed 

15  ‘ Tanto  supieron  decir  & la  senoria  estos  embajadores,  que  casi  toda 
ella, ....  la  redugeron  A su  voluntad  y deseo.  ’ Old  Xicotencatl  being  one  of  the 
most  devoted.  Id.  Herrera  also  assumes  that  this  chief  favors  the  Mexicans, 
but  the  supposition  is  due  to  confounding  the  two  men  of  this  name.  dec.  ii. 
lib.  x.  cap.  xiv. 


THE  COUNCIL-CHAMBER. 


517 


easy  now  to  overcome.  Not  a few  considered  the 
burden  of  maintaining  a horde  of  strangers,  with  the 
prospect  of  afterward  yielding  them  service  and  blood 
for  their  aggrandizement.  When  the  collectors  of 
provisions  for  the  Spaniards  made  their  rounds  they 
could  not  but  observe  the  bitter  feeling  which  pre- 
vailed in  some  quarters.16  The  elder  Xicotencatl  ap- 
pears to  have  remonstrated  with  his  son  for  breeding 
trouble;  but  this  availed  little,  as  may  be  supposed. 
During  the  deliberation  of  the  council  on  the  Mexican 

O 

proposal  the  young  chieftain  stepped  beyond  the  timid 
suggestions  of  those  who  inclined  toward  an  Aztec 

©O 

alliance,  and  boldly  advocated  it  as  the  only  salvation 
for  Tlascala. 

Next  spoke  the  wise  Maxixcatzin,  the  leading  rep- 
resentative of  the  republic.  In  his  chivalrous  nature 
devotion  to  the  Spaniards  exercised  an  influence, 
while  as  ruler  of  the  richest  district,  in  agriculture 
and  trade,  he  had  also  an  eye  to  the  benefits  which 
would  accrue  from  an  alliance  with  them.  He  re- 
called the  many  instances  of  treachery  and  want  of 
good  faith  on  the  part  of  the  Mexicans  to  show  how 
little  their  promises  could  be  relied  on.  It  was  merely 
the  presence  of  the  Spaniards  that  prompted  their 
offer  of  alliance,  which  was  to  restore  Mexico  to  its 
former  terrorizing  strength.  This  accomplished,  the 
ancient  enemy  would  not  fail  to  remember  that  Tlas- 
cala, in  addition  to  the  old-standing  enmity,  had  been 
one  of  the  chief  instruments  in  their  late  suffering  and 
humiliation,  and  had  figured  as  conqueror  and  master 
over  them.  They  would  lose  no  time  in  avenging 
themselves,  and  by  the  destruction  of  the  republic 
remove  forever  so  dangerous  an  enemy.  Far  better, 
then,  to  maintain  the  friendship  of  the  Spaniards, 
whose  good  faith  had  been  tried,  and  whose  prowess 
was  not  broken  by  one  defeat.  Previous  to  their 
arrival  they  had  been  suffering  from  the  want  even 

16  ‘ A q venistes,  a comemos  nuestra  hazienda,  anda  que  boluistes  destro- 
?ados  de  Mexico,  echados  como  viles  mugeres.  ’ Id. 


51S 


INVALUABLE  FRIENDSHIP. 


of  necessaries,  and  liad  been  exposed  to  incessant 
ravages  and  warfare,  which  threatened  their  very  ex- 
istence. With  the  Spaniards’  aid  they  had  been  freed 
from  this  want  and  danger;  they  had  enriched  them- 
selves with  trade  and  spoils,  and  had  raised  the  re- 
public to  the  most  prominent  position  it  had  ever 
occupied,  all  far  beyond  what  the  Mexicans  would 
ever  permit.  What  did  the  gods  say?  Oracles  and 
omens  had  foretold  the  doom  of  the  empire.  It  was 
in  vain  to  struggle  with  fate,  which  had  decreed  the 
control  to  the  new-comers.  The  interests  of  the  state 
demanded  the  friendship  of  these  destined  victors,  who 
offered  them  wealth  and  glory,  while  good  faith  and 
honor  demanded  loyalty  to  the  invited  guests,  from 
whom  so  many  benefits  had  already  sprung. 

Observing  the  effect  of  the  appeal  on  the  wavering 
members,  young  Xicotencatl  hastened  to  defend  his 
cherished  plans,  but  with  such  imprudence  as  to  rouse 
Maxixcatzin  to  strike  him.  He  was  thereupon  jostled 
out  of  the  council-chamber,  badly  bruised  and  with 
torn  clothes.17  Against  this  expulsion  none  of  his  sup- 

17  Bernal  Diaz  assumes  that  the  young  chief  had  been  brought  before  the 
council  a prisoner,  to  be  arraigned  for  his  machinations.  His  father  was  so 
deeply  incensed  against  him  as  to  decree  his  death,  but  the  other  chiefs  were 
lenient  out  of  respect  for  the  father ; the  conspirators  were  arrested.  Hist. 
Verdad.,  109-10.  A later  writer  states,  on  doubtful  authority,  that  the 
chieftain  was  also  removal  from  the  command  of  the  army;  and  Solis  assumes 
that  the  act  of  jostling  him  down  the  steps  in  the  council-hall  was  the  form 
of  degradation,  which  took  place  during  a special  session,  after  the  delibera- 
tion. He  appealed  to  Cortes,  who  caused  him  to  be  reinstated.  Hist.  Mex., 
ii.  220-3.  According  to  Camargo,  the  elder  Xicotencatl  had  ceded  his  place 
as  ruler  to  the  son,  owing  to  his  advanced  age.  Hist.  Tlax.,  173-4.  In  sucli 
a case  no  imprisonment  or  degradation  could  have  been  admitted;  perhaps  in 
no  case,  since  he  merely  advocated  what  he  considered  to  be  the  best  for  the 
country.  Duran  states  that  he  was  surrendered  to  CortCs,  who  ‘ le  puso  en 
prisiones,  y creo  que  al  cabo  le  mandd  matar,’  Hist,  hid.,  MS.,  ii.  485,  a 
statement  which  may  have  aided  to  confuse  Gomara,  who  allows  Cortes  to 
execute  him  already  during  his  first  stay  at  Tlascala.  On  the  present  occasion 
he  lets  Maxixcatzin  strike  the  leader  of  the  opposite  faction.  Hist.  M ex. , 99, 
104.  His  blunder  and  vagueness  helped  Herrera  to  confound  the  two  Xicoten- 
catls,  and  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  to  attribute  to  father  and  son  the  same 
opinion.  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  365-7.  This  is  also  the  view  of  Ixtlilxochitl.  The 
discussion  was  held  in  the  hall  or  oratory  of  Xicotencatl,  where  Cortes  had 
planted  the  cross.  While  Maxixcatzin  was  advocating  the  Spanish  cause  a 
cloud  settled  on  the  cross  and  darkened  the  room.  This  miracle  encouraged 
the  orator,  who  threw  down  the  younger  Xicotencatl  and  won  all  to  his  side. 
The  Mexican  envoys  were  now  dismissed  with  a refusal,  whereupon  the 


THE  DECISION". 


519 


porters  ventured  to  remonstrate,  and  the  vote  being 
unanimously  in  favor  of  Maxixcatzin’s  views,  the 
Aztec  envoys  were  notified  accordingly.18  How  mo- 
mentous this  discussion!  And  did  the  council  of 
Tlascala  realize  the  full  import  of  their  acts?  For 
thereby  they  determined  the  present  and  permanent 
fate  of  many  powerful  nations  besides  themselves. 
Undoubtedly  the  country  would  at  some  time  have 
fallen  before  the  dominant  power;  but,  had  it  been 
possible  for  the  nations  of  the  great  plateau  to  combine 
and  act  in  unison,  very  different  might  have  been  their 
ultimate  condition.  Cortes  and  his  company  owed 
their  safety  to  a decision  which  kept  alive  discord 
between  the  native  tribes,  while  the  Tlascaltecs  were 
saved  from  what  probably  would  have  been  a treach- 
erous alliance,  perhaps  from  annihilation,  only  to  sink 
into  peaceful  obscurity  and  merge  into  the  mass  of 
conquered  people.19  They  endeavored  to  keep  the 
disagreement  in  the  council -chamber  a secret  from 
Cortes,  but  he  heard  of  it,  and  failed  not  to  confirm 
Maxixcatzin  in  his  devotion  by  holding  forth  the  most 
brilliant  prospects  as  the  result  of  this  alliance.  The 

cloud  dissipated,  leaving  the  room  bright  and  the  cross  resplendent,  and  at- 
tracting many  believers.  Hist.  Ghich.,  304—5.  Sahagun  allows  Xicotencatl, 
chief  among  the  lords,  to  attack  the  second  lord  for  urging  the  murder  of  the 
Spaniards.  Hist.  Conq.  (ed.  1840),  138. 

lsWith  reference  to  the  attack  on  Xicotencatl  in  the  council -chamber, 
Herrera  says,  ‘Sin  tener  los  Mexicanos  otra  respuesta  se  boluieron,  con  relacion 
de  lo  que  passaua,  ’ dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xiv. , a sentence  which  Clavigero  elaborates 
into  a flight  of  the  envoy  on  observing  the  agitation  of  the  people.  ‘ E’  per b 
da  credersi,  che  il  Senato  mandasse  degli  Ambasciatori  Tlascallesi  per  portar 
la  risposta.’  Storia  Mess.,  iii.  149.  Prescott  and  others  also  suppose  that 
they  fled;  but  this  is  unlikely,  since  personages  so  conspicuous  as  envoys 
could  hardly  have  escaped  from  the  centre  of  the  republic  without  the  knowl- 
edge of  the  senate,  who  had,  beside,  given  them  a guard,  as  well  for  their 
honor  and  protection  as  for  preventing  the  undue  exercise  of  their  curiosity. 
Envoys  enjoyed  great  respect  among  these  peoples.  Camargo  and  Ixtlilxochitl 
assume  more  correctly  that  the  envoys  were  notified  and  dismissed. 

19  Tlascala  sealed  her  enslavement,  as  some  view  it,  ignoring  national  in- 
terests for  the  sake  of  shameful  revenge.  Behold  now  the  punishment  in  her 
decay,  and  in  the  odium  cast  on  her  descendants  by  other  peoples.  So  says 
Bustamante,  in  Sahagun,  Hist.  Conq.  (ed.  1840),  140.  They  have  certainly 
dwindled  away  ever  since  Cortes  began  to  scatter  them  as  colonists  in  different 
directions ; but  this  was  the  natural  and  inevitable  consequence  of  the  pres- 
ence of  the  stronger  element.  During  Spanish  dominion  they  enjoyed  some 
slight  privileges,  and  since  then  no  odium  has  attached  to  them  except  in 
casual  references  to  the  conquest  by  prejudiced  writers. 


520 


INVALUABLE  FRIENDSHIP. 


words  by  which  the  council  decided  for  Cortes  were 
to  him  as  drops  of  perspiration  on  the  lately  fevered 
brow,  which  tell  that  the  crisis  is  passed. 

There  was  another  cloud  about  this  time  appearing 
on  the  horizon  of  the  fortunes  of  Cortes.  During  his 
stay  at  Tlascala  the  men  of  Narvaez  began  again 
to  moot  the  subject  of  return.  The  golden  vision 
of  Mexico’s  treasures  had  been  rudely  dissipated, 
leaving  only  the  remembrance  of  hardships  and  dis- 
grace. The  flowery  Antilles  appeared  more  alluring 
than  ever  to  these  gold-seekers,  only  too  many  of 
whom  were  more  accustomed  to  the  farm  than  to  the 
camp.  They  could  think  of  nothing  but  the  ease  and 
security  of  the  fertile  plantations,  where  nature  un- 
loaded its  wealth,  and  where  docile  natives  ministered 
to  every  want.  In  furtherance  of  this  idea  it  was 
urged  on  Cortes,  by  Duero  and  other  leaders,  to  retire 
to  Villa  Rica  before  the  Mexicans  had  succeeded  in 
their  efforts  to  cut  off  his  retreat.  There  they  would 
intrench  themselves  while  awaiting  aid  from  the 
islands  and  arranging  a fresh  campaign,  having  the 
vessels  to  fall  back  on,  if  necessary.  But  to  these 
intimations  Cortes  would  not  for  a moment  listen. 
And  there  were  many  reasons  for  this — his  ambition 
to  be  all  or  nothing  in  this  enterprise,  his  crimes 
against  Velazquez,  his  irregularities  regarding  the 
king’s  interests,  which  only,  brilliant  success  could 
redeem.  As  well  might  they  talk  to  the  unyielding 
hills;  he  would  join  his  dead  comrades  in  the  canals  of 
Mexico,  or  voluntarily  ascend  to  the  sacrificial  stone, 
but  he  would  not  turn  back  from  this  adventure. 

When  the  general  revealed  his  firm  intention  to 
renew  the  campaign  as  soon  as  possible,  the  outcry 
became  loud.  The  Noche  Triste  and  the  narrow 
escape  at  Otumba  had  left  impressions  too  horrible  to 
be  easily  forgotten.  They  shuddered  at  the  thought 
of  renewing  such  risk,  and  cursed  the  gold  which  had 
allured  them  to  former  discomfitures.  If  the  general 
wished  to  throw  away  his  life  he  might  do  so,  but 


DISAFFECTION  AGAIN. 


521 


they  were  not  such  madmen.  Moreover,  it  was  highly 
imprudent  to  place  so  much  faith  in  the  Tlascaltecs, 
who  might  at  the  first  encounter  with  the  enemy 
abandon  or  betray  allies  differing  so  greatly  in  lan- 
guage, religion,  and  customs.  A formal  demand  was 
therefore  addressed  to  him,  through  the  notary,  to  re- 
turn to  Villa  Rica,  on  the  ground  of  their  small  num- 
ber and  dismembered  condition,  devoid  as  they  were 
of  clothing,  arms,  ammunition,  and  horses,  and  with 
so  many  maimed  and  wounded.  They  were  wholly 
unfit  to  undertake  any  campaign,  much  less  against 
an  enemy  who  had  just  defeated  them  when  they 
were  far  stronger  in  number  and  armament  than  now. 
Declared,  as  it  was,  in  the  name  of  the  army,  though 
in  truth  by  the  men  of  Narvaez  only,20  and  headed  by 
such  persons  as  Ducro,  with  invocation  of  the  imperial 
name,  the  proposal  placed  Cortes  in  a dilemma.  Yet 
it  roused  in  him  only  a firmer  determination.  He 
was  more  master  now  than  ever  he  could  be  under  the 
new  proposal;  and  Cortes  loved  to  be  master.  The 
same  reasons  which  had  moved  him  before  to  advance 
into  Mexico  in  quest  of  independent  fame  and  wealth, 
and  to  evade  the  prospective  disgrace  and  poverty, 
imprisonment  and  death,  were  reasons  stronger  now 
than  ever. 

Here  was  another  of  those  delicate  points  on  which 
the  destiny  of  the  Estremaduran  seemed  ever  turning. 
Rousing  himself  to  meet  the  issue,  though  still  weak 
with  disease,  he  summoned  an  audience.  “What  is 
this  I hear?”  he  asked  of  the  assembled  soldiers.  “Is 
it  true  that  you  would  retire  from  the  fertile  fields  of 
New  Spain,  you,  Spaniards,  Castilians,  Christians! 
leave  the  ship-loads  of  gold  which  in  the  Aztec  capital 
we  saw  and  handled;  leave  still  standing  the  abomi- 


20  ‘ En  nombre  de  todos.’  Gomarci,  Hist.  Mex.,  166.  Whereat  Bernal  Diaz 
Is  exceedingly  wroth.  ‘We,  the  old  soldiers,  stood  by  Cortes,’ he  asserts, 
‘ and  Goinara’s  omission  to  say  so  is  intended  to  exalt  him  at  our  expense.  ’ Hist. 
VerdacL,  110.  Cortes  himself  intimates  that  the  request  was  general.  Cartas, 
142.  But  Herrera  more  justly  attributes  it  to  ‘ la  mayor  parte.’  dec.  ii.  lib. 
X.  cap.  xiv. 


522 


INVALUABLE  FRIENDSHIP. 


liable  idols  with,  their  bloody  ministers,  and  tamely 
summon  others  to  enjoy  the  riches  and  glories  which 
you  are  too  craven  to  achieve?  Alack!  for  your 
patriotism,  for  duty  to  your  emperor,  to  God,  for  the 
honor  of  Spanish  arms!  Know  you  not  that  one 
step  further  in  retreat  than  necessary  is  equivalent 
to  the  abandonment  of  all?  Or  perhaps  the  fault  is 
my  own.  I have  been  too  careful  of  mine  ease,  too 
cowardly  to  expose  my  person  to  the  dangers  into 
which  I directed  you ; I have  fled  before  the  foe — help 
me  to  remember,  friends — I have  left  my  comrades  to 
die  unaided  on  the  battle-field  while  I sought  safety, 
I have  fed  while  you  starved,  I have  slept  while  you 
labored,  or  my  too  sluggish  brain  has  refused  the  duty 
due  by  your  commander.”  The  speaker  paused,  but 
only  for  a moment.  At  this,  the  very  beginning  of  his 
plea,  a hundred  eyes  were  affectionately  regarding  him 
through  their  moisture,  a hundred  tongues  were  deny- 
ing all  insinuations  of  baseness  as  applied  to  him,  their 
great  and  brave  commander.  Already  their  hearts 
were  aflame  with  avarice  and  ambition;  aflame,  like 
St  Augustine’s,  with  Christian  zeal  and  fervency  of 
devotion,  soldier  fanatics  as  they  were,  stern,  fore- 
head-wrinkled men — for  fighting  men,  no  less  than 
fighting  dogs,  display  a gravity  in  their  every-day 
demeanor  unknown  to  tamer  spirits.  “Are  not  my 
interests  yours,  and  yours  mine?”  continued  Cortes. 
“Therefore,  I pray  you,  ascribe  not  my  views  to  dis- 
regard of  your  wishes,  but  to  a desire  to  promote  the 
good  of  all.  What  people  going  to  war  that  does  not 
sometimes  suffer  defeat;  but  what  brave  men  ever 
abandoned  a glorious  campaign  because  of  one  repulse  ? 
And  do  you  not  see  that  it  is  more  dangerous  to  go 
than  to  remain — that  to  retreat  further  would  only 
invite  further  attack?  I will  not  allude  before  soldiers 
of  mine,”  concluded  the  speaker,  “to  the  everlasting 
infamy  of  abandoning  these  brave  Tlascaltecs  to  the 
enmity  of  the  combined  forces  of  the  plateau  for 
having  stood  the  Spaniards’  friend  in  time  of  danger. 


RESOLUTION  TO  REMAIN. 


523 


Go,  all  of  you  who  will!  abandon  your  sacred  trusts, 
and  with  them  the  riches  in  mines,  and  tributes  here 
awaiting  you,  and  fair  encomiendas,  with  countless 
servants  to  attend  before  your  new  nobility;  for  my- 
self, if  left  alone,  then  alone  will  I here  remain  and 
general  Indians,  since  Spaniards  have  all  turned 
cowards  I” 

Hearts  of  steel  could  not  withstand  such  words  so 
spoken;  and  loud  came  the  shouts  of  approval  from 
Cortes’  old  comrades,  who  swore  that  not  a man  should 
be  allowed  to  endanger  the  common  safety  by  leaving. 
This  manifestation  was  in  itself  sufficient  to  shame  the 
disaffected  into  resignation,  although  not  into  silence, 
for  mutterings  were  frequent  against  the  quality  of 
persuasion  employed  by  the  general  and  his  beggarly 
followers,  who  had  nothing  to  lose  except  their  lives. 
In  order  somewhat  to  allay  their  discontent  Cortes 
promised  that  at  the  conclusion  of  the  next  campaign 
their  wishes  should  be  consulted,  and  the  first  favor- 
able opportunity  for  departure  be  tendered  them — a 
cool  proposal,  affecting  only  those  who  would  be  left 
of  them,  yet  made  with  sober  visage  by  the  artless 
Cortes.21 

21  ‘Si  mal  nos  sucediere  la  ida  [of  the  next  campaign]  hare  lo  que  pedis: 
y si  bien,  hareis  lo  que  os  ruego.’  Thus  Cort4s,  by  his  skill  and  firmness,  saved 
not  only  the  conquest  but  the  lives  of  his  men,  which  must  have  been  sacri- 
ficed in  a retreat.  Had  they  reached  Villa  Rica  they  would  not  have  re- 
mained there,  but  would  have  passed  on  to  the  islands,  thus  abandoning  the 
country.  Gomcira,  Hist.  Mex.,  167.  Most  of  the  points  in  the  above  speech  are 
to  be  found  in  the  lengthy  harangue  prepared  by  this  author.  Oviedo’s  is 
weaker,  and  loses  itself  in  repetitions  and  crude  elaborations,  adorned  with 
learned  references  ill  suiting  a soldier  addressing  rude  men,  although  not 
altogether  inconsistent  with  Cortes’  love  of  display.  Toward  the  conclusion 
is  said : ‘If  any  one  there  is  who  still  insists  on  leaving,  let  him  go ; for  rather 
will  I remain  with  a small  and  brave  number  than  with  many,  if  composed  in 
part  of  cowards  and  of  those  who  respect  not  their  honor.  Even  if  all  fail 
in  their  duty  I shall  not.  We  shall  now  know  who,  being  of  us,  will  drink 
water  from  the  hand,  and  who  will  kneel  to  drink  with  the  face  to  the  ground, 
so  that  they  may  be  bidden  to  depart,  as  God  said  to  Gideon.  ’ Oviedo,  iii.  332-3. 
The  test,  if  ever  intended,  was  not  made,  since  all  acquiesced.  Solis,  the 
inveterate  speech-maker,  has  unaccountably  subsided  for  this  period;  perhaps 
he  is  piqued  at  finding  himself  so  fully  anticipated.  Cortes  gives  a brief 
synopsis  of  what  he  indicates  to  have  been  a long  speech.  On  no  account 
would  he  commit  so  shameful,  dangerous,  and  treasonable  an  act  as  to  aban- 
don the  country.  Cartas,  142-3;  Claviyero,  Storia  Mess.,  iii.  151;  Herrera, 
dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xiv. 


524 


INVALUABLE  FRIENDSHIP. 


The  determination  of  Cortes  was  now  what  it 
always  had  been,  namely,  to  conquer  and  become  mas- 
ter of  all  New  Spain;  and  the  greater  the  difficulty 
the  greater  the  glory.  Fearing  that  further  evil 
might  result  from  continued  inactivity,  and  from  re- 
maining a burden  on  the  allies,  Cortes  resolved  to  lose 
no  time  in  taking  the  field.22  In  the  fertile  plains  to 
the  south  of  Tlascala  lay  the  rich  province  of  Tepe- 
vacac,23  euphonized  into  Tepeaca,  long  hostile  to  the 
republic.  Intimidated  by  the  subjugation  of  Tlascala 
and  Cholula,  the  three  brothers  who  ruled  it21  had  ten- 
dered their  submission  to  the  conquerors,  only  to  return 
to  their  old  masters,  the  Aztecs,  the  moment  fortune 
seemed  to  favor  them.  The  latter  had  indeed,  in 
connection  with  their  other  preparations,  made  par- 
ticular efforts  to  stir  the  provinces  round  Tlascala  and 
toward  the  coast,  sending  large  garrisons  to  form 
centres  for  the  native  armies,  the  object  being  partly 
to  cut  off  communication  with  the  coast,  so  as  to 
prevent  reinforcements  from  reaching  the  Spaniards, 
and  partly  to  effect  a rear  movement  when  it  might  be 
decided  to  attack  the  republic.  Reinforcements  had 
already  been  surprised  in  this  region  and  slaughtered, 
as  we  have  seen,  and  raids  had  been  made  on  the 
allied  frontier. 

Here  was  all  the  cause  the  Spaniards  required  for 
attack,  and  as  the  country  was  for  the  most  part  open, 
the  horsemen  would  have  great  advantage  over  na- 


22  ‘ Habiendo  estado  en  esta  provincia  veinte  dias,  aunque  ni  yo  estaba  muy 
sano  de  mis  lieridas,  y los  de  mi  compania  todavia  bien  flacos,  sail  della.’ 
L'ortds,  143.  Gomara  follows,  while  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad. , 1 10,  writes  that 
after  a stay  at  Tlascala  of  22  days  Cortes  announced  the  determination  to 
march  on  Tepeaca,  which  provoked  murmurs  from  the  men  of  Narvaez. 
Preparations  for  the  campaign  appear  to  have  intervened  before  the  march 
began,  and  negotiations  with  the  province  to  be  assailed.  Herrera  intimates 
that  fully  50  days  had  passed  before  negotiations  were  opened,  dec.  ii.  lib.  x. 
cap.  xv. 

23  ‘ Significa  Tepeyacac,  remate,  o punta  de  zerro,’  owing  to  the  position  of 
the  city  at  the  end  of  a mountain  range.  Id .,  cap.  xxi. 

21  Their  father,  Chichtuc,  had  been  sole  ruler,  but  after  his  death  the  sons 
divided  the  province.  Id.  This  author  assumes  that  it  was  merely  an  ally  of 
Mexico,  but  there  is  little  doubt  about  its  being  tributary.  ‘ Ixcozauhqui,  le 
principal  de  ses  trois  chefs.’  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  368. 


THE  TROOPS  MUSTERED. 


525 


live  troops.  Its  subjugation,  therefore,  promised  to 
be  easy,  and  would  secure  the  rear.  The  Tlascaltecs 
approved  of  beginning  the  campaign  with  the  out- 
lying provinces,25  where  the  concentration  of  forces 
was  smaller,  and  where  the  memory  of  Aztec  misrule 
and  oppression  might  readily  induce  the  inhabitants 
to  transfer  their  allegiance,  so  as  to  strengthen  the 
conquerors  and  allure  fresh  allies.  They  were  eager 
to  begin  the  campaign,  and  offered  a large  force  of 
warriors.  Xicotencatl  junior  also  evinced  a prompt- 
ness to  cooperate,  as  if  to  remove  any  ill  feeling  that 
might  have  arisen  from  his  machinations.26  In  order 
to  thoroughly  enlist  their  sympathies  Cortes  made  an 
arrangement  with  the  lords  whereby  a number  of 
privileges  were  assured  to  their  people,  together  with 
a fixed  proportion  of  the  spoils27  to  be  obtained  during 
the  war. 

The  troops  were  mustered  at  Tzompantzinco,  near 
Tlascala,  amidst  a large  concourse  of  people.  There 
were  about  four  hundred  and  fifty  Spanish  soldiers, 
with  nearly  twenty  horses,  a few  firelocks  and  field- 
pieces,  and  a number  of  cross-bows,  but  the  arms  were 
chiefly  swords  and  pikes.  The  reinforcements  consisted 
of  six  thousand  Tlascaltecs,  including  a few  Cholultecs 
and  Huexotzincas,  a larger  force  being  prepared  under 
Xicotencatl  to  follow  later.28  A demand  had  rnean- 


23  The  suggestion  of  thus  opening  the  campaign  is  claimed  by  native  his- 
torians for  the  Tlascaltec  lords,  Ixtlilxochitl  naming  Xicotencatl  as  the  origi- 
nator. Hist.  Ouch.,  303;  Camargo,  Hist.  Tlax.,  177. 

26  And  out  of  gratitude  for  Cor 1 6s’  intercession  in  his  behalf,  as  Solis 
claims. 

21  Half  of  the  booty  obtained  in  all  conquered  countries,  with  incorpora- 
tion of  Cholula,  Huexotzinco,  and  Tepeyacac.  Canutrgo,  Hist.  Tlax.,  176. 
This  extent  of  jurisdiction  is  doubtful.  ‘Les  haria  en  nobre  de  su  Magestad 
escriptura  de  conservarlos  en  sustierras,  y govierno,’  is  the  moderate  arrange- 
ment given  in  Vetancvrt,  T mtro  Mcx. , pt.  iii.  146.  When  in  1655  an  attempt  was 
made  to  encroach  on  their  rights  they  produced  the  document  and  obtained 
justice. 

23  Bernal  Diaz,  who  alone  enters  into  details,  enumerates  420  soldiers, 
4000  Tlascaltecs,  17  horses,  and  6 cross-bows,  without  artillery  or  ammunition. 
Hist.  Verda/l.,  111.  But  this  is  hardly  reliable,  for  a few  lines  before  he  refers 
to  440  men,  and  there  is  no  doubt  that  some  ammunition,  field-pieces,  and 
other  war  material  must  have  been  obtained  from  Villa  Rica.  Herrera  speaks 
of  musketeers  and  6000  allies,  50,000  more  to  follow,  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xv. 


526 


INVALUABLE  FRIENDSHIP. 


while  been  sent  to  Tepeaca  to  confirm  the  oath  of 
allegiance  once  tendered  the  Spanish  sovereign  and 
dismiss  the  Aztec  garrisons,  whereupon  all  past  offences 
would  be  forgiven.  The  reply  was  a contemptuous 
refusal,  with  the  threat  that  any  attempt  at  coercion 
would  bring  upon  the  invaders  worse  punishment 
than  they  had  received  at  Mexico,  for  thpy  all  would 
be  dished  up  at  the  festive  board.  Every  proposal 
being  rejected,  a formal  notice  was  sent  condemning 
the  province  to  be  chastised  with  sword,  and  fire,  and 
slavery,  for  rebellion  and  murder  of  Spaniards.29 

The  army  now  advanced  on  Zacatepec,  the  first 
town  on  the  Tepeaca  border,  where  an  ,<ambuscade 
had  been  prepared  in  some  maize  fields.  This  was 
discovered  in  time  to  prevent  a surprise,  but  a 
fierce  encounter  took  place,  wherein  the  horsemen 
did  good  execution,  and  victory  was  soon  obtained, 
with  slaughter  of  the  flying.  Ojeda,  who  had  led 
the  Tlascaltecs  into  the  thickest  of  the  fight,  came 
during  the  pursuit  to  the  residence  of  the  cacique  and 
planted  there  the  republican  flag,  in  token  of  capture. 
These  warriors  had  suffered  severely,  owing  in  part  to 
the  use  of  large  lances  by  the  enemy,  but  the  Span- 
iards had  only  a dozen  wounded,  beside  two  horses, 
one  of  which  died.30  During  the  three  days’  stay  at 


Gomara  allows  40,000  allies  to  set  out  at  once,  with  provisions  and  carriers. 
Hist.  Max. , 168.  Ixtlilxochitl  mentions  only  4000,  and  names  some  of  the 
leaders.  Hist.  Chich.,  305.  Herrera  states  that  a question  arose  as  to  the 
prudence  of  trusting  so  small  a body  of  soldiers  with  so  large  a force  of  allies — 
which  soon  swelled  to  over  100,000 — who  might  in  case  of  disagreement 
overwhelm  them.  A council  was  held,  which  decided  that  the  loyalty  of  the 
Tlascaltecs  had  been  sufficiently  tried,  and  that  a small  number  of  allies  would 
be  of  no  service,  ubi  sup. , cap.  xiv. 

29  Cortes’  first  messengers  returned  with  two  Mexicans,  who  brought  the 
contemptuous  reply.  They  were  given  presents,  and  told  to  summon  the 
native  chiefs  to  a parley.  On  their  return  with  a threatening  answer  1 fue 
acordado, . . por  ante  Escriuano . . . que  se  diessen  por  esclauos  & todos  los 
aliados  de  Mexico,  que  huviessen  muerto  Espafioles.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Ver- 
darl. , 112.  ‘ Respondieron  que  si  mataron  Espafioles  fue  con  justa  razon,  pues 
en  tiempo  de  guerra  quisieron  passar  por  su  tierra  por  fuer^a,  y sin  demandar 
licencia.’  Gomara,  Hist.  Max.,  168. 

30  ‘ Tuuierd  los  Indios  amigos  buena  cena  aquella  noche  de  piemas,  y brapos, 
porque  sin  los  assadores  de  palo,  que  eran  infinitos,  huuo  cincuenta  mil  ollas 
de  came  humana.’  The  Spaniards  suffered  from  want  of  water  and  food. 
Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xv.  Rather  a strong  story.  The  Spaniards  could 


SUBJUGATION  OF  TEPEACA. 


527 


this  town  the  neighborhood  was  reduced,  with  pillage 
and  enslavement. 

The  next,  camp  was  formed  at  Acatzingo,  which  had 
been  abandoned  by  the  enemy  after  a short  fight. 
These  successes  so  discouraged  the  Mexican  garrisons 
that  they  abandoned  the  province,  and  the  allies,  on 
marching  straight  for  Tepeaca,  five  days  later,  entered 
it  without  opposition.  This  now  became  the  head- 
quarters for  the  different  expeditions  sent  out  to  re- 
duce the  surrounding  districts;31  and  rare  work  they 
made  of  it,  plundering,  and  tearing  down  idols,  and 
making  captives.  Salt,  cotton,  feather  ware,  and  other 
commodities  were  abundant,  and  with  their  share 
therein  the  Tlascaltecs  were  highly  delighted,  but  the 
Spaniards  obtained  little  gold.  The  rulers  of  the 
country  had  fled;  one  of  them  to  Mexico,  to  re- 
monstrate against  the  retreat  of  the  garrisons,  and 
to  demand  additional  aid.  Finding  themselves  aban- 
doned, the  inhabitants  sent  to  beg  mercy  of  the 
conquerors,  and  being  assured  that  no  further  harm 
should  be  done  them,  they  returned  to  the  city 
and  again  tendered  allegiance.  Several  other  towns 
were  taken,  some,  like  Tecalco,  south  of  Tepeaca, 
beinar  evacuated,  others  tendering  submission  in  ad- 
vance,  while  still  others  required  hard  fighting  to 
subdue. 

The  reduction  of  the  Tepeaca  province,  which  was 
virtually  accomplished  in  about  a month,32  produced 
an  immediate  and  marked  effect,  not  only  on  the 
natives,  but  on  the  late  refractory  Spanish  soldiers. 


not  well  suffer  from  hunger  in  the  midst  of  maize  fields,  in  harvest  time. 
Oviedo  takes  occasion  to  dwell  on  the  common  practice  of  devouring  the  slain 
on  the  battle-field,  thus  saving  the  trouble  of  burial,  iii.  334.  ‘ Mi  pare  una 

favola,’  is  Clavigero’s  comment.  Storia.  Mess. , iii.  152.  See  Native  Races. 

31  ‘ Padeciendo  siempre  de  agua,  y comida.  ’ Herrera,  ubi  sup.  But  this 
could  hardly  be  the  case  in  so  rich  a province,  at  this  time. 

32  ‘ En  obra  de  veinte  dias  liobe  pacificas  muchas  villas  y poblaciones  & ella 

sujetas.  . ..sin  que  en  toda  la  dicha  guerra  me  matasen  ni  hiriesen  ni  un 
espauol.’  CorU-s,  Cartas , 143.  ‘ En  obra  de  quarenta  dias  tuvimos  aquellos 

pueblos  pacificos,’  but  with  great  hardship,  ‘ porque  de  sangre,  y polvo  que 
estaua  quajado  en  las  entranas,  no  echauamos  otra  cosa  del  cuerpo,  y por  la 
boca,’  etc.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  112-13. 


528 


INVALUABLE  FRIENDSHIP. 


The  latter  were  reconciled  to  the  prosecution  of  the 
conquest  on  finding  the  opening  campaign  so  speedy 
and  comparatively  bloodless,  and  fresh  confidence  was 
infused  into  the  Tlascaltecs,  and  new  allies  came  for- 
ward, while  the  prestige  of  Spanish  arms  began  again 
to  spread  terror  among  the  enemy  and  open  a way 
into  other  provinces.  This  was  promoted  by  messen- 
gers, who  carried  promises  of  release  from  Aztec 
tyranny,  and  pointed  out  the  fate  of  rebellious  and 
stubborn  Tepeacan  towns.  The  Mexicans,  who  during 
the  inactivity  of  the  allies  had  grown  somewhat  lax 
in  their  efforts  to  conciliate  subject  provinces,  now 
became  more  earnest,  more  free  with  presents  and 
offers  to  remit  tribute.  These  endeavors  were  greatly 
counteracted  by  their  troops,  however,  whose  in- 
solence and  greed  drove  the  inhabitants  to  tacitly  or 
openly  favor  the  Spaniards. 

The  withdrawal  of  the  Aztec  garrisons  from  Tepeaca 
served  to  strengthen  those  on  its  frontier,  particularly 
at  Quauhquecliollan,33  ten  or  eleven  leagues  south- 
west of  the  new  Spanish  head-quarters,  which  pro- 
tected the  approach  to  the  southern  pass  into  the 
valley  of  Mexico.34  Its  province  bordered  on  Hue- 
xotzinco  and  Cholula,  and  skirting  the  snow-crowned 
Popocatepetl  it  extended  for  some  distance  south 
and  south-east  of  it.  The  lord,35  who  had  tendered 
allegiance  to  Spain  simultaneously  with  Montezuma, 
had  recently  sent  in  the  assurance  of  his  loyalty,  with 
the  explanation  that  fear  of  the  Mexicans  had  pre- 
vented him  from  doing  so  before.  A few  days  later 
came  his  messengers  to  ask  protection  against  the 
Aztec  garrisons,  reinforced  to  the  extent  of  some 
thirty  thousand  men,36  who,  from  their  camp  within  a 
league  of  the  city,  were  plundering  and  committing 

33  The  name  of  a beautiful  bird,  now  San  Martin  de  Huaque^hula.  This 
town  was  known  to  the  Spaniards  under  the  name  of  Guacachula. 

31  ‘A  la  entrada  de  un  puerto  que  se  pasa  para  entrar  d la  provincia  de 
Mtijico  por  alii.’  Cortex,  Carta*,  145.  After  the  conquest  it  was  moved  to  a 
more  open  site,  three  leagues  south.  Torquema  la,  i.  316. 

35  Calcozametl.  Brasxeur  de  Bourbo  ir;/,  Hi4.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  372. 

33  Herrera  reduces  Cortes’  figure  to  20,000. 


FURTHER  SUCCESSES. 


529 


outrages.  This  appeal  being  quite  in  accord  with  the 
plans  of  Cortes,  he  at  once  complied  by  sending  Olid 
and  Ordaz,  with  two  hundred  soldiers,  thirteen  horses, 
most  of  the  fire-arms  and  cross-bows,  and  thirty 
thousand  allies.37  It  was  arranged  with  the  Quauh- 
quecliollans  that  they  should  begin  the  attack  as  soon 
as  the  Spaniards  came  near,  and  cut  off  communica- 
tion between  the  city  garrison  and  the  adjoining  camp. 

Olid  marched  by  way  of  Cholula,  and  received  en 
route  large  accessions  of  volunteers,  chiefly  from  the 
province  to  be  aided  and  from  Huexotzinco,  all  eager 
for  a safe  blow  at  the  Aztecs,  and  for  a share  of  the 
spoils.  So  large,  indeed,  was  the  enrolment  that  some 
of  the  ever  timid  men  of  Narvaez  conjured  up  from 
this  a plot  for  their  betrayal  into  the  hands  of  the 
Mexicans,  with  whom  rumor  filled  every  house  at 
Quauhquechollan,  making  in  all  a larger  number  than 
at  Otumba.  The  loyalty  of  the  new  province  being 
wholly  untried,  and  that  of  Huexotzinco  but  little 
proven,  the  alarm  appeared  not  unfounded,  and  even 
the  leaders  became  so  infected  as  to  march  back  to 
Cholula,  whence  the  chiefs  of  the  suspected  allies  were 
sent  under  guard  to  Cortes,  with  a report  of  the 
occurrence.38  The  latter  examined  the  prisoners,  and 
readily  surmised  the  cause  of  the  trouble;  but,  as  it 
would  not  answer  to  dampen  native  ardor  for  the  war 
by  leaving  them  in  that  suspicion,  he  apologized  for 


37  Bernal  Diaz  names  Olid  alone  for  the  command,  and  Gomara  adds  Ordaz 
and  Andres  de  Tapia,  while  Herrera  substitutes  Ordaz  and  Avila.  The  latter 
is  probably  wrong  in  giving  them  300  soldiers,  and  Peter  Martyr  errs,  through 
his  printer,  perhaps,  in  allowing  only  3000  allies. 

38  Cortes  writes  that  this  occurred  in  a town  of  Huexotzinco  province, 
and  that  here  the  Spaniards  were  alarmed  by  the  report  of  collusion  between 
the  Huexotzincas,  the  Quauhquechollans,  and  the  Aztecs.  The  leaders  de- 
scribed the  expedition  as  difficult.  Cartas . 146.  Gomara  follows,  naming  the 
captain  who  brought  the  chiefs  captive  to  Cort4s.  Hist.  Mex. , 169.  Bernal 
Diaz  points  out  very  plausibly  that  Huexotzinco  lay  wholly  out  of  the  way ; 
and,  ignoring  the  accession  of  volunteers,  he  assumes  that  the  report  of  a vast 
gathering  of  Mexican  troops  round  Quauhquechollan  was  the  cause  for  alarm, 
among  the  Narvaez  party  only.  Olid  appealed  to  their  honor,  and  did  all  he 
could  to  encourage  them,  but  failed.  Hist.  Verdad. , 112-13.  Clavigero 
believes,  on  the  other  hand,  that  Clid  caught  the  alarm  as  readily  as  the  rest. 
Storia  Mess.,  iii.  154.  The  joining  of  Huexotzincas  may  have  led  to  the 
belief  that  the  march  lay  through  their  territory. 

Hist.  Max..  VoL.  I.  34  • 


530 


INVALUABLE  FRIENDSHIP. 


what  had  happened  as  a misunderstanding,  smoothed 
their  ruffled  feelings  with  presents,  and  encouraged 
their  zeal.  With  an  additional  force  of  one  hundred 
soldiers  and  some  horses  he  set  out  for  Cholula  to 
assume  command  in  person,  shaming  the  men  out  of 
their  fears,39  and  accepting  the  large  reinforcements 
which  were  offered  on  the  way. 

As  soon  as  he  came  in  sight,  at  the  end  of  the 
valley,  the  Quauliquechollans,  who  had  made  their 
preparations  in  advance,  fell  on  the  garrison,  securing 
at  the  same  time  the  scouts  and  stragglers.  The 
Aztecs  resisted  valiantly,  encompassed  though  they 
were  by  assailants  who  filled  the  roofs  and  heights 
round  the  temple  which  formed  the  citadel.  An 
entry  was  effected  by  the  Spaniards,  and  the  natives 
rushed  upon  the  warriors  with  such  fury  that  scarcely 
one  was  left  to  tell  the  tale.  A number  of  the  be- 
sieged, outside  the  citadel,  had  already  fled  toward 
the  Aztec  camp,  whose  battalions  were  now  de- 
scending, brilliant  in  feathered  mail  and  ornaments. 
Entering  the  further  side  of  the  city  they  began 
to  fire  it.  Cortes  was  summoned  to  the  rescue,  and 
hurrying  onward  with  the  cavalry  he  soon  routed 
their  disorganized  masses,  leaving  pursuit  chiefly  to 
the  allies.  At  a certain  pass  the  enemy  rallied,  to  be 
dislodged  within  a few  moments  and  cut  off  from  their 
camp.  Exhausted  by  battle  and  flight,  under  a broil- 
ing sun, they  turned  in  disorderly  scramble  up  the  steep 
mountain  slope,  only  to  find  themselves  checked  on  the 
summit  by  fleeter  bands  of  Quauliquechollans  and  other 
allies,  and  obliged  to  make  a stand.  By  this  time 
they  could  hardly  raise  their  hands  in  self-defence, 
and  the  battle  became  little  more  than  a butchery, 
during  which  scattered  remnants  alone  managed  to 
escape,  leaving  the  rich  garments  and  jewels  of 

39  Bernal  Diaz  states  that  Cortds  did  not  go,  but  sent  Olid  a sharp  letter, 
which  roused  him  to  proceed  with  the  expedition.  But  our  chronicler  was 
sick  with  fever  all  this  time,  and  has  evidently  not  been  well  informed. 
Cortes’  description  of  the  route  and  of  different  occurrences  indicates  that  he 
must  have  been  present. 


REDUCTION  OF  ITZOCAN. 


531 


the  dead  to  stay  the  pursuers,  who  now,  according 
to  Cortes,  numbered  over  one  hundred  thousand. 
Several  Spaniards  were  wounded,  and  one  horse 
killed.40  The  field  being  reaped,  the  victors  entered 
the  camp,41  which  was  divided  into  three  parts,  each 
large  enough,  it  is  said,  to  form  a respectable  town, 
well  appointed,  with  hosts  of  servants,  supplies,  and 
paraphernalia.  Laden  with  spoils  they  returned  to 
the  city  to  receive  a well  merited  ovation.  The  citi- 
zens were  afterward  rewarded  with  several  privileges 
for  their  loyal  aid;42  deservedly  rewarded,  for  with- 
out their  cooperation  the  place  could  not  have  been 
captured  without  difficulty,  since  it  lay  between  two 
rivers43  coursing  through  deep  ravines,  and  was  shielded 
on  one  side  by  a steep  mountain  range.  Beside  its 
natural  strength  the  city  was  protected  by  a breast- 
work of  masonry,  which  extended  toward  the  mountain 
and  down  into  the  ravines,  forming  here  a smooth 
facing  of  some  twenty  feet,  and  rising  in  other  places 
into  a distinct  wall  of  great  height  and  width,44  with 
a parapet.  There  were  four  entrances,45  wide  enough 
for  one  horseman  only,  with  staircase  approaches,  and 
with  maze-like  lappings  of  the  walls,  which  rendered 
it  difficult  to  force  an  entrance.  Along  the  walls  lay 
piles  of  stones  and  rocks  ready  for  the  foe.  The 
population  was  estimated  at  five  or  six  thousand 
families,  supported  in  part  by  a number  of  gardens 
within  the  city,  and  subject  to  it  were  three  towns 
in  the  valley,  containing  an  equal  number  of  people. 

Four  leagues  south  of  Quauhquechollan  lay  Itzo- 
can,46  a well  built  city,  with  a hundred  temples,  says 

40  ‘ Cayeron  muchos  dellos[enemy]  muertosyahogados  de  la  calor,  sin,  herida 
ninguna,  y dos  r oallos  se  estancaron,  y el  uno  murio.  ’ Cortis,  Cartas,  149. 

41  ‘ En  Mexinca.’  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  169. 

42  ‘ Y se  les  conservan  el  dia  de  hoy,’  says  Lorenzana,  in  CorUs,  Hist.  N. 
Espana,  160. 

43  ‘ Dos  tiros  de  ballesta  el  uno  del  otro.  ’ CorUs,  Cartas,  1 50. 

44  ‘ Ties  estados  en  alto,  y 14.  pies  en  ancho,’  says  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  x. 
cap.  xvi.  ‘ Alto  como  cuatro  estados  por  de  fuera  de  la  ciudad,  4 por  de  dentro 
esta  casi  igual  con  el  suelo.’  Cortes,  Cartas,  150.  Meaning,  in  places. 

45  Herrera  says  two. 

46  Later  Izucar ; now  Matamoros. 


532 


INVALUABLE  FRIENDSHIP. 


Cortes,  and  a population  of  three  or  four  thousand 
families,  situated  in  a fertile,  irrigated  valley,  which 
from  the  climatic  protection  afforded  by  the  sheltering 
mountains  included  cotton  as  one  of  its  staples,  and 
had  also  some  attractive  gold  mines.  The  place  lay 
at  the  foot  of  a hill,  surmounted  by  a Strong  turreted 
fort,  and  offered  a striking  resemblance  to  Mdlaga,  it 
was  said.  The  level  sides  were  protected  by  the 
banks  of  a deep  river,  which  here  formed  a semicircle, 
and  all  round  the  city  ran  a wall  five  feet  high,  well 
provided  with  towers  and  stone  ammunition.  The 
cacique  was  an  alien,  appointed  by  Montezuma,  whose 
niece  he  had  married,  and  possessed  strong  sympathies 
for  the  lake  government,  which  maintained  a fine  gar- 
rison. To  reduce  the  place,  so  as  to  root  out  a strong- 
hold for  the  dissemination  of  Aztec  influence,  was  of 
the  first  importance. 

Thither,  therefore,  Cortds  proceeded  with  his  forces, 
including  allies,  who  were  by  this  time  so  numerous 
as  to  cover  the  plains  and  mountains,  wherever  the 
eye  could  reach,  representing  at  least  one  hundred 
and  twenty-five  thousand  men.  On  arriving  before 
the  city  it  was  found  occupied  only  by  warriors,  esti- 
mated at  from  five  to  eight  thousand,  the  women  and 
children  having  all  withdrawn.  Guided  by  natives 
the  army  passed  to  a point  affording  a comparatively 
easy  entrance.  The  surprised  garrison  now  thought 
less  of  resistance  than  of  securing  their  retreat  across 
the  river.  It  was  spanned  by  a bridge,  but  this  the 
Spaniards  destroyed  as  they  fell  upon  them,  and  many 
of  the  unfortunate  Aztecs  took  to  the  water  in  their 
confusion,  only  to  add  to  the  list  of  victims.  The 
cavalry,  swimming  across  with  ease,  overtook  and 
arrested  a large  portion  of  the  flying  till  the  allies 
came  up  to  aid  in  the  slaughter.47  Two  captives  were 

47  Bernal  Diaz  assumes  that  Olid  is  the  sole  leader;  that  he  was  here 
wounded,  and  lost  two  horses.  Returning  to  Tepeaca  he  was  received  with 
great  honor,  and  joined  in  laughing  at  the  alarm  which  had  caused  the 
army  to  turn  back  at  Cholula.  He  would  never  after  have  anything  to  do 
with  the  opulent  and  timid  soldiers  of  Narvaez,  he  said.  Hist.  V nr  dad.,  114. 


SOME  BLOODLESS  VICTORIES. 


533 


sent  to  offer  pardon  to  the  inhabitants,  on  the  con- 
dition of  their  returning  and  remaining  loyal.  Soon 
after  the  chiefs  came  to  make  arrangements,  and 
within  a few  days  the  city  had  resumed  its  wonted 
appearance. 

Cortes  thought  it  the  best  policy,  in  this  frontier 
town  of  his  conquest,  to  make  a favorable  impression 
by  extending  mercy,  and  with  the  rapid  flight  of 
his  fame  as  an  irresistible  conqueror  spread  also  his 
reputation  as  a dispenser  of  justice,  lenient  or  se- 
vere, as  the  case  might  be.  A number  of  caciques 
hastened  accordingly  to  propitiate  him,  during  his 
stay  in  this  quarter,48  by  tendering  submission  and 
praying  to  be  confirmed  in  authority.  Among  them 
came  a deputation  from  the  inhabitants  of  Oco- 
petlahuacan,49  at  the  foot  of  Popocatepetl,  who  cast 
the  blame  for  delay  on  their  cacique.  He  had  fled 
with  the  retreating  Mexicans,  and  they  disowned 
him,  praying  that  the  dignity  might  be  conferred 
on  his  brother,  who  had  remained,  and  who  shared 
the  popular  desire  for  Spanish  supremacy.  After  a 
judicious  hesitation  the  request  was  granted,  with  the 
intimation  that  future  disobedience  would  be  severely 
chastised.60 

Still  more  flattering  overtures  came  from  the  ca- 
ciques of  eight  towns  in  Cohuaixtlahuacan,51  some 
forty  leagues  to  the  south,  who  had  already  tendered 
allegiance  on  the  occasion  when  Pilot  Umbria  first 

Gomara  supposes  that  the  bridge  had  been  destroyed  before  the  flight, 
so  that  few  of  the  garrison  escaped  from  the  sword  and  the  stream.  Hist. 
Max. . 171. 

Ixtlilxochitl  extends  the  stay  at  Ytzocan  alone  to  twenty  days.  Hist. 
Cluch.,  305.  Others  make  it  less. 

19  Cortds  calls  it  Ocupatuyo,  which  Lorenzana  corrects  into  Ocuituco,  and 
Torquemada  into  Acapetlahuaca,  i.  315,  while  Clavigero  insists  that  it  should 
be  Ocopetlajoccan.  Storia  Mess.,  iii.  157. 

50  ‘ Vinieron  asimismo  d.  se  ofrecer  por  vasallos  de  V.  M.  el  seiior  de. . . . 
Guajocingo,  y el  seiior  de  otra  ciudad  que  esta  4 diez  leguas  de  Izzucan.  ’ Cortes, 
Cartas,  152. 

51  This  name  is  badly  misspelled.  Chimalpain  identifies  it  with  Huax- 
tdea,  which  is  decidedly  out  of  the  way,  Hist.  Coiiq.,  ii.  12,  while  Orozco  y 
Berra  stamps  ‘en  verdad  erronea’  the  suggestion  of  Lorenzana  that  it  is 
Oajaca;  but  modern  maps  do  place  it  in  Oajaca,  very  slightly  modified  in 
spelling. 


534 


INVALUABLE  FRIENDSHIP. 


passed  through  that  province  in  search  of  Zacatula’s 
gold  mines.52 

Before  leaving  Itzucan,  Cortds  was  called  upon  to 
appoint  a successor  to  the  fugitive  cacique.  The 
candidates  were  a bastard  son  of  the  late  native  ca- 
cique, whose  death  was  due  to  Montezuma,  and  the 
son  of  the  deceased  ruler’s  legitimate  daughter,  mar- 
ried to  the  lord  of  Quauhquecliollan.  The  general, 
being  only  too  eager  to  please  so  loyal  an  ally,  decided 
in  favor  of  his  son,  on  the  ground  of  legitimacy;  but 
since  he  was  not  yet  ten  years  old,  the  regency  was 
intrusted  to  the  bastard  uncle,  aided  by  some  chiefs.63 
The  boy  followed  the  army  to  imbibe  Spanish  ideas 
and  instruction,  and  received  baptism  not  long  after, 
with  the  name  of  Alonso,54  the  first  Christian  prince 
in  New  Spain. 

Another  important  yet  troublesome  expedition  was 
to  secure  the  road  to  Villa  Rica,  on  which  so  many 
Spaniards  had  fallen,  and  which  was  still  dangerous. 
It  was  intrusted  to  two  hundred  men,  with  ten  horses, 
and  a large  force  of  allies.65  The  first  reduction  in 
this  quarter  had  been  Quecholac,  where  pillage  and 
enslavement  formed  the  retaliation  for  murders  com- 
mitted,66 and  Tecamachalco,  which  gave  greater  trouble 
before  it  fell,  and  yielded  over  two  thousand  slaves, 


52  They  had  always  been  loyal,  they  said,  although  deterred  by  fear  of 
Mexico  from  sooner  proclaiming  it;  the  four  remaining  pueblos  of  the  province 
would  soon  send  in  their  allegiance.  Cortf’s,  Cai'tas,  152-3. 

53  The  construction  of  sentences  in  Cortis',  Cartas,  152,  and  the  complex 
relationship,  have  misled  nearly  every  one  who  notices  this  incident — as, 
Gomara,  Hist.  Mex. , 171;  Vetancvrt,  Teatro  Mex.,  pt.  iii.  147;  Bernal  Diaz, 
Hist.  Verdad.,  116a. 

54  Alonso  Coltzin.  Chimalpain,  Hist.  Conq.,  ii.  12.  Ixtlilxochitl  calls  him 
Ahuecatzin.  Hist.  Chich.,  305.  Alvarado  stood  sponsor.  Terrified  by  some 
idle  gossip,  or  by  the  preparations  for  his  baptism,  the  boy  asked  the  friar 
when  he  was  to  be  sacrificed ; but  received  comfort  in  a pious  exhortation. 
Torquemada,  i.  520. 

53  Herrera  gives  the  command  to  Olid  and  Juan  Rodriguez  de  Villafuerte, 
the  owner  of  the  much  disputed  first  madonna  image,  accompanied  by  Juan 
Nunez,  Sedeno,  Lagos,  and  Mata.  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xvii.  Olid  may  have 
been  detached  from  Quauhquecliollan  after  the  first  success  had  made 
troops  less  necessary;  yet  Herrera  indicates  that  he  set  out  before  this 
expedition. 

36  ‘En  lo  de  Cachula  fue  adonde  auian  muerto  en  los  aposentos  quinze  Es* 
paholes.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  112. 


RETALIATION. 


535 


besides  much  spoil.67  The  chastisement  of  these  dis- 
tricts had  taught  the  easterly  parts  a lesson,  so  that 
more  hardship  than  fighting  was  now  encountered, 
for  the  march  lay  to  a great  extent  through  unin- 
habited tracts.  It  was  in  the  region  of  Las  Lacunas 
that  some  captive  Spaniards  had  been  denuded  and 
fattened,  and  then  goaded  to  death,  like  bulls  in  a ring, 
for  the  amusement  of  the  natives.  The  bodies  had 
then  been  devoured,  a part  of  the  flesh  being  jerked 
and  distributed  over  the  district  as  choice  morsels, 
and  pronounced  savory.  Forty  of  the  most  guilty 
tormentors  were  secured  in  a yard  for  execution.  In- 
formed of  their  fate  they  began  to  dance  and  sing, 
commending  themselves  quite  cheerfully  to  the  gods 
as  they  bent  their  heads  to  the  sword.68  How  blessed 
the  righteous  when  they  die! 

57  B.  V ,de  Tapia,  in  his  testimony  against  Corffis,  states  that  about  6000 
prisoners  were  sent  to  him  from  these  districts  by  Olid,  all  of  whom  had 
surrendered  without  resistance,  and  that  he  ordered  the  men,  2000  in  number, 
to  be  executed,  the  women  and  children  being  sold  or  distributed.  Cortis, 
lirsidencia,  i.  59-60. 

58  ‘BoluierO  a Tepeaca,  y auiendo  estado  treynta  dias  en  esta  jomada 
hallaron  a Hernando  Cortes,  que  era  buelto  de  Guacachula.’  Herrera , dec.  ii. 
lib.  x.  cap.  xvii.  These  successes  are  said  to  have  been  dimmed  by  a severe 
defeat  at  Tochtepec,  on  Rio  Papaloapan,  whither  Salcedo  had  been  sent  with 
80  men.  It  was  the  entrep6t  for  trade  in  this  region,  and  was  held  by  a 
strong  Aztec  garrison,  aided  by  native  warriors  with  Chinantec  pikes.  Owing 
partly  to  the  efficient  use  of  this  weapon,  and  partly  to  the  carelessness  of 
Salcedo,  the  troops  were  surprised  and  slaughtered  to  a man,  after  selling 
their  lives  as  clearly  as  possible.  The  disaster  being  a blow  also  to  Spanish 
prestige  which  it  would  never  do  to  overlook,  Ordaz  and  Avila  were  sent 
not  long  after  with  a larger  force,  some  horses,  and  20,000  allies,  to  exact 
retaliation  in  death,  captivity,  and  rich  spoil.  The  victors  came  back  with 
ample  plunder.  Herrera,  ubi  sup.  See  note  4 this  chapter  for  doubts  on  the 
massacre. 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 


KING -MAKING  AND  CONVERTING. 

October -December,  1520. 

Conquest  in  Detail — Barba  Caught — Other  Arrivals  and  Rein- 
forcements— The  Small-pox  Comes  to  the  Assistance  of  the  Span- 
iards— Letters  to  the  Emperor — Establishing  of  Segura  de  la 
Frontera — Certain  of  the  Disaffected  Withdraw  from  the  Army 
and  Return  to  Cuba — Division  of  Spoils — Head-quarters  Estab- 
lished at  Tlascala. 

Thus  all  was  going  gayly  with  the  Estremaduran 
once  more.  It  was  easy  work  overcoming  the  divided 
Aztec  forces,  which  combined  had  proved  so  formi- 
dable. And  there  was  little  trouble  now  from  factions. 
None  advocated  a station  by  the  sea-side,  with  ships 
ready  for  flight;  none  thought  of  abandoning  New 
Spain  for  Cuba.  The  simple  presence  of  the  general 
was  as  the  shield  of  Abas,  which  performed  so  many 
marvels,  and  the  mere  sight  of  which  could  on  the  in- 
stant stay  a revolt  or  reduce  a province  to  submission. 

The  successes  of  the  Spaniards  were  rapidly  en- 
larging the  fame  and  influence  of  their  leader,  bring- 
ing among  other  fruits,  as  we  have  seen,  alliances  and 
reinforcements,  not  alone  from  native  sources,  but 
from  Spanish.  The  first  accession  of  the  latter  was 
thirteen  soldiers  and  two  horses,  brought  in  a small 
vessel  under  the  hidalgo,  Pedro  Barba,  formerly  com- 
mandant at  Habana.  Commandant  Rangel  at  Villa 
Rica  had  received  instructions  to  secure  any  vessel 
that  might  arrive,  both  with  a view  to  obtain  recruits, 
and  to  prevent  news  from  travelling  to  Cuba  of  the 
defeat  of  N arvaez,  or  other  incidents.  As  the  vessel  en- 

(636) 


THE  GENTLE  BARBA. 


537 


tered  the  roadstead  he  accordingly  approached  it  in  a 
well  manned  boat, with  hidden  arms.  “How  fares  Nar- 
vaez?” was  Barbas  first  inquiry.  “Exceedingly  well,” 
replied  Rangel.  “He  is  prosperous  and  rich,  while 
Cortes  is  a fugitive,  with  a score  of  miserable  followers 
at  the  most;  or  he  even  may  be  dead.”  “All  the  better,” 
rejoined  Barba;  “for  I bear  letters  from  the  most  mag- 
nificent Velazquez,  with  instructions  to  secure  the 
traitor,  if  he  be  alive,  and  send  him  at  once  to  Cuba, 
whence  he  shall  go  to  Spain,  as  commanded  by  our 
most  illustrious  Bishop  Fonseca.”  As  a matter  of 
course,  Sehor  Barba  will  accept  the  proffered  hospi- 
tality; he  will  go  ashore  and  deliver  his  message  to 
Narvaez  in  person.  And  he  will  catch  this  slippery 
fox  from  Estremadura,  and  carry  him  hence  to  be 
hanged;  he  will  carry  him  to  his  worshipful  master 
Velazquez  to  be  hanged.  So  entering  the  boat  he 
is  conveyed  away,  but  only,  alas!  to  be  declared  a 
prisoner;  only,  alas!  to  learn  that  though  damned, 
Cortes  is  not  dead,  and  is  by  no  means  likely  at  once 
to  meet  strangulation  at  the  hand  either  of  Barba, 
Narvaez,  or  Velazquez.  Meanwhile  other  visitors  in 
other  boats  proceed  to  secure  the  crew.  The  vessel 
is  dismantled;  and  since  Cortes  is  the  king,  and  not 
Narvaez,  the  so  lately  fierce  and  loyal  Barba,  nothing 
loath,  declares  for  Cortes.  Indeed,  Barba  was  by  no 
means  unfriendly  to  the  general,  as  proven  by  his 
attitude  at  Habana  two  years  before.  Any  such 
reinforcement  was  gladly  welcomed  at  Tepeaca,  and 
Cortes  sought  to  insure  Barba’s  loyalty  by  making 
him  captain  of  archers.1  A week  later  arrived  another 
small  vessel,  under  the  hidalgo  Rodrigo  Morejon  de 
Lobera,  with  eight  soldiers,  a mare,  a quantity  of  cross- 
bow material,  and  a cargo  of  provisions.  It  was  se- 
cured in  the  same  manner,  and  the  soldiers  and  sailors 
proceeded  to  join  the  army.  Thus  Cortes  draws  them 

1 ‘Con  este...vino  vn  Francisco  Lopez,  vezino,  y Regidor  que  fue  de 
Guatimala.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  113.  Vetancurt  assumes  that  Pedro 
del  Castillo — Diaz  calls  him  ‘el  Almirante  Pedro  Cauallero’ — secured  Barba 
md  his  vessel.  Teatro  Hex.,  pt.  iii.  148;  CortCs,  Besidencia,  ii.  165. 


538 


KING-MAKING  AND  CONVERTING. 


in,  friend  and  foe  alike  being  his  fish,  if  once  they 
enter  his  net. 

More  substantial  reinforcements  were  in  store, 
however.  Governor  Garay,  of  Jamaica,  had  in  no 
manner  been  discouraged  by  the  failure  of  his  last 
expedition  to  Panuco,  and  the  rumors  of  his  rival’s 
success  in  New  Spain  fired  him  to  renewed  efforts, 
the  more  so  since  he  possessed  the  royal  grant,  the 
vessels,  and  the  men,  with  ample  means  to  sustain 
them.  In  the  spring  of  1520  he  had  despatched 
three  vessels,  with  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  soldiers 
and  sailors,  a few  horses,  and  some  artillery,  under  the 
former  commander,  Pineda.2  Ascending  the  Panuco 
the  expedition  came  to  a town,3  and  met  with  good 
reception,  but  the  natives  soon  tired  of  giving  their 
substance  to  strangers,  who  may  beside  have  been 
guilty  of  excesses,  and  they  made  hostile  demonstra- 
tions. Pineda  showed  a bold  front,  and  proceeded  to 
attack  the  town,  but  was  surprised  and  killed,  together 
with  a number  of  soldiers  and  the  horses.4  The  rest 
escaped  as  best  they  could  in  two  of  the  vessels,  pur- 
sued by  a fleet  of  canoes.  One  of  the  caravels  was 
wrecked  not  far  above  Villa  Rica,  whereupon  a por- 
tion of  the  men  resolved  to  proceed  by  land  rather 
than  suffer  starvation  on  board,  for  in  the  hurry  of 
the  flight  the  lockers  had  received  no  attention.  Both 
the  sea  and  land  parties  arrived  at  the  Spanish  port, 
where  every  care  was  given  them.5  Thence  they  were 

2 ‘ El  capita  Diego  de  Camargo,  ’ says  Herrera ; but  Bernal  Diaz  explains 
that  this  man  stepped  into  the  captaincy  on  the  murder  of  ‘ fulano  Alvarez 
Pinedo,’  at  Pdnuco.  ‘Dixeron,  que  el  Capitan  Camargo  auia  sido  Fraile 
Dominico,  e que  auia  hecho  profession.’  Hist.  Verdad.,  114. 

* Seven  leagues  up,  says  Herrera. 

4 ‘ Muerto  diez  y siete  6 diez  y ocho  cristianos,  y herido  otros  muchos. 
Asimismo . . . muerto  siete  caballos.’  Cortis,  Cartas,  144.  Bernal  Diaz  as- 
sumes that  the  whole  attacking  force  was  killed  and  some  vessels  destroyed. 

‘ Dexaron  vna  carauela,  ’ says  Herrera. 

5 Herrera  states  that  hunger  caused  the  land  expedition  to  abandon  the 
vessels  some  twenty  leagues  above  Almeria.  The  people  from  the  wrecked 
caravel  were  taken  on  board  the  last  vessel,  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xviii.  Cortes 
leaves  the  impression  that  both  vessels  arrived  at  Villa  Rica,  perhaps  because 
the  one  was  wrecked  so  near  it.  ‘ Vn  nauio. . .y  traia  sobre  sesenta  soldados.’ 
Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad..  114.  This  may  include  the  land  party,  but  not 
the  sailors. 


FRESH  ARRIVALS. 


539 


forwarded  to  Tepeaca,  where  their  cadaverous  com- 
plexion and  swollen  bodies  procured  for  them  the 
nickname  of  ' panzaverdetes,’  or  green  paunches. 
Hardship  and  bad  food  had  carried  a number  past 
relief,  and  even  in  Tepeaca  several  died,  including 
Camargo,  as  Bernal  Diaz  believes. 

A month  later,  after  the  Quauhquechollan  expedi- 
tion, another  vessel  arrived  with  about  fifty  soldiers/’ 
under  Miguel  Diaz  de  Auz,  an  Aragonian  cavalier. 
He  had  been  sent  to  reinforce  Pineda,  but  after  re- 
maining at  Rio  Pdnuco  for  a month,  without  seeing 
even  a native,  he  had  come  down  to  search  for  the 
fleet.  The  fame  of  Cortes  and  the  promise  of  rich 
spoils  induced  him  to  follow  the  preceding  party,  in 
contradistinction  to  which  his  stout  and  lusty  re- 
cruits were  dubbed  the  ‘ strong-backs.’6 7  Hearing 
that  two  other  vessels  had  been  fitted  out  to  follow 
the  Pdnuco  expeditions,  and  were  probably  now 
cruising  along  the  coast,  Cortes  ordered  a crew  to  be 
sent  in  pursuit,  with  the  sole  desire,  as  he  expressed 
it,  to  save  them  from  the  fate  which  had  so  nearly 
overtaken  Camargo.  One  was  never  heard  of,  and 
the  other,  the  largest,  entered  the  port  before  the 
searching  vessel  had  left,  it  seems,  bringing  about 
one  hundred  and  twenty  men  and  sixteen  horses. 
Camargo  was  induced  to  remonstrate  with  the  captain 
against  proceeding  to  Pdnuco,  since  the  result  could 
only  be  disastrous,  the  native  lord  having,  beside, 
tendered  allegiance  to  Cortes  in  Montezuma’s  time.8 


6 * Con  hasta  treinta  hombres  de  mar  y tierra.’  CorUs,  Cartas,  154.  ‘ Sus 

soldados,  que  eran  mas  de  cincuenta,  y mas  siete  cauallos,  ’ says  Bernal  Diaz, 
Hist.  Verdad. , 114;  and,  since  Cortes  would  be  less  apt  to  indicate  large  ac- 
cessions, he  may  be  correct. 

7 ‘ Este  fue  el  mejor  socorro. . .Diaz  de  Auz  sirvid  muy  bien  a su  Magestad 
en  todo  lo  que  se  ofrecio  en  las  guerras,  . . traxo  pley to  despues . sobre  el 
pleyto  de  la  mitad  de  Mestitan, . . conque  le  den  la  parte  de  lo  que  rentare  eL. 
pueblo  masde  dos  mil  y quinientos  pesos.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  114—15. 
lie  was  excluded  from  tlie  town  itself,  owing  to  cruel  treatment  of  Indians. 

8 ‘ El  seiior  de  aquel  rio  y tierra,  que  se  dice  Pdnuco,  se  habia  dado  por  vasallo 
deV.  M.,  en  cuyo  reconocimiento  me  habia  enviado  a la  ciudad  de  Tenuxtitan, 
con  sus  mensajeros,  ciertas  cosas.  ’ Cortes,  Carta*,  144-5.  But  this  is  probably 
a mere  assertion,  since  the  Spanish  expeditions  bad  never  been  higher  than 
Abneria,  and  the  cacique  could  have  bad  no  inducement  for  submitting. 


640 


KING-MAKING  AND  CONVERTING. 


But  the  captain  would  not  listen  to  him.  To  the  joy 
of  Cortes,  however,  a storm  arose,  which  obliged  this 
captain  to  slip  his  anchor  and  put  to  sea;  obliged  him 
to  take  refuge  in  San  Juan  de  Ulua  harbor,  where  he 
found  his  vessel  so  unsafe  as  to  require  her  to  be 
stranded,  whereupon  the  forces  and  armaments  were 
landed.9  Cortes  at  once  sent  a sympathizing  message, 
offering  the  captain  every  assistance,  but  never  for  a 
moment  intending  to  give  him  any.  He  even  ten- 
dered other  vessels  for  his  voyage — so  he  tells  the 
emperor.10  But  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  tender  was 
illusive,  and  that  he  did  all  in  his  power,  with  bribery, 
promises,  and  even  force,  to  secure  the  men  and  arma- 
ment, and  at  the  same  time  to  weaken  his  rivals  by 
their  loss.  According  to  some  accounts  he  caused 
their  vessels  to  be  sunk  to  prevent  departure,11  an  act 
which  Oviedo  declares  a fair  war  measure,  particu- 
larly on  the  part  of  Cortes,  who  greatly  needed 
reinforcements.  Men  destined  for  so  comparatively 
unattractive  a region  as  Panuco  must  have  been 
pleased  by  the  prospect  of  ready  spoils  and  Mexican 
treasures  soon  to  fall  into  their  hands  under  so  able 
and  successful  a leader  as  Cortes.  They  were  there- 
fore readily  induced  to  join  him,  the  captains  alone,  as 
in  the  last  instance,  interposing  objections  for  a while. 
These  several  accessions  amounted,  according  to  the 
testimony  of  Cortds,  to  about  two  hundred  men  and 
some  twenty  horses,12  together  with  a large  quantity 

9 Bernal  Diaz  refers  to  the  last  accession  from  Garay’s  expeditions  as  40 
soldiers  and  10  horses,  under  an  old  man  named  Ramirez.  Protected  by  heavy 
cotton  armor  they  were  nicknamed  the  ‘albardillas.’  Hist.  Verdcul. , 115. 

10  ‘ Si  todos  6 algunos  dellos  se  quisiesen  volver  en  los  navios  que  alii 
estaban,  que  les  diese  licencia.  ’ Cortds,  Cartas,  1G3. 

11  Oviedo,  iii.  335;  and  so  Herrera  also  intimates  in  reference  to  Camargo’s 
only  remaining  vessel,  ‘laqual  se  anegb  tabien  detro  de  10.  dias  en  el  puerto.’ 
dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xviii. 

* 19  The  last  two  vessels  bring  150  men  and  1G  horses,  probably  over  20,  to 

which  must  be  added  Camargo’s  force,  amounting  no  doubt  to  50  effective  men, 
for  Bernal  Diaz  admits  GO  soldiers,  not  counting  sailors;  and  Herrera  intimates 
that  over  100  men  must  have  reached  Villa  Rica  of  the  total  force  on  board 
Camargo’s  three  vessels.  Bernal  Diaz’  estimates  for  the  five  vessels  which  he 
enumerates  exceed  170  soldiers  and  20  horses ; on  fol.  1 15  he  contradicts  several 
points,  including  the  total,  to  which  the  sailors  may  be  added,  while  a small 
reduction  is  to  be  made  for  deaths  among  Camargo’s  men.  Vetancurt  follows 


THE  TERRIBLE  SCOURGE. 


541 


of  small-arms,  artillery,  and  ammunition.  Thus  again 
and  again  was  the  shrewd  and  lucky  Cortes  aided  by 
the  very  means  which  his  great  enemies  and  rivals 
had  sent  to.be  used  against  him;  aided  to  reap  the 
advantages  they  had  planned  and  plotted  to  secure. 
And  all  the  while  he  was  pitting  the  antagonisms  of 
native  foes  one  against  another,  employing  them  also 
to  assist  him  in  securing  the  grand  prize.  Greatness 
is  but  another  name  for  good  fortune.  Circumstances 
certainly  did  as  much  for  Cortes  in  promoting  success 
as  Spanish  arms  and  superior  civilization. 


Civilization ! What  fools  we  are,  pluming  ourselves 
in  its  radiance,  the  radiance  of  ghastly  electrical 
lights,  adopted  instead  of  the  glorious  sun  of  nature. 
For  is  not  the  unartificial  nature,  and  nature  God, 
while  artifice  is  rather  of  the  devil?  And  yet  we 
persist  in  glorifying  artifice  and  calling  it  deity. 
The  human  sacrifice  of  the  Aztecs  was  a horrible 
rite,  but  in  the  hands  of  the  Spaniards  is  not  Chris- 
tianity a bloody  mistress?  And  does  not  European 
civilization  constantly  demand  the  sacrifice  of  millions 
of  lives,  if  not  for  the  propitiation  of  gods,  then  to 
avenge  an  insult,  to  preserve  the  integrity  of  a 
nation,  or  to  gratify  the  spleen  of  rulers?  At  hand 
even  now,  coming  to  the  assistance  of  the  magnifi- 
cent Cortes,  civilization’s  pride  and  pet  for  the 
moment,  is  another  ally  of  civilization,  more  terrible 
than  horses,  blood-hounds,  gunpowder,  or  steel.  At 
the  time  of  Narvaez’  departure  for  Cuba,  small-pox 
was  raging  there  so  severely  that  it  offered  a reason 

Bernal  Diaz,  and  so  does  Prescott,  who  assumes  that  full  150  men  and  20  horses 
must  have  been  obtained.  Mex.,  ii.  438.  Robertson  raises  this  nearer  to  the 
truth  by  saying  180  men,  Hint.  Am.,  ii.  104,  as  does  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg, 
who  nevertheless,  on  an  earlier  page,  adds  Sahagun’s  fanciful  reinforcement  of 
300  men.  1 list.  A at.  Civ.,  iv.  371,  387.  While  the  Spaniards  were  curing  them- 
selves, ‘llego  d Tlaxcala  un  Francisco  Hernandez,  espanol,  con  300  soldados 
Castellanos  y con  muchos  caballos  y armas.’  Sahagvn,  Hist.  Conq.,  i.  37.  The 
later  edition  does  not  give  the  number.  Gomara  merely  states  that  numerous 
small  parties  came  over  from  the  Antilles,  attracted  by  Cortes’  fame,  through 
Aillon’3  reports,  he  seems  to  say.  Many  of  them  were  murdered  on  the  way, 
but  sufficient  numbers  reached  him  to  restore  the  army  and  encourage  the 
prosecution  of  the  conquest.  Lit.  ilex.,  173. 


542 


KING-MAKING  AND  CONVERTING. 


for  preventing  the  governor  from  leaving  with  the 
expedition.  A pioneer  vessel  of  the  fleet  sowed  the 
malady  at  Cozumel,  whence  it  entered  the  continent. 
Before  it  spread  far  in  this  direction  Cempoala  was 
infected  by  a negro  slave  of  Narvaez.13  The  Spaniards 
knew  little  about  its  treatment,  and  that  little  they 
sought  to  impart,  not  for  their  own  safety,  since  those 
that  were  left  of  them  were  considered  almost  proof 
against  the  malady,  but  for  the  sake  of  the  allies. 
Their  advice  did  not  avail  much,  however,  for  the 
natives  were  too  devoted  to  their  panacea,  the  hot 
and  cold  bath,  which  only  intensified  the  evil.  The 
terrible  force  of  the  first  attacks  of  epidemics  and  en- 
demics is  well  known,  and  it  has  been  advocated  with 
apparent  truth  that  the  diseases  of  a strong  people 
fall  with  particular  force  on  weaker  races.  After 
desolating  the  coast  region  for  some  time,  the  small- 
pox crossed  the  plateau  border  during  the  summer, 
and  in  September11  it  broke  out  round  the  lakes,  on 
its  way  to  the  western  sea,  smiting  high  and  low, 
rich  and  poor.  For  sixty  days,  according  to  native 
records,  the  liueyzaliuatl , or  great  pest,  raged  here 
with  such  virulence  as  to  fix  itself  a central  point  in 
their  chronology.  In  most  districts,  says  Motolinia, 
over  half  the  population  died,  leaving  towns  almost 
deserted,  and  in  others  the  mortality  was  appalling. 
Those  who  recovered  presented  an  appearance  that 
made  their  neighbors  flee  from  them,  until  they  be- 
came accustomed  to  the  sight.  Learning  how  con- 
tagious was  the  disease,  and  terrified  by  the  number 
of  deaths,  the  inhabitants  left  the  bodies  to  putrefy, 
thus  aiding  to  extend  the  pest.  In  some  cases  the 
authorities  ordered  the  houses  to  be  pulled  down  over 

13  Said  to  have  been  named  Francisco  Eguia.  Sahagun,  Hist.  Conq.,  i.  39,  CG, 
and  Chimalpain,  Hist.  Conq.,  i.  27S.  Herrera  writes  that  many  assumed  the 
malady  to  have  been  one  of  the  periodical  scourges  that  used  to  fall  on  the 
country.  ‘ Y el  no  auer  tocado  a los  Castellanos,  pareceque  trae  aparencia  de 
razon.’  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  iv.  But  it  appears  to  have  been  wholly  a new  dis- 
ease to  the  natives. 

14  ‘ En  el  mes  que  llamaban  Tepeilhuitl  que  es  al  fin  de  setiembre,’  as 
Sahagun  assumes.  Mint.  Conq.,  i.  39. 


KING  TOTOQUIHUATZIN. 


543 


the  dead,  so  as  to  check  the  contagion.  Not  the  least 
of  the  evil  was  a famine,  which  resulted  from  a lack  of 
harvesters.15 

Among  the  first  victims  at  the  capital  were  King 
Totoquihuatzin,  of  Tlacopan,  and  Cuitlaliuatzin,  the 
successor  of  Montezuma.  The  latter  had  ruled  barely 
three  months,16  but  sufficiently  long  to  prove  himself 
a most  able  leader  of  his  people  in  their  struggle  for 
liberty,  for  he  was  brave,  full  of  devices,  and  ener- 
getic, yet  prudent;  a man  who,  not  content  with 
securing  the  expulsion  of  invaders,  had  sought  to 
strengthen  his  position  with  alliances  and  by  attract- 
ing the  subject  provinces  through  gifts,  remissions, 
and  promises.  If  he  did  not  succeed  so  well  as  he 
had  hoped,  the  fault  must  be  ascribed  to  the  reputa- 
tion of  the  previous  government  and  to  dereliction 
of  duty  among  his  officers. 

As  a monarch  he  would  not  have  fallen  far  short 
of  the  native  ideal,  for  as  a general  he  had  dis- 
tinguished himself ; and,  the  brother  of  Monte- 
zuma, he  had  in  his  court  imbibed  the  dignity  and 
majestic  manner  born  of  constant  adulation  from  sub- 
servient nobles  and  plebeians.  Crafty  and  unscrupu- 
lous, he  appears  not  to  have  hesitated  at  crime  and 
breach  of  faith  to  secure  his  aims  for  personal  and 
state  advancement.  The  flourishing  condition  of  his 
own  province  indicated  a not  unwise  administrator; 
and  the  beauty  of  Iztapalapan,  its  magnificent  pal- 
aces, and  exquisite  gardens  filled  with  choice  plants 
from  different  regions,  pointed  to  a ruler  of  cultivated 
taste. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  Mexico  lost  in  him  one  of 

15 Motolinia,  Hist.  Ind.,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  14-15;  Sahagun,  Hist. 
Cong.,  i.  39,  G6;  Me.ndie.ta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  514;  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  101 ; 
Id.  (Paris  ed.  1S37),  iv.  460  (a  chapter  omitted  in  the  original);  Gomara,  Hist. 
Mex.,  148;  Chimalpain,  Hist.  Comp,  i.  279;  Torquemada,  i.  489;  Tezcoco  en 
los  u 'timos  tiempos,  273. 

16  ‘Vivid  despues  de  su  election  solos  sessenta  dias.’  Cano,  in  Oviedo,  iii. 
549.  The  election  having  taken  place  twenty  days  after  Montezuma’s  death, 
according  to  Ixtlilxochitl,  who  assumes  that  he  ruled  only  40  or  47  days. 
Hist.  Chick.,  304;  Id.,  Relacioncs,  413.  Others  extend  the  rule  to  80  days, 
both  as  leader  and  king,  perhaps,  which  would  agree  with  Cano’s  version. 


544 


KING-MAKING  AND  CONVERTING. 


the  most  promising  of  sovereigns,  and  perhaps  the 
only  leader  capable  of  giving  her  a longer  lease 
of  freedom  in  face  of  the  irresistible  onslaught  of 
foreigners.17  Thus  bravely  worked  the  small-pox 
for  Cortes  and  the  superior  civilization. 

The  strongest  candidate  for  the  Mexican  throne 
was  now  the  high-priest  Quauhtemotzin,18  a young 
man  of  about  twenty-three19  years,  rather  handsome, 
of  fairer  complexion  than  the  average  of  his  race, 
grave  and  dignified,  as  befitted  a prince,  and  ‘quite  a 
gentleman  for  an  Indian.’  He  is  said  to  have  been 
the  son  of  Montezuma’s  sister  by  Itzquauhtzin,  lord 
of  Tlatelulco,  the  twin  town  or  suburb  of  Mexico, 
who  had  been  fellow-prisoner  of  the  late  emperor, 
and  sharer  in  his  fate.20  The  brothers  and  descendants 
of  Montezuma  had  been  pretty  well  removed  by  death, 
or  through  the  machinations  of  Cuitlaliuatzin;  but  if 
nearer  legitimate  claimants  existed,  Quauhtemotzin 
had  eclipsed  them  all  in  experience,  influence,  and 
fame,  as  a brave  and  able  leader.  As  the  chief  com- 
panion of  his  predecessor,  and  one  who  even  before 
the  appearance  of  the  latter  had  led  the  uprising 
against  the  Spaniards,  he  had  become  identified  as  a 
true  patriot,  keeping  himself  at  the  head  of  the 
dominant  party  which  began  and  continued  the 
struggle  for  freedom.  In  order  further  to  secure  his 

OO 

17  Such  characteristics  may  be  seen  in  Spanish  as  well  as  native  records ; 
yet  Solis  writes,  ‘ su  tibieza  y falta  de  aplicacion  dexdse  poco  menos  que  bor- 
rada  entre  los  suyos  la  memoria  de  su  nombre.’  Hist.  Mex. , 372.  Sufficient 
proof  of  his  energy  is  found  in  the  siege  resulting  in  the  expulsion  from 
Mexico. 

18  The  native  authorities  incline  to  Quauhtemoc,  but  the  Spanish  generally 
add  the  ‘tzin,’  the  ‘c’  being  elided,  and  the  ‘Q’  changed  to  ‘G, ’ making  the 
name  Guatemotzin.  ‘Quauhtemoc,  que  significa  Aguila  que  baja.’  Vetancvrt, 
Teatro  Mex.,  pt.  iii.  51. 

19  Bernal  Diaz  describes  him  about  a year  later  as  23  or  24  years  old,  while 
on  another  occasion  he  alludes  to  him  as  25.  Hist.  Verdad.,  112,  155.  Ixtlil- 
xochitl  makes  him  18.  Hist.  Cluch.,  304. 

20  ‘ por  niuerte  de  su  Padre  gobernaba  el  Tlatelulco.’  Duran,  Hist.  Did., 
MS.,  ii.  479.  ‘Sobrino  de  Montezuma,  que  era  papa  6 sacerdote  mayor  entre 
losindios.  ’ Cano,  in  Oviedo,  iii.  549;  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  v.  cap.  vi.  ‘Cuauhte- 
motetzin  hijo  del  rey  Ahuitzotzin  y de  la  lieredera  de  le  Tlatelulco.’  fxtlil- 
xochitl,  Iietariones,  413.  This  incorrect  view  is  adopted  by  Brasscur  de 
Bourbourg  and  many  others. 


QUAUHTEMOTZIN. 


545 


influence  he  had  taken  to  wife  the  only  legitimate 
daughter  of  Montezuma,  Princess  Tecuichpo,or  Isabel; 
and  although  the  marriage  was  merely  nominal, 
she  being  but  a child,  yet  the  alliance  served  the  in- 
tended aim.21  The  Tepanecs  at  the  same  time  elected 
as  successor  to  their  king,  his  son  Tetlepanquetzaltzin,22 
whose  coronation  took  place  at  the  same  time  as  that 
of  Quauhtemotzin,  hallowed  by  the  blood  of  captive 
enemies,  including  no  doubt  some  Spaniards.  Cohua- 
nacoch  had  meanwhile  been  chosen  at  Tezcuco  in  lieu 
of  the  disowned  protege  whom  Cortes  had  foisted 
upon  them.  By  this  trio  were  taken  up  the  plans  of 
Cuitlahuatzin  for  the  deliverance  of  the  country  from 
her  invaders,  and  especially  were  their  efforts  directed 
toward  securing  the  loyalty  of  provinces  and  allies 
which  had  been  stirred  by  the  alarming  progress  of 
Spanish  arms  in  Tepeaca. 

A loss  to  the  Spaniards  through  the  epidemic, 
which  outweighed  many  a gain,  was  the  death  of 
Maxixcatzin,  to  whose  devoted  friendship  they  chiefly 
owed  their  escape  from  the  recent  crises;23  for  he 
it  was  who  took  the  lead  in  offering  the  Tlascaltee 
alliance  and  in  overthrowing  the  inimical  plans  of  the 
younger  Xicotencatl  in  favor  of  the  Aztecs.  When 
the  sad  news  came,  Cortes  felt  as  if  he  had  lost  a 
father,  says  Bernal  Diaz,  and  mourning  robes  wore 
donned  by  quite  a number  of  the  captains  and  men. 
In  this  they  felt  the  more  justified,  since  the  chief, 
on  finding  himself  stricken  by  the  dread  disease, 
had  expressed  a wish  to  become  a Christian,  and 
with  the  name  of  Lorenzo  had  received  baptism  at 
the  hands  of  Olmedo,  who  joyfully  hastened  to  Tlas- 
cala  to  perform  so  welcome  a service  for  the  Spaniards’ 


21  ‘ Moglie  gift  del  suo  Zio  Cuitlahuatzin,’  is  the  supposition  of  Clavigero, 
Storia  Mess.,  iii.  160.  ‘Se  hizo  temer  de  tal  manera,  que  todos  los  suyos 
temblauan  d<5l.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verilad.,  112.  For  fanciful  portraits  of 
these  last  two  emperors,  see  Frost's  Piet.  Hist.  Mex. , 104,  114. 

22  IxtlUxorhid,  loc.  cit. ; Torquema/la,  i.  570. 

23  ‘ A1  que  solo  fue  causa  q los  Christianos  se  conseruassen  en  aquella  tierra.’ 
Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xix. 

Hist.  Mlx..  Vol.  I.  35 


546 


KING-MAKING  AND  CONVERTING. 


champion.  He  died  exhorting  his  family  and  friends 
to  obey  Cortes  and  his  brethren,  the  destined  rulers 
of  the  land,  and  to  accept  their  god,  who  had  given 
victory  over  the  idols.24  It  was  fortunate  that  he  did 
not  die  before  Spanish  prestige  had  been  reestab- 
lished by  the  Tepeaca  campaign;  for  his  friendship 
sufficed  to  confirm  the  allies  in  their  adhesion,  to  gain 
for  the  Spaniards  further  cooperation,  and  to  obtain 
for  them  a firm  footing  in  the  country. 

The  allied  forces  had  become  so  numerous  by  the 
time  Itzucan  fell  that  they  were  absolutely  unmanage- 
able, and  on  returning  from  this  place  to  Tepeaca 
Cortes  dismissed  them  with  friendly  words  to  their 
homes,  retaining  only  the  tried  Tlascaltecs,  who  had 
become  efficient  in  the  European  st}de  of  warfare  under 
the  Spanish  discipline  and  tactics.25 

Before  the  Quauhquechollan  expedition  summoned 
him  away,  Cortes  had  begun  a report  to  the  emperor 
on  the  condition  of  affairs.  On  returning,  he  com- 
pleted this  his  second  and  perhaps  most  interesting 
letter,  dated  at  Segura  de  la  Frontera,  or  Tepeaca, 
October  30,  1520,  wherein  are  related  the  occurrences 
since  the  despatch  of  the  first  letter  in  the  middle  of 
July,  a year  before.  “ I write  your  Majesty,”  it 
states,  “ although  poorly  told,  the  truth  of  all  that 
has  happened  in  these  parts,  and  that  which  your 
Majesty  has  most  need  of  knowing.  With  the  aid  of 
God  the  conquest  is  progressing  in  this  new  country, 
which  from  its  similarity  to  Spain,  in  fertility,  extent, 
temperature,  and  many  other  things,  I have  called 
La  Nueva  Espaha  del  Mar  Ocdano.”  Then  he  pro- 
ceeds to  humbly  beg  his  majesty  to  confirm  this  name. 
In  a brief  supplementary  letter  he  asks  the  emperor 

24  Bernal  Diaz,  Hint.  Verdad.  ,118;  Herrera,  ubi  sup. 

25  During  the  absence  of  the  troops,  says  Herrera,  a part  of  the  Tepeaca  ns 
had  formed  a plot  to  surprise  them  when  divided ; but  some  women  informed 
Marina  in  time  to  prevent  trouble.  Cort6s  inflicted  on  them  severe  chastise- 
ment. dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xvi.  xviii. 


CORTJSS’  letters. 


547 


to  send  a person  of  confidence  to  investigate  and 
prove  the  truth  of  his  statements.26 

26  The  reports  and  other  papers  by  Cortds,  written  during  a period  of 
nearly  three  decades  in  connection  with  New  Spain,  are  both  numerous  and 
lengthy,  but  only  the  five  letters  relating  to  the  actual  conquest  of  Mexico 
and  Central  America  have  achieved  bibliographic  celebrity,  under  the  title  of 
Cortes'  Letters  or  Re  attorn.  Although  the  first  letter  has  been  lost,  and  the 
companion  letter  long  missing,  yet  an  allusion  to  the  expedition  against 
Mexico  appeared  as  early  as  1520  in  Ein  auszu  g ettlicher  sendbrieff  dem  alter 

durchleiichtigisten  grossmechtigiste  Fiirsten von  wegen  einer  new  gefttnde 

Jnseln.  Niirmberg  durch  Fryder.cJien  Peypus  am.  17.  tag  Marcij  MDXX., 
wherein  the  voyages  of  Cordoba  and  Grijalva  are  also  described.  Harrisse, 
Bib.  Am.  Vet.,  179,  assumes  that  the  information  i3  taken  from  Peter  Martyr’s 
Decades.  A later  brief  reference  to  the  city  of  Mexico  itself  is  given  in  Trans- 
lationuss  hispanischer  sprat  h zii  Frantzosisch  gemacht  so  durch  de.  Vice  Rey  in 
Neapola  f raw  Afargareten  Hertzogih  in  Burgundi  zii  geschrieben,  published  in 
1522.  On  folio  A.  iii.  is  written:  Not  far  from  the  same  island  they  have 
conquered  a city  called  Tcnustitan,  wherein  00,000  hearths  have  been  counted, 
within  a good  wall.  The  letter  of  the  ayuntamiento  was  first  published  in  Col. 
Doc.  In(d.,  i.,  1842. 

By  the  time  of  the  receipt  in  Spain  of  Cortes’  second  letter,  of  October  30, 
1520,  the  general  and  his  conquest  had  become  so  famous  that  his  communica- 
tions were  not  likely  to  be  lost  sight  of.  The  incidents  treated  of  were  besides 
highly  enticing,  particularly  the  victories  in  Tlascala,  the  entry  into  Monte- 
zuma’s wonderful  island  city,  the  disastrous  expulsion,  and  the  renewal  of  the 
campaign,  and  Cromberger  had  it  printed  in  1522  under  the  title  of  Carta  de 
relacid  ebiatla  a su.  S.  majestad  del  epador  nlo  sc  nor  por  el  capita  general  dela 
nueua  spaha : llamado  jernudo  cortes,  etc.  Seuilla:  por  Jacobo  croberger 
aleman.  A v iii.  dias  de  Nouiebre.  A ho  de  M.  d.  y xxij.  ‘Fu6  las  Primicias 
de  el  Arte  de  la  Imprenta  en  Sevilla,  y acaso  de  toda  Espana,’  observes  Loren  - 
zana,  in  Cortes,  Hist.  N.  Espaha,  171,  but  this  is  a great  mistake,  for  printing 
had  been  done  already  for  several  decades  in  Spain.  An  Italian  abstract 
of  the  letter  appeared  immediately  after,  as  Noue  de  le  I sole  & Terra  ferma 
Nouamentc  trouate  In  India  per  el  Capitaneo  de  larmala  de  la  Cesarea  Maiestale. 
Mediolani  decimosexto  cade.  Decembris  M.D.XXII.  A reprint  of  the  Seville 
text  was  issued  at  Saragossa  in  January,  1523.  A later  abridged  account  of 
the  conquest  is  given  in  Ein  schone  Newe  zeytung  so  Kayserlich  Mayestet  aitss 
India  yetz  newlich  zukommen  seind,  ascribed  to  Sigmund  Grimm  of  Augsburg, 
about  1522.  Bibliotheca  Grenvilliana  and  Harrisse.  Temaux-Compans  wrongly 
supposes  the  narrative  to  extend  only  to  1519,  instead  of  1522,  and  assumes 
the  imprint  to  be  Augsburg,  1520.  Bill.  Amir.,  5.  Perhaps  1523  is  the  more 
correct  date,  which  may  also  be  ascribed  to  Tressacree  Imperiale  et  catholique 
mageste. . .eust  nouuelles  des  marches  ysles  et  terre  ferme  occeanes.  Colophon, 
fol.  16.  Depuis  sont  venues  a su  mageste  nouuelles  de,  certaies  ysles  trouuez  p les 
espagnolz  plaines  despecerie  et  beaueop  de  mines  dor,  lesqlles  nouuelles  il  receupt 
en  ceste  ville  de  vailladolid  le  primier  doctobre  xv.  cent.  xxij.  This  is  a book 
noticed  by  no  bibliographer  except  Sabin,  who  believes  that  it  contains  only 
the  second  letter,  although  the  holder  supposes  the  third  letter  to  be  also  used. 
In  1524  appeared  the  first  Latin  version  of  the  second  letter,  by  Savorgnanus, 
Praeclara  Ferdin&di  Cortesii  de  Nona  maris  Oceani  Hyspania  Narratio,  Norim- 
berga.  M.D.XXIIII.,  which  contains  a copy  of  the  now  lost  map  of  the  Gulf 
of  Mexico,  and  also  a plan  of  Mexico  City.  In  the  same  year  two  Italian 
translations  of  this  version,  by  Libumius,  La  Preclara  Narratione,  were 
printed  at  Venice,  one  by  Lexona,  the  other  by  Sabio,  yet  both  at  the  instance 
of  Pederzani.  The  plan  and  map  are  often  missing.  Antonio,  Bib.  Hisp.  Nova, 
iii.  375,  mentions  only  Lexona’s  issue.  A translation  from  Flavigny  appeared 
in  the  Portfolio,  Philadelphia,  1817.  The  originals  of  the  second  and  other  let- 
ters were,  in  the  early  part  of  the  eighteenth  century,  ‘ en  la  Libreria  de  Don 


548 


KING-MAKING  AND  CONVERTING. 


The  council  also  wrote  a letter  to  the  emperor, 
speaking  hopefully  of  the  conquest,  which  already 


Miguel  Nuiiez  de  Rojas,  del  Consejo  Real  de  las  Ordenes,’says  Pinelo,  Epitome, 
ii.  597.  Much  of  the  vagueness  which  involves  the  narrative  of  events 
previous  to  the  flight  from  Mexico  may  be  due  to  the  loss  of  diary  and 
documents  during  that  episode.  The  loss  was  convenient  to  Cortes,  since  it 
afforded  an  excuse  for  glossing  over  many  irregularities  and  misfortunes. 

The  third  letter,  dated  Coyuhuacan,  May  15,  1522,  and  relating  the  siege 
and  fall  of  Mexico,  was  first  published  at  Seville,  on  Cromberger’s  press, 
March  30,  1523,  as  Carta  tercera  de  relaciO:  emhiada  por  Fernddo  cortes  capi- 
tan  y justicia  mayor  del  yucatan  llamado  la  nueua  espana  del  mar  oceano.  It 
received  a reproduction  in  Latin  by  the  same  hand  and  at  the  same  time  as 
the  second  letter.  Both  were  reprinted,  together  with  some  missionary  let- 
ters and  Peter  Martyr’s  Dr  Insults,  in  De  Insvlis  nuper  Inventis  Ferdinai/di 
Cortesii.  Colonial,  M.D.  XXXII.  The  title-page  displays  a portrait  of 
Charles  V. , and  is  bordered  with  his  arms.  Martyr’s  part,  which  tells  rather 
briefly  of  Cortes,  found  frequent  reprint,  while  the  second  and  third  letters 
were  republished,  with  other  matter,  in  the  Spanish  Thesoro  de  virtudes, 
1543;  in  the  German  Fcrdinandi  Cortesii.  Von  dem  Newen  Hispanien.  Anr/s- 
pury,  1550,  wherein  they  are  called  first  and  second  narratives,  and  divided 
into  chapters,  with  considerable  liberty;  in  the  Latin  Noous  Orbis  of  1555 
and  1G16;  and  in  the  Flemish  Nieuwe  Wcerelt  of  15G3;  while  a French 
abridgment  appeared  at  Paris  in  1532.  The  secret  epistle  accompanying  the 
third  letter  was  first  printed  in  Col.  Doc.  In6d.,  i.,  and  afterward  by  Kings- 
borough  and  Gayangos. 

The  fourth  letter,  on  the  progress  of  conquest  after  the  fall  of  Mexico, 
dated  at  Temixtitan  (Mexico),  October  15,  1524,  was  issued  at  Toledo,  1525, 
as  La  quanta  relacimi,  together  with  Alvarado’s  and  Godoy’s  reports  to 
Cortes.  A second  edition  followed  at  Valencia  the  year  after.  The  secret 
letter  accompanying  it  was  not  published  till  18G5,  when  Icazbalceta,  the 
well  known  Mexican  collector,  reproduced  it  in  separate  black-letter  form, 
and  in  his  Col.  Doc.,  i.  470-83. 

The  substance  of  the  above  three  relations  has  been  given  in  a vast  number 
of  collections  and  histories,  while  in  only  a limited  number  have  they  been  re- 
produced in  a full  or  abridged  form,  the  first  reproduction  being  in  the  third 
volume  of  Bamusio  Vtagiji,  of  155G,  15G5,  and  1G06,  which  contains  several  other 
pieces  on  the  conquest,  all  supplied  with  appropriate  headings  and  marginals. 
Barcia  next  published  them  direct  from  the  manuscript,  in  the  Ilistoriadores 
Primitivos,  i.  This  collection  bears  the  imprint  Madrid,  1749,  but  the  letters 
had  already  been  printed  in  1731,  as  Pinelo  affirms,  Epitome,  ii.  597.  Barcia 
died  a few  years  before  his  set  was  issued.  From  this  source  Archbishop 
Lorenzana  took  the  version  published  by  him  under  the  title  of  Hixtoria  de 
N ueva- Espana,  Mexico,  1770,  which  is  not  free  from  omissions  and  faults, 
though  provided  with  valuable  notes  on  localities  and  customs,  and  supple- 
mented with  illustrated  pieces  on  routes  and  native  institutions,  a map  of 
New  Spain  by  Alzate,  an  article  on  the  Gobiemo  Politico  by  Vetancurt,  a 
copy  of  a native  tribute-roll  from  picture  records,  not  very  accurately  ex- 
plained, and  the  first  map  of  Lower  California  and  adjoining  coast,  by 
Castillo,  in  1541.  This  version  of  the  letters  was  reproduced  in  New  York, 
1828,  with  a not  wholly  successful  attempt  by  Del  Mar  to  introduce  modem 
spelling.  The  work  is  also  marked  by  a number  of  omissions  and  blunders, 
and  the  introductory  biographic  sketch  by  Robert  Sands  adds  little  to  its 
value.  An  abridgment  from  Lorenzana  appeared  as  Correspondance  de  Fer- 
nand Cortes,  par  le  Vicomte  de  Flavigny,  Paris,  1778,  which  obtained  three 
reprints  during  the  following  year  at  different  places.  A great  many 
liberties  are  taken  with  facts,  as  may  be  imagined ; and  the  letters  are,  be- 
side, misnamed  first,  second,  and  third.  From  the  same  source,  or  perhaps 
from  Flavigny,  of  whom  they  savor,  are  Brief e des  Ferdinand  Cortes, 


OTHER  DOCUMENTS. 


549 


“ extended  over  one  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  of 
the  coast,  from  Rio  Grande  de  Tabasco  to  Rio  de 

Heidelberg,  1779,  with  several  reproductions,  and  with  notes;  and  the  cor- 
rected Brieven  van  Ferdinand  Cortes,  Amsterdam,  1 7 SO—  1 . The  first  edition 
in  English,  from  Lorenzana,  was  issued  by  Folsom,  as  Despatches  of  Hernando 
Cortes,  New  York,  1S43,  also  with  notes. 

The  fifth  letter  of  the  conqueror,  on  the  famous  expedition  to  Honduras, 
dated  at  Temixtitan,  September  3,  1526,  lay  hidden  in  the  Vienna  Imperial 
Library  till  Robertson’s  search  for  the  first  letter  brought  it  to  light.  Hist. 
Am.,  i.  xi.  He  made  use  of  it,  but  the  first  complete  copy- was  not  pub- 
lished till  of  late,  in  Col.  Doc.  laid.,  iv.  8-167,  reprinted  at  New  York,  1848, 
and,  in  translation,  in  the  Hakluyt  Society  collection,  London,  1868.  It 
bore  no  date,  but  the  copy  found  at  Madrid  has  that  of  September  3,  1526, 
and  the  companion  letter  printed  in  Col.  Doc.  Ined.,  i.  14-23,  that  of  Septem- 
ber 11th.  This,  as  well  as  the  preceding  letters,  was  issued  by  Vedia,  in 
Ribadeneyra’s  Biblioteca  de  Autores  Es/iaiioles,  xxii. ; the  first  three  letters 
being  taken  from  Barcia,  and  the  fifth  from  its  MS.  The  letter  of  the  ayunta- 
miento  is  given  and  a bibliographic  notice  of  little  value.  A very  similar 
collection  is  to  be  found  in  the  Biblioteca  Historica  de  la  Iberia,  i.  But  the 
most  complete  reproduction  of  the  principal  writings  by  Cortes,  and  con- 
nected with  him,  is  in  the  Cartas  y Rclaciones  de  Her  nan  Cortes,  Paris,  1866, 
by  Gayangos,  which  contains  26  pieces,  beside  the  relations,  chiefly  letters  and 
memorials  to  the  sovereign,  a third  of  which  are  here  printed  for  the  first 
time.  Although  a few  of  Lorenzana’s  blunders  find  correction,  others  are 
committed,  and  the  notes  of  the  archbishop  are  adopted  without  credit,  and 
without  the  necessary  amendment  of  date,  etc.,  which  often  makes  them 
absurd.  The  earliest  combined  production  of  Cortes’  relations,  and  many  of 
his  other  writings,  may  be  credited  to  Peter  Martyr,  who  in  his  Decades  gave 
the  substance  of  all  that  they  relate,  although  he  also  mingled  other  versions. 
Oviedo,  in  the  third  volume  of  his  Hist.  Gen.,  gives  two  versions  of  the  con- 
quest, the  first,  p.  258  et  seq.,  almost  a reproduction  of  Cortes’  letters,  and 
the  other,  p.  506  et  seq. , from  different  sources. 

Beside  the  relations,  there  are  a number  of  miscellaneous  letters,  petitions, 
orders,  instructions,  and  regulations,  by  Cortes,  largely  published  in  Navarrete, 
Col.  deViayes;  Col.  Doc.  Ined.;  Pacheco  and  C&rdenas,  Col.  Doc.;  Icazbalceta, 
Col.  Doc.;  Kinysborouyh’s  Mer.  Antiq.;  A Inman,  Disert.,  and  as  appendices  to 
histories  of  Mexico.  A special  collection  is  the  Escritos  Sueltos  de  Hernan 
Cortes,  Mex.,  1871,  forming  vol.  xii.  of  the  Bib.  Hist,  de  la  Iberia,  which 
presents  43  miscellaneous  documents  from  various  printed  sources,  instruc- 
tions, memorials,  and  brief  letters,  nearly  all  of  which  are  filled  with  com- 
plaints against  ruling  men  in  Mexico. 

Cortes’  letters  have  not  inaptly  been  compared  by  Prescott  to  the  Commen- 
taries of  Caesar,  for  both  men  were  military  commanders  of  the  highest  order, 
who  spoke  and  wrote  like  soldiers;  but  their  relative  positions  with  regard  to 
the  superior  authorities  of  their  states  were  different,  and  so  were  their  race 
feelings,  and  their  times,  and  these  feat  res  are  stamped  upon  their  writings. 
Cortes  was  not  the  powerful  consul,  the  commander  of  legions,  but  the  leader 
of  a horde  of  adventurers,  and  an  aspirant  for  favor,  who  made  his  narrative 
an  advocate.  The  simplicity  and  energy  of  the  style  lend  an  air  of  truth  to 
the  statements,  and  Helps,  among  others,  is  so  impressed  thereby  as  to  declare 
that  Cortes  ‘would  as  soon  have  thought  of  committing  a small  theft  as  of 
uttering  a falsehood  in  a despatch  addressed  to  his  sovereign.’  Cortis,  ii.  211. 
But  it  requires  little  study  of  the  reports  to  discover  that  they  are  full  of  cal- 
culated misstatements,  both  direct  and  negative,  made  whenever  he  considered 
it  best  for  his  interest  to  conceal  disagreeable  and  discreditable  facts,  or  to 
magnify  the  danger  and  the  deed.  They  are  also  stamped  with  the  religious 
zeal  and  superstition  of  the  age,  the  naive  expressions  of  reliance  on  God 
being  even  more  frequent  than  the  measured  declarations  of  devotedness  to 


550 


KING-MAKING  AND  CONVERTING. 


Panuco,”27  while  the  remainder  of  the  interior  was 
on  the  sure  way  to  reduction,  under  the  able  lead- 
ership of  Cortes,  whose  valor  and  energy  they 
praised. 

They  prayed  that  he,  the  beloved  of  all  the  troops, 
might  be  confirmed  in  the  office  of  captain-general,  as 
the  only  man  whose  genius  and  experience  could  be 
relied  on  to  carry  out  and  maintain  the  conquest. 
The  natives  being  docile  and  ready  to  receive  conver- 
sion, friars  should  be  sent  to  secure  this  harvest  for 
the  church,  and  also  to  administer  to  the  spiritual 
wants  of  the  Spaniards.  Colonists  were  needed ; also 
horses,  and  other  live-stock— the  latter  to  be  paid  for 
at  a future  time — in  order  to  secure  the  country  and 
develop  its  wealth. 

With  these  letters  went  one  from  the  army,  which, 
recounting  but  briefly  the  leading  incidents  of  the 
campaigns,  had  for  its  main  object  to  decry  Narvaez 
and  Velazquez  as  the  sole  cause  of  all  the  disasters 
that  had  occurred  in  the  country,  and  to  praise  Cortes 
as  a noble,  loyal,  and  able  man,  by  whom  alone  the 

the  king ; while  in  between  are  calmly  related  the  most  cold-blooded  outrages 
on  behalf  of  both.  There  is  no  apparent  effort  to  attract  attention  to  himself ; 
there  is  even  at  times  displayed  a modesty  most  refreshing  in  the  narrative 
of  his  own  achievements,  by  which  writers  have  as  a rule  beeu  quite  entranced ; 
but  this  savors  of  calculation,  for  the  general  tone  is  in  support  of  the  ego, 
and  this  often  to  the  exclusion  of  deserving  officers.  Indeed,  generous  allusions 
to  the  character  or  deeds  of  others  are  not  frequent,  or  they  are  merged  in 
the  non-committing  term  of  1 one  of  my  captains.’  Pedro  de  Alvarado  com- 
plains of  this  in  one  of  his  Relaciones,  in  Barcia,  Iiist.  Prim.,  i.  165-G.  In 
truth,  the  calculating  egotism  of  the  diplomate  mingles  freely  with  the  frank- 
ness of  the  soldier.  Cortes,  however,  is  ever  mindful  of  his  character  as  an 
hidalgo,  for  he  never  stoops  to  meanness,  and  even  in  speaking  of  his  enemies 
he  does  not  resort  to  the  invectives  or  sharp  insinuations  which  they  so  freely 
scatter.  His  style  bears  evidence  of  training  in  rhetoric  and  Latin,  yet  the 
parade  of  the  latter  is  not  so  frequent  as  might  be  expected  from  the  half-bred 
student  and  zealot.  Equally  indicative  are  his  regulations  and  instructions  of 
the  experience  gained  as  notary  and  alcalde,  and  the  promise  once  entertained 
of  him  as  a legal  light.  The  sentences  are  remarkably  concise  and  clear  for 
the  time,  and  the  expression  both  fluent  and  pure.  The  whole  tends  to  con- 
firm the  opinion  already  formed  of  his  character,  as  one  who,  while  not  wholly 
free  from  defects  of  his  age,  indulged  in  grand  views,  and  stood  forward  con- 
spicuous as  a born  leader  of  men. 

r‘  Of  the  central  provinces  actually  under  control  Herrera  enumerates: 
Cempoala,  with  50  towns  and  villages,  containing  over  120,000  families;  Tlas- 
cala,  with  00  vassal  lords,  over  120,000;  Huexotzinco,  59,000;  Cholula, 
40,000;  Tepeaca,  Acatzingo,  and  Qaecholac,  89.000;  Quauhquechollan  and 
Itzucau,  20,000;  ‘ beside  a number  of  others.’  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xviii 


MESSENGERS. 


551 


conquest  could  be  achieved.28  These  and  other  letters 
were  intrusted  to  Alonso  de  Mendoza,  a townsman  of 
Cortes,  together  with  thirty  thousand  pesos,  in  fifths 
and  presents,  and  a number  of  commissions  from  differ- 
ent members  of  the  expedition.  A well  appointed 
vessel  was  assigned  for  the  voyage,  and  three  other 
vessels  were  despatched  for  Espahola,  there  to  enlist 
recruits  and  to  buy  horses, arms  and  ammunition,  cattle, 
clothing,  and  other  requirements,  and  four  strong  ves- 
sels to  maintain  traffic  with  the  Antilles.  Letters 
were  sent  to  Licenciado  Rodrigo  de  Figueroa  and 
other  royal  officers  on  the  Island,  inclosing  duplicates 
of  those  forwarded  to  Spain;  and  a number  of  speci- 
mens of  the  jewels,  manufactures,  and  natural  re- 
sources of  the  country,  were  transmitted  as  presents 
and  as  samples  to  allure  recruits.  The  letters  and  the 
ample  funds  for  the  enlistment  and  purchases  were 
intrusted  to  Contador  Avila  and  another  officer,29 
with  instructions  to  use  every  effort  to  confirm  the 
audiencia  officials  in  their  good  opinion  of  Cortes,  so 
that  they  might  plead  his  cause  in  Spain.  The  ill- 
treatment  of  Aillon  by  Velazquez  and  Narvaez  had 
already  impelled  them  to  do  this,  as  we  have  seen. 
Their  advice  was  to  be  asked  regarding1  the  enslave- 

O O 

28  Narvaez  it  was,  they  said,  who  without  right  or  without  exhibiting 
evidence  of  such  right,  had  set  himself  up  against  Cortes,  and  begun  to  rouse 
the  natives  against  him  and  his  followers  as  piratical  intruders,  intent  on 
mischief,  while  his  own  announced  object  was  to  right  the  natives,  release 
Montezuma,  and  then  to  depart  from  the  country  without  taking  even  gold 
with  him.  These  intrigues  caused  the  uprising  which  lost  Mexico  to  the 
emperor,  together  with  so  many  hundred  lives  and  millions  of  treasure.  To 
Velazquez,  therefore,  no  control  should  be  given  in  a country  lost  through  the 
machinations  of  himself  and  his  lieutenant.  If  any  grants  had  been  made  to 
him,  they  were  based  on  false  representations,  and  would  imperil  the  safety  of 
these  extensive  and  rich  lands.  The  second  object  of  the  latter  was  to  laud 
the  character  of  Cortds  as  a man  and  soldier,  and  to  pray  that  he  be  confirmed 
in  the  office  of  captain-general  and  justicia  mayor  as  the  only  fit  and  worthy 
person.  At  the  foot  came  the  signature  of  534  Spaniards,  the  majority  of 
the  troops,  headed  by  Alvarado,  Ordaz,  and  similar  warn  friends  of  the  com- 
mander, and  also  by  such  prominent  personages  of  the  Narvaez  party  as 
Vasco  Porcallo,  and  Juan  Diaz,  the  clergyman.  Bernal  Diaz  was  still  down 
with  fever,  which  accounts  for  the  absence  of  his  name.  Many  others  whose 
names  might  have  been  added  were  probably  away  on  expeditions  and  on 
garrison  duty.  For  copy  of  letter  see  /cazbalceta,  Col.  Dor.,  i.  427-33. 

22  Whom  Bernal  Diaz  calls  Francisco  Alvarez  Chico;  and  Vetancurt,  Fran- 
cisco Hernandez. 


KING-MAKING  AND  CONVERTING. 


ment  of  rebels  and  other  measures,  and  their  authority 
and  aid  sought  for  obtaining  men  and  stores.30  Another 
vessel  was  sent  under  Solis31  to  Jamaica  to  buy  horses 
and  war  material.  Bernal  Diaz,  does  not  fail  to  point 
out  the  evidence  in  the  large  remittance  for  Spain 
and  the  Antilles  of  treasures  secretly  taken  from 
Mexico  by  Cortes  and  his  clique,  and  accuses  him 
of  having  appropriated  also  the  share  for  Villa  Rica, 
claimed  to  have  been  captured  by  the  Indians  during 
its  transmission  from  Tlascala.32 

No  sooner  were  these  preparations  announced 
than  Duero  and  a number  of  others  of  the  Narvaez 
party  claimed  a fulfilment  of  the  promise  regarding 
their  departure.  The  success  of  the  Spanish  arms 
and  the  allurement  of  spoils  had  reconciled  most  of 
the  lately  disaffected,  so  that  those  who  now  demanded 
to  return  were  only  a few  of  the  more  wealthy.  The 
services  of  these  could  be  readily  dispensed  with,  now 
that  such  large  reinforcements  had  been  received,  and 
the  display  of  their  accumulations  at  home  might 
inspire  fresh  recruits.  Therefore  Cortes  gave  his 
consent,  with  abundant  promises  that  as  soon  as  the 
conquest  was  fully  accomplished,  gold  and  other  re- 
wards would  flow  on  those  who  supported  his  cause 
either  in  the  Islands  or  in  Spain.  Leaders  like  Duero 
and  Bermudez  were  the  chief  recipients  of  such  offers ; 
and  offers  alone  they  remained  in  most  instances,  for 


30  Bernal  Diaz  insinuates  that  there  were  a number  of  officers  far  more 
suitable  than  Captain  Avila  for  this  mission,  but  Cortds  desired  to  be  rid  of 
so  outspoken  an  observer  and  champion  of  the  men,  and  at  the  same  time  to 
promote  the  more  pliable  Alonso  de  Grado  to  the  vacated  contaduria,  and  the 
devoted  Andres  de  Tapia  to  the  captaincy.  He  thinks  that  Grado,  or  Alonso 
de  Cdceres,  the  rich,  should  have  been  sent.  Hist.  Verdad.,  117.  His  insinu- 
ation cannot  be  wholly  correct,  however,  since  Avila  had  already  been  for 
some  time  alcalde  mayor  of  New  Spain,  and  Grado,  contador.  See  Lejalde, 
P robanza,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  419  et  seq. 

31  ‘Despues  de  ganailo  Mexico,  le  llamamos  Solis  el  de  la  huerta,  yerno 
de ...  Bachiller  Ortega.  ’ Hist.  Verdad.,  118. 

32  This  author  indicates  the  despatch  of  only  three  vessels  for  Spain,  Es- 
pauola,  and  Jamaica,  respectively,  one  of  which,  or  a fourth,  conveyed  the 
returning  adherents  of  Narvaez.  Id.,  117.  But  Cortds  writes : ‘Enviod  la 
isla  Espauola  cuatro  navios  para  que  luego  vuelvan  cargados  de  caballos  y 
gente.’  Cartas,  154,  1C2.  The  Jamaica  vessel  is  probably  included  in  this 
number. 


SEGURA  DE  LA  FRONTERA. 


553 


Cortes  was  not  the  man  to  reward  desertion.  Duero 
and  others  evidently  expected  nothing  more,  since  they 
were  soon  after  found  arrayed  on  the  side  of  Velazquez. 
When  some  among  the  Cortes  party  raised  objections 
to  this  diminution  of  the  force,  they  were  quieted  with 
the  declaration  that  the  army  was  better  rid  of  un- 
willing and  inefficient  soldiers,  whose  presence  served 
only  to  discourage  others.33 

The  vessel  for  Spain  and  two  of  those  for  the  Islands 
were  wrecked  on  the  coast;  and  one  consequence  was 
that  Mendoza’s  departure  was  delayed  till  the  5th  of 
March.  He  took  with  him  a supplementary  letter 
for  the  emperor,  relating  the  progress  so  far  made  for 
the  recovery  of  Mexico.  By  this  time  Ordaz  was, 
according  to  Bernal  Diaz,  commissioned  to  join  him 
and  plead  the  cause  of  Cortes  before  the  emperor,  and 
at  the  same  time  to  receive  the  reward  for  his  many 
achievements,  one  of  which  was  the  ascent  of  the 
volcano.  Several  of  the  Narvaez  party  appear  to 
have  left  by  tliq  same  vessel.34 

In  course  of  the  late  campaign  the  advantages  of  the 
town  of  Tepeaca  for  permanent  occupation  had  become 
apparent,  chiefly  as  a point  of  observation  for  watching 
over  the  new  conquest.  It  was  well  situated  for  pro- 
tecting the  road  to  Villa  Rica,35  and  for  communicating 

<D  7 O 

with  Cholula  and  Tlascala,  each  capital  eight  or  nine 
leagues  distant,  and  it  lay  in  the  midst  of  a fertile 

33  Bernal  Diaz  names  twelve  of  those  who  returned,  two  going  merely  to 
bring  their  children.  Pilot  Cardenas,  whose  clamor  at  the  treasure  repartition 
at  Mexico  had  called  the  attention  of  Cortes,  was  allowed  to  return  to  his 
family,  with  a present  of  330  pesos  from  the  general,  only  to  join  the  ranks  of 
his  enemies.  With  one  of  the  Cubans  Cortes  sent  some  bullion  and  jewels  to 
his  wife  and  brother-in-law.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  1 17 ; Velancvrt,  Teatro 
Mcx. , pt.  iii.  148. 

31C;iceres  also  joined  the  commissioners.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  117. 
Clavigero  names  Ordaz  as  the  sole  commissioner,  and  lie  was  probably  the 
principal.  Storia  Mess.,  iii.  1G0. 

Sj  ‘ Para  el  camino  de  la  costa  de  la  mar  no  hay  mas  de  dos  puertos  muy 
agros  y Asperos,  que  confinan  con  esta  dicha  provincia.  ’ Cortes,  Cartas,  145. 

‘ Que  seuoreaua  los  puertos,  el  vno  que  se  dize  de  Siculchima,  por  donde  los 
Castellanos  entraron  en  aquellas  partes,  y el  otro  de  Quochula,  legua  y media 
de  Tepeaca,  por  donde  van  los  eaminos  Reales  de  la  villa  Rica.  ’ Herrera,  dec. 
ii.  lih  x.  cap.  xvi. 


554 


KING-MAKING  AND  CONVERTING. 


maize  country,  which  offered  ample  subsistence  for  a 
garrison.  Although  the  punishment  at  first  inflicted, 
by  sacking  and  enslaving,  had  been  severe,  yet  the 
treatment  of  the  inhabitants  became  afterward  so 
considerate  that  they  themselves  prayed  for  a con- 
tinuance of  Spanish  protection.36  Every  circumstance, 
therefore,  demanding  a settlement,  it  was  decided  in 
council  to  found  a villa  in  this  same  town,  with  the 
appropriate  name  of  Segura  de  la  Frontera,  intended, 
as  it  was,  to  secure  the  frontier  against  the  Mexicans. 
Pedro  de  Ircio  was  made  alcalde,  with  Francisco  de 
Orozco  and  others  as  regidores.37 

The  campaign  being  practically  concluded,  a division 
was  ordered  to  be  made  of  the  spoils  not  hitherto 
distributed,  including  slaves,  which  had  now  become 
a prominent  feature  thereof,  and  were  intended  for 
personal  and  plantation  service,  as  already  practised 
in  the  Antilles.  The  pretence  was  to  enslave  only 
the  inhabitants  of  districts  concerned  in  the  murder 
of  Spaniards,  but  the  distinction  was  not  very  strictly 
observed,  and  rebellious  tribes  and  those  addicted  to 
cannibalism  and  other  vicious  practices  were  included.38 
The  Spaniards,  as  a rule,  kept  only  the  women  and 
the  children,  the  men  being  transferred  to  the  allies 
for  their  share,  “because  they  were  difficult  to  watch,” 


36  ‘ Le  auian  pedido  presidio.  ’ Id.  Cortes  gives  merely  the  strategic  motives. 

37  Fi’ancisco  de  Solis,  Cristobal  Corral,  and  Cristdbal  Martin  are  mentioned 
as  regidores  in  Probanza  de  Lejalde,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  41S-19. 
Herrera  adds  to  their  ranks  Geronimo  de  Aguilar,  the  interpreter,  ‘ porque 
sabia  Cortes  honrar...los  benemeritos.’  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xvi.  The  villa 
was  removed  after  the  conquest  to  a new  site  in  the  plain,  not  far  from  the 
old  tow.  In  1545  it  received  the  dignity  of  a city,  and  has  ever  since  ranked 
as  a district  seat,  supported  to  some  extent  by  woollen  factories.  Of  the 
strong  fortress  erected  by  the  conquerors  the  remains  are  still  to  be  seen  in 
the  plaza  under  the  name  of  el  Rollo  de  Tepeaca.  Chimalpain,  Hist.  Cone/., 
ii.  8;  and  in  Sahagun,  Hist.  Conq.  (ed.  1840),  145-6.  In  Herrera,  dec.  ii. 
lib.  x.  cap.  xxi.  is  given  a description  of  the  city  and  district.  Clavigero, 
Storia  Mess.,  iii.  153;  Villa-Sehor  y Sanchez,  Theatro,  i.  248;  Alcedo,  in  Die. 
Univ.,  v. 

38  ‘ Tambien  me  movib  <1  facer  los  dichos  esclavos  por  poner  algun  espanto 

A,  los  de  Cultia,  y porque  tambien  hay  tanta  gente,  que  si  no  ficiese  grande  y 
cruel  castigo  en  ellos,  nunca  se  emendarian.’  Cortis,  Cartas,  144;  Oviedo , iii. 
334.  ‘ Otros  dizen  que  sin  partido  los  tomo  a todos,  y castigo  asi  aquellos  en 

v<5ganca,  y por  no  auer  obedecido  sus  requerimietos,  por  putos,  por  ydolatras,’ 
etc.  Gomuqra,  Hist.  Hex. , 108. 


ENSLAVEMENTS. 


555 


says  Bernal  Diaz,  “and  because  their  services  were 
not  needed  while  we  had  the  Tlascaltecs  with  us.”39 
The  soldiers  were  ordered  to  bring  in  all  their 
captives,  which  from  the  first  had  been  branded  for 
recognition  with  a * G/  signifying  guerra,  war.40  When 
the  day  for  distribution  came,  it  was  found  that  the 
leaders  and  favored  men  had  already  secured  their 
share  b}^  appropriating  the  prettiest  and  choicest 
slaves.  They  had  probably  been  priced  by  the  offi- 
cials, and  the  leaders,  being  entitled  to  larger  shares, 
had  secured  the  best  articles.  At  this  there  was  a 
considerable  uproar,  increased  by  the  outcry  against 
the  fifth  set  apart  for  Cortes,  after  deducting  the 
royal  fifth.41  How  the  matter  was  settled  is  not 
clear,  except  that  the  general  had  recourse  to  the 
soothing  eloquence  he  knew  so  well  how  to  apply, 
promising  that  for  the  future  he  would  conform  to 
the  general  desire,  which  appeared  to  be  in  favor  of 
offering  the  slaves  at  auction,  so  as  to  arrive  at  their 


89  Hist.  Verdad.,  116.  This  was  probably  the  case,  and  Tapia’s  testimony 
appears  to  confirm  it  in  saying  that  of  the  6000  captives  taken  from  the 
Tecamachalco  region  the  males,  2000  in  number,  were  slaughtered  in  cold 
blood.  Cortis , Residencia,  i.  59.  Perhaps  it  would  be  more  correct  to  assume 
that  a few  were  killed  to  expiate  the  murder  of  Spaniards,  while  the  rest  were 
given  to  the  Tlascaltecs. 

10  ‘ Saluo  a las  mugeres  y ninos,’  says  Herrera,  which  leads  Brasseur  de 
Bourbourg  to  assume  that  women  and  children  were  not  enslaved.  Hist. 
Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  370.  ‘ Creyero,  q a cada  soldado  bolveria  sus  pieijas,  y q apre- 

ciarian  que  tantos  pesos  valian,  y que  como  las  apreciassen,  pagassen  el  quinto 
a su  Magestad.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  110-17.  This  could  hardly  have 
been  the  case. 

41  ‘ Mand6  Cortes  vender  a muchos  que  auia  prendido . . . aplicando  vna 
parte  a su  exercito,  y a otra  la  republica  de  Tlascala,  sacando  primero  el 
quinto  que  pertenecia  al  Rey.’  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xv.  ‘ Y despues 
otro  quinto  para  Cortez,’  adds  Vetancurt,  Teatro  Mex. , pt.  iii.  148,  and  this 
appears  correct;  yet  Clavigero  and  many  others  do  not  refer  to  the  second 
fifth.  This  deduction  was  declared  to  be  an  attempt  at  installing  a second 
king.  The  deceit  practised,  as  they  claimed,  at  the  distribution  of  treasure 
at  Mexico  was  again  called  up,  and  declared  to  be  less  outrageous  than  the 
present  effort  to  defraud  poor  and  wounded  soldiers  of  the  prize  for  which 
they  had  shed  their  blood.  Juan  Bono  de  Quexo  declared  that  he  would 
complain  to  the  emperor,  and  others  were  no  less  bitter.  Previous  to  this  a 
cause  for  dissatisfaction  had  been  given  by  a proclamation  of  Cortds  ordering 
the  surrender  of  all  gold  saved  from  the  common  treasure  at  Mexico,  thrown 
open  to  the  soldiers  on  the  eve  of  the  flight.  One  third  was  to  be  retained  by 
the  possesspr.  Many  refused  to  comply,  and  since  the  royal  officials  and  leaders 
had  shared  in  the  treasure,  the  proclamation  was  allowed  to  lapse.  What  had 
been  surrendered  Cortes  kept  as  a loan.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  116-117. 


556 


KING  MAKING  AND  CONVERTING. 


proper  value,  and  to  give  all  members  of  the  expedi- 
tion an  equal  chance  in  securing  the  more  desirable.13 

One  of  the  last  expeditions  fitted  out  at  Segura  was 
for  the  reduction  of  the  northern  route  to  Villa  Rica, 
by  which  the  Spaniards  had  first  entered  the  plateau, 
and  for  the  punishment  of  those  concerned  in  the  mur- 
der of  Alcantara  and  other  Spaniards.13  It  set  out  in 
the  beginning  of  December,  under  Sandoval,  with  two 
hundred  infantry,  twenty  horses,  and  the  usual  com- 
plement of  allies,  and  entered  Xocotlan  valley,  which 
readily  submitted,  with  the  exception  of  the  main 
town,  named  Castilblanco  during  the  first  entry  into 
the  country.  The  cacique,  who  had  then  already 
shown  himself  unfriendly,  rejected  every  proposition, 
with  the  threat  that  he  would  make  a feast  on  the 
commander  and  his  followers,  as  he  had  on  the  former 
party.  There  being  no  alternative,  the  cavalry  charged 
the  large  force  which  had  taken  up  position  near 
a ravine,  on  the  outskirts  of  the  city,  with  a view 
to  defend  the  entrance.  Under  cover  of  the  musket- 
eers and  archers,  who  from  one  side  of  the  ravine  did 
considerable  harm  to  the  enemy,  the  charge  succeeded, 
though  four  riders  and  nine  horses  were  wounded,  one 
of  the  latter  dying.  The  enemy  thrown  into  disorder 
fled  to  join  the  remaining  garrison,  which  occupied 
the  temples  on  the  plaza.  With  the  aid  of  the  in- 
fantry and  allies  the  stronghold  speedily  fell,  and  a 
number  of  prisoners  were  secured.44 

Proceeding  northward  along  the  mountain  border 
of  the  plateau  Sandoval  added  a considerable  extent 
of  country  to  his  conquest,  meeting  serious  opposition 


42  ‘ Buenas,  6 inalas  Indias,  sacallas  al  almoneda . . . que  se  venderia.  ’ Id. 
This  was  to  be  done  at  the  next  distribution  in  Tezcuco.  The  proceeding 
was  discussed  at  length  in  Spain,  and  favored  also  by  a large  body  of  the 
clergy,  as  justifiable ; but  the  emperor  took  the  humane  course  of  allowing 
captives  to  be  held  only  as  prisoners,  so  long  as  this  was  absolutely  necessary. 
Solis,  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  233. 

43  The  party  commissioned  to  carry  the  Villa  Rican  share  of  the  Aztec 
treasure  from  Tlascala  to  the  coast.  Bernal  Diaz  intimates  that  another  party 
of  nine  were  killed  at  Xocotlan.  Hist.  Verdad. , 115-16. 

44  The  bodies  of  five  of  the  Spaniards  here  murdered  had  been  sent  to 
Mexico,  the  rest  eaten. 


SANDOVAL’S  CAMPAIGN. 


557 


only  at  Jalancingo,  where  the  Aztec  garrison,  ever 
since  the  beginning  of  the  Tepeaca  campaign,  had 
been  employed  in  fortifying  the  place,  and  either  con- 
sidered themselves  secure  or  feared  that  a surrender 
would  procure  no  better  terms,  for  them,  at  least. 
They  were  disconcerted  by  being  attacked  on  different 
sides,  under  native  guidance,  and  after  a brief  resist- 
ance took  to  flight,  during  which  a number  of  them 
were  captured,  the  Spaniards  losing  three  horses,  and 
having  eight  men  severely  injured,  Sandoval  receiving 
an  arrow  wound.  In  a temple  were  found  relics  of 
slaughtered  Spaniards,  in  the  shape  of  dresses,  arms, 
and  saddles.45  A few  days  later  the  expedition  set 
out  to  rejoin  the  army,  with  a large  amount  of  spoils 
and  a train  of  captives.  The  chiefs  were  pardoned 
by  Cortes,  with  politic  regard  for  the  future,  and 
enjoined  to  furnish  their  quota  of  supplies  at  Segura.46 

The  head-quarters  had  meanwhile  been  removed  to 
Tlascala,  preparatory  to  a march  on  Mexico,  and 
Segura  was  now  in  charge  of  the  alcalde,  Pedro  de 
Ircio,  lately  lieutenant  of  Sandoval  at  Villa  Rica, 
assisted  by  the  regidor,  Francisco  de  Orozco,  and  sixty 
men,  including  the  invalids  and  the  disabled.47  Cortes 
had  left  it  in  the  middle  of  December,48  taking  with 
the  cavalry  the  route  through  Cholula,49  to  settle  the 
question  of  succession  to  a number  of  cacique  offices 
vacated  during  the  epidemic.  These  appeals  were 


45  Alcdntara’s,  it  would  seem.  The  treasure  carried  by  him  had  been 
dissipated. 

46  ‘ Dos  dias  ante  de  Navidad  llegd  el  capitan  con  la  gente . . . que  habian 
ido  .1  las  provinces  de  Cecatami  y Xalazingo,’  says  Cortes,  Cartas , 163-5,  who 
had  already  taken  up  quarters  at  Tlascala.  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  172.  Bernal 
Diaz  speaks  of  a second  expedition  to  Xocotlan,  with  30  cavalry  and  100 
infantry ; but  this  must  be  owing  to  a confusion  of  names,  in  one  case  the 
valley,  Cacatami,  being  mentioned,  in  the  other  the  town,  Cocotlan.  Hist. 
Verdad.,  116. 

47  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  172;  Herrera,  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xviii.  See  note 

37.  ‘ Por  Capitan  vn  Francisco  de  Orozco,  con  obra  de  veynte  soldados  que 

estauan  heridos,  y dolientes,’  says  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  118;  Vetancurt 
follows.  Teatro  Mex.,  pt.  iii.  149. 

48  ‘ Por  tener  la  nauidad  q era  de  ay  a doze  dias  en  Tlaxcallan.’  Gomara, 
Hist.  Mex.,  172. 

48  Gomara  calls  it  Coliman,  which  Chimalpain  identifies  with  Amozoc,  still 
in  existence,  hist.  Coi.q.,  ii.  13. 


558 


KING-MAKING  AND  CONVERTING. 


made  to  him  not  only  as  the  representative  of  the 
Spanish  monarch  to  whom  the  people  had  sworn 
obedience,  but  as  an  acknowledgment  of  his  influence 
over  the  native  mind.  His  treatment  of  the  con- 
quered and  his  equitable  decisions  of  disputes  had 
made  him  the  umpire  and  king-maker  whom  not  only 
allies,  but  half-reconciled  tribes  were  willing  to  heed, 
in  private  and  public  affairs.  Having  made  the  ap- 
pointments, and  formed  favorable  arrangements  for 
himself,  he  rejoined  the  army.  The  march  to  Tlascala 
was  one  befitting  the  return  of  conquering  heroes. 
Triumphal  arches  covered  the  roads,  and  processions 
came  to  chant  the  praises  of  the  victors,  and  recount 
the  successes  achieved  by  the  Tlascaltec  allies,  as 
shown  by  spoils  and  banners  from  different  provinces 
and  cities,  and  by  long  files  of  captives.  On  nearing 
the  republican  capital  the  whole  population  came  forth 
to  join  in  the  ovation,  and  at  the  plaza  an  orator 
stepped  forward  to  greet  Cortes  in  a glowing  pan- 
egyric, wherein  he  reviewed  his  progress  as  conqueror 
and  avenger.  In  reply  Cortes  alluded  feelingly  to  the 
brotherhood  between  the  two  races,  now  cemented  by 
blood  and  victories,  and  to  the  common  loss  sustained 
in  the  death  of  the  wise  and  noble  Maxixcatzin. 
These  words,  added  to  the  evidence  of  sorrow  in  the 
mourning  array  of  their  dress  and  arms,  left  a most 
favorable  impression  on  the  minds  of  the  brave  allies. 

He  was  again  called  as  representative  of  his  king  to 
appoint  as  successor  to  Maxixcatzin  his  eldest  legiti- 
mate son,  a boy  of  twelve  years,  against  whom  a 
claimant  had  arisen.60  This  done,  Cortes  dubbed  him 
a knight,  according  to  Castilian  usage,  in  recognition 
of  the  services  of  his  father,  causing  him  also  to  be 
baptized,  with  the  name  of  Juan,  Maxixcatzin  becoming 
the  family  name.61  Taking  advantage  of  the  occasion 
and  of  his  own  popularity,  the  general  sought  to 

50  In  the  person  of  an  illegitimate  brother,  is  the  assumption  of  modem 
authorities. 

61  Herrera  names  him  Lorenzo ; but  Torquemada  insists  that  this  was  the 
father’s  name. 


CHIEFS  BAPTIZED. 


559 


inspire  a more  general  feeling  in  favor  of  liis  religion, 
but  the  effort  met  with  little  encouragement,  and  he 
wisely  refrained  from  pressing  so  dangerous  a subject. 
According  to  Bernal  Diaz,  the  elder  Xicotencatl  was 
among  the  limited  number  of  saved  souls,  and  received 
the  name  of  Vicente.62  The  native  records,  as  given 
by  Camargo  and  Torquemada,  and  adopted  by  most 
writers,  assume  that  the  four  chiefs  were  all  baptized 
at  this  time,  if  pot  earlier;  but  they  are  neither  clear 
nor  consistent,  and  are  evidently  impelled  by  a desire 
to  redeem  the  native  leaders  from  the  charge  of  idol- 
atry.  Cortes,  Herrera,  Diaz,  and  other  chroniclers 
would  not  have  failed  to  record  so  large  and  promi- 
nent a conquest  for  the  church,  particularly  since 
the  two  latter  do  mention  the  exceptional  converts.53 


52  The  old  soldier  calls  him  Lorenzo  de  Vargas,  but  is  probably  mistaken. 
/ list.  Verdad.,  118. 

53  Camargo  gives  at  length  the  speeches  of  Cortes  and  the  chiefs  on  the 
occasion.  The  latter  invites  him  to  accept  their  friendship  and  sendees,  and 
settle  among  them,  whereupon  the  general  explains  that  the  main  object 
of  his  coming  is  to  overthrow  false  idols,  and  that  the  condition  of  his 
staying  with  them  must  be  the  adoption  of  the  true  faith,  wherein  lies  the 
sole  reason  for  the  superiority  of  his  race  over  theirs.  The  holy  ghost  assists 
to  impress  his  words,  and  they  yield ; but  they  implore  him  not  to  cast  down 
the  revered  idols,  for  such  an  act  may  be  fraught  with  the  most  terrible  dis- 
asters. Corti's  insists,  and  promises  to  assume  all  risks.  Thus  pressed,  they 
ask  to  confer  with  the  representatives  of  the  people,  lest  a revolt  occur.  Tire 
council  objects,  offers  to  give  the  most  prominent  place  to  the  new  gods,  and 
finally  yields,  amidst  tears  and  wailing.  The  people  secretly  hide  the  adored 
images,  and  while  accepting  baptism  still  retain  the  old  worship  in  secret. 
The  four  chiefs  first  receive  the  rite,  under  the  sponsorship  of  the  leading 
Spanish  captains,  Maxixcatzin  the  elder  being  named  Lorenzo;  Xicotencatl, 
Vicente;  Tlehuexolotl,  Gonzalo;  and  Citlalpopoca,  Bartolomei  The  general 
baptism  followed,  those  baptized  on  the  first  day  being  named  Juan,  and 
Maria,  and  Ana,  for  men  and  women  respectively,  each  receiving  a ticket 
whereon  the  name  was  written.  Many  forgot  their  names,  nevertheless,  and 
had  to  appeal  to  the  register;  some  received  baptism  over  again,  because 
they  failed  to  acknowledge  the  previous  rite,  and  others  attended  service  for 
years  without  having  been  to  the  font.  Among  the  idols  and  relics  saved 
from  the  general  destruction  were  the  ashes  of  Camaxtli,  the  chief  god  of  the 
tribe,  said  by  some  to  have  been  the  brother  of  Tezcatlipoca,  by  others  the 
father  of  Quetzalcoatl.  They  were  jealously  guarded  by  the  chief  Tecpane- 
catl  Tecuhtli,  of  Tepeticpac,  till  1576,  when,  tired  of  the  temporal  injuries 
which  were  falling  upon  him,  owing  to  their  presence  in  his  house,  he  turned 
to  the  Church  and  surrendered  the  relic,  and  died  the  same  week,  on  holy 
Thursday,  while  penitently  lashing  himself  before  the  madonna.  On  opening 
the  envelope  of  the  relic  a mass  of  blonde  hair  fell  out,  showing  that  tra- 
dition was  true  in  describing  the  god  as  a white  man.  Camargo , Hist.  Tlax., 
151-9,  178-9.  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  eagerly  seizes  on  this  statement  to 
support  his  theory  that  the  Toltecs  had  come  from  the  north  of  Europe  to 


5G0 


KING- MAKING  AND  CONVERTING. 


Cortds  also  refers  to  a conversion  in  the  person  of 
Tecocoltzin,  a younger  brother  of  King  Caeama,  and 
the  future  head  of  Tezcuco,  who  is  named  Fernando; 
but  he  does  so  in  a manner  which  indicates  that  the 
conversion  was  exceptional.64  His  baptism  took  place 
probably  on  the  same  day  as  that  of  young  Maxix- 
catzin  and  old  Xicotencatl,  the  occasion  bcincj  cele- 
brated  with  banquets  and  dances,  with  illumination, 
sports,  and  exchange  of  presents,  the  Spaniards  adding 
horse-races  and  other  interesting  proceedings  for  the 
gratification  of  the  natives. 


found  their  empire  and  era  of  culture  in  Mexico.  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  392 
et  seq.  Camargo  places  the  general  baptism  on  the  occasion  of  Cortes’  first 
arrival  in  the  republic,  but  herein  Torquemada  corrects  him,  although  fol- 
lowing the  version  in  other  respects.  The  picture  in  the  convent  at  Tlascala 
indicates,  he  says,  that  the  four  chiefs,  including  the  elder  Maxixcatzin,  were 
baptized  together,  and  by  the  clergyman  Juan  Diaz.  Great  festivals  followed 
the  ceremony,  i.  523,  iii.  1G6-9.  Ixtlilxochitl,  who  also  refers  to  this  picture, 
follows  Camargo’s  date,  but  names  Xicotencatl  senior  Bartolomd,  Zitlapopo- 
catzin  Baltasar,  Tlehuexolotzin  Gonzalo,  and  Maxixcatzin,  a young  man,  Juan. 
Hist.  Chich.,  294.  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  corrects  this  by  substituting  Xico- 
tencatl junior  for  Maxixcatzin  and  naming  him  Vicente.  He  adds  Neza- 
hualpilli’s  son  Tecocoltzin,  who  receives  the  name  of  Fernando,  ubi  sup.  The 
assumption  that  the  four  elder  chiefs  were  baptized  together,  and  the  state- 
ment that  the  elder  Maxixcatzin  had  died  before  Cortes  returned  to  Tlascala, 
appear  contradictory,  but  Vetancurt  reconciles  them  by  dating  the  general 
baptism  just  before  the  beginning  of  the  Tepeaca  campaign,  and  adopting  the 
names  as  given  on  the  picture  in  ‘ our  convent,’  and  as  quoted  by  Camargo 
and  Torquemada.  Padre  Juan  Diaz,  who  performed  the  rite,  is  supposed  to 
have  been  killed  soon  after.  Several  other  versions  of  his  fate  and  burial- 
place  are  given.  Vetancvrt,  Teatro  Hex., pt.  iii.  14G.  But  he  testified  during  the 
residencia  investigation  against  Alvarado,  1529.  See  Ramirez,  Procvso  contra 
Alvarado,  124.  Clavigero  follows  Vetancurt,  and  maintains,  notwithstanding 
the  failure  of  the  conquest  writers  to  notice  that  event,  that  ‘ 6 certo,  che 
tutti  i quattro  Capi  di  quella  Repubblica  furono  battezzati  avanti  la  con- 
quieta . . . Oltre  ad’  altre  pruove  cid  consta  dalle  pitture  antiche.’  Storia 
Mess.,  iii.  150.  It  would  be  interesting  to  know  what  the  ‘altre  pruove’  are. 
Prescott  admits  only  the  baptism  of  the  two  Maxixcatzins  and  old  Xicoten- 
catl, but  avoids  giving  the  new  names,  owing  to  the  conflict  of  authorities. 
Mex. , ii.  445. 

51  ‘Como  eraMuchacho,  imprimid  mas  en  dl  nuestra  conversacion  y tomdse 
cristiano.’  Cartas,  177. 


CHAPTER  XXX. 


CONSTRUCTION  OF  THE  FLEET. 

December,  1520 — February,  1521. 

The  Objective  Point — Vessels  Needed — Martin  Lopez  Sent  to  Tlascala 
for  Timber — Thirteen  Brigantines  Ordered — Cortes  at  Tlascala — 
Drill  and  Discipline — Address  of  the  General — Parade  of  the 
Tlascaltecs — March  to  Tezcuco — New  Ruler  Appointed — Sacking 
of  Iztapalapan — The  Chalcans — Arrival  at  Tezcuco  of  the  Brigan- 
tine Brigade. 

The  Tepeaca  campaign  had  been  only  part  of  the 
plan  conceived  during  the  flight  to  Tlascala  for  the 
recovery  of  the  dominating  point  of  the  empire.  The 
strength  of  the  capital,  and  the  ascendancy  acquired 
by  the  Aztecs  during  Spanish  exclusion  from  the  lake 
regicfn,  made  it  impossible  to  strike  directly  at  the 
centre  of  the  uprising.  It  was  necessary  first  to  con- 
quer the  surrounding  provinces  on  which  Mexico  de- 
pended for  aid,  and  to  do  this  in  detail  was  easier  than 
to  meet  the  combined  strength  of  the  foe.  This  would 
also  leave  the  conquering  troops  free  to  turn  their 
whole  attention  against  the  capital,  with  fresh  allies 
and  larger  resources.  A centre  for  operation  was  now 
needed  within  the  valley,  and  one  from  which  the 
Aztecs  might  be  attacked  in  due  time  both  by  land 
and  water.  For  this  object  Tezcuco  presented  the 
greatest  advantages  in  being  situated  on  the  lake, 
some  six  leagues  from  Mexico,  in  the  midst  of  a fertile 
country,  and  near  enough  to  Tlascala,  from  and  through 
which  reinforcements  might  readily  be  obtained.1 

1 Many  favored  Ayotzineo,  near  Chaleo,  which  offered  also  a good  launch- 
ing place  for  the  vessels.  Ber’ial  Diaz,  Hint.  Verclad.,  118. 

Hist.  Mkx.,  Vol.  I.  36 


(561) 


562 


CONSTRUCTION  OF  THE  FLEET. 


With  a prudent  foresight  to  these  movements 
Cortes  had  shortly  after  his  first  successes  in  Tepeaca 
sent  Martin  Lopez,  the  shipwright,  to  Tlascala  to  pre- 
pare timber  for  thirteen  brigantines,  which  were  to 
be  transported  to  the  lake  for  besieging  purposes. 
The  republic  offered  to  provide  material  and  native 
carpenters,  and  aided  by  Andrds  Nunez  and  others, 
Lopez  soon  formed  an  efficient  corps  of  assistants  for 
felling  and  shaping  the  pieces,  as  modelled  and  num- 
bered by  himself.  The  site  of  construction  was  at 
Atempan,  on  the  Rio  Zahuatl,2  which  afforded  the 
necessary  water  for  the  trial  launch,  and  had  forests 
near  by  from  which  timber,  masts,  and  pitch  could 
be  obtained.3  Iron,  sails,  cordage,  and  other  needful 
articles  taken  from  the  sunken  fleet  were  forwarded 
from  Villa  Rica,  together  with  smiths  and  other 
workmen. 

With  the  arrival  of  Cortes  at  Tlascala,  prepara- 
tions receive  a fresh  impulse,  and  weapons  and  armor 
are  overhauled,  pikes  and  arrows  made,  and  stores 
collected.  An  opportune  addition  is  made  by  the 
arrival  of  a vessel  from  Spain  and  the  Canaries,  laden 
with  war  material,  bows,  bowstrings,  arquebuses, 
powder,  and  a variety  of  goods;  also  over  a dozen 
soldiers,  with  three  horses.  Cortes  jmrcliases  the 
whole  cargo,  and  persuades  the  owner,  Juan  de 
Burgos,  the  captain,  and  the  men  to  join  him.4 


2 Where  now  is  the  chapel  of  San  Buenaventura.  Camargo,  Hist.  Tlax., 
176.  Yet  Lorenzana  says:  ‘Por  constante  tradiciou  se  trabajd  en  un  Barrio 
de  Hueyothlipan,  que  llaman  Quausimalan,  que  quiere  deeir,  donde  labran  los 
Palos.’  Cortes,  Hist.  N.  Es/>.,  167.  But  it  is  more  likely  to  have  been  on 
the  river  passing  through  Tlascala  city,  and  near  Matlaleueye  Mount. 

3 The  timber  came  probably  from  the  Matlaleueye  slopes;  the  masts  from 
Hueyotlipan ; the  pitch  from  the  pine  woods  near  Huexotzinco,  says  Bernal 
Diaz,  where  it  was  prepared  by  four  sailors,  for  the  natives  did  not  understand 
its  manufacture.  ‘ Es  la  Sierra  Matlalcuie,’  states  Torquemada,  Monirq.  Ind., 
i.  524.  ‘ La  brea  se  saca  de . . . la  sierra  de  la  Agua  de  Xalapa,  ’ near  San  Juan  de 
los  Llanos.  Bustamante,  in  Clumcilpain,  Hist.  Cong.,  ii.  13.  This  applies  rather 
to  colonial  times.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.  ,118, 124,  names  a number  of  those 
who  aided  in  building.  See  also  Mora,  in  Soc.  Alex.  Grog.,  Boletin,  x.  302-3. 

4 Bernal  Diaz  names  several  of  the  thirteen  soldiers.  The  captain  was 
Francisco  Medel.  One  of  the  men,  Monjaraz,  was  said  to  have  murdered  his 
wife.  He  kept  aloof  from  all  combat,  but  once  he  ascended  a tower  to  look 
on,  and  was  that  same  day  killed  by  Indians.  Hist.  Verdad.,  118-19. 


REGULATIONS  FOR  THE  ARMY. 


563 


Drill  receives  attention,  and  equally  necessary  is 
the  maintenance  of  order,  for  they  are  few,  remote 
from  succor,  and  surrounded  by  a powerful,  warlike, 
and  astute  foe.  Then  they  must  maintain  friendly 
relations  with  their  allies,  whose  aid  is  essential  to 
the  achievement  of  their  plans.  One  hasty  utterance, 
one  unjust  act,  can  raise  a storm  wherein  all  may 
perish.  Good  treatment  on  every  hand  is  necessary 
to  win  neutral  and  hostile  provinces.  It  is  often  easier 
to  persuade  than  to  enforce.  With  this  view  Cortes, 
as  captain-general  and  justicia  mayor  for  his  majesty, 
prepares  a series  of  regulations  which  are  proclaimed 
on  the  26th  of  December  1520. 

In  a lengthy  preamble  are  set  forth  some  reasons 
for  its  publication  and  the  necessity  for  good  conduct, 
as  recognized  not  only  in  human  but  in  divine  affairs, 
and  practised  since  time  immemorial  for  the  regula- 
tion of  wars. 

The  first  article  proclaims  the  primary  motive  of 
this,  and  indeed  of  all  their  campaigns,  to  be  spiritual 
conquest,  in  the  absence  of  which  material  conquests 
must  be  regarded  as  unjust.  Blasphemy  is  forbidden 
lest  the  offended  Almighty  should  refuse  his  assistance. 
Gambling  in  a modified  form  is  permitted,  but  quar- 
relling is  prohibited. 

Rules  are  laid  down  for  discipline  in  camp  and 
field  for  sentinels,  for  prompt  and  courageous  per- 
formance of  duty.  No  Spaniard  may  enter  houses 
in  a hostile  city  to  plunder  until  the  foe  has  been 
driven  forth  and  victory  secured;  and  booty  of  what- 
soever nature,  however  and  wherever  acquired,  must 
be  declared  before  the  proper  officers,  under  penalty 
of  death.  Any  captain  who  attacks  an  enemy  without 
orders  shall  be  put  to  death.5 

3 Such  are  in  substance  the  famous  regulations  of  Cortes.  The  document 
was  witnessed  on  the  22d  of  December  by  the  leading  officers,  before  Juan 
de  Ribera,  ‘notary  public  in  all  the  kingdoms  of  Spain,’ and  was  publicly 
read  at  the  review  of  the  troops,  the  26th,  by  Anton  Garcia,  crier.  The  full 
text  has  been  reproduced  in  Icazbalceta , Col.  Doc.,  i.  445-51,  and  Cories, 
Escrilos  Sueltos,  13-23,  owing  to  the  defects  of  the  copy  by  Prescott,  and  the 
briefness  and  blunders  of  earlier  references  to  it. 


564 


CONSTRUCTION  OF  THE  FLEET. 


Orders  were  also  issued  to  regulate  the  prices  of 
clothing  and  accoutrements,  which  were  excessive. 
In  order  to  enforce  the  necessary  respect  for  the 
regulations,  Cortes  punished  the  earlier  infringements 
with  a severity  even  in  excess  of  the  penalt}r  pro- 
claimed. Two  of  the  general’s  own  negro  slaves  were 
hanged  for  petty  theft,  and  a pilfering  soldier  was 
pardoned  only  when  half  strangled.6 

After  a fortnight  of  rest  and  preparation  Cortes 
concluded  to  resume  the  campaign,  partly  lest  a longer 
delay  should  cool  the  ardor  of  the  soldiers  and  allies. 
On  the  day  following  Christmas  the  troops  were  mus- 
tered for  review  in  the  main  square  of  Tlascala,  where 
Cortes  in  velvet-covered  mail  stood  surrounded  by 
the  royal  officials,  the  leading  chiefs  of  the  republic, 
and  a brilliant  suite.  First  marched  the  cross-bow- 
men  in  double  file,  who  at  a signal  discharged  their 
arms  aloft  and  passed  on  with  a salute.  After  them 
came  the  shield-bearers,  waving  their  swords,  which 
they  sheathed  after  saluting;  then  the  pikemen  with 
copper- headed  pikes,  followed  by  arquebusiers,  who 
saluted  with  a thundering  salvo  that  reechoed  along 
the  circling  hills  and  sent  a tremor  through  the 
crowd  of  native  spectators.  Last  came  the  cavalry, 
prancing  and  skirmishing  in  rapid  evolutions,  to  dis- 
play their  skill  as  fighters  and  riders,  and  to  dazzle 
the  beholders  with  their  glittering  arms  and  adorn- 
ment. The  total  force  consisted  of  five  hundred  and 
fifty  infantry,  divided  into  nine  companies,  and  forty 
cavalry  in  four  squads,  with  nine  small  pieces  of  artil- 
lery, eighty  cross-bows  and  arquebuses.7 

The  main  reliance  of  the  infantry  was  in  the  swords 
and  pikes,  the  long  Chinantec  poles  being  largely  in- 
troduced, even  among  the  allies,  and  made  effective 

c ‘ Quedb  tal,  que  no  boluio  en  si,  ni  pudo  tragar  en  vn  mes.’  Herrera, 
dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xx.  One  soldier  was  lashed  for  imposing  on  an  Indian, 
and  another  degraded. 

7 This  is  Cort6s’  own  account,  with  the  exception  that  he  gives  the  field- 
pieces  as  eight  or  nine.  Cartas,  165.  Gomara  says  540  infantry  and  nine  guns. 
Hist,  Mex.,  174.  Vetancurt  writes  six  guns,  which  may  be  a misprint. 
Teatro  Hex.,  pt.  iii.  150. 


REVIEW  OF  THE  FORCES. 


565 


by  long  drilling.  The  nucleus  of  the  troops,  whereon 
rested  the  highest  hopes,  was  of  course  the  horsemen, 
whose  safety  had  been  carefully  looked  to  by  providing 
the  steeds  with  poitrels,  and  side  and  quarter  coverings 
of  stout  bulls’-  hide,  reaching  to  the  hocks.  They 
were  fringed  with  small  pieces  of  iron  which  jingled 
like  bells,  and  were  supposed  to  add  to  the  terror  ever 
spread  by  these  animals  among  the  natives.8  The 
riders  were  equally  protected,  some  with  helmet  and 
body  mail  of  steel,  which  covered  even  the  limbs, 
leaving  the  wearer  vulnerable  only  at  the  joints.9 
Others  had  less  complete  mail,  while  many  possessed 
only  the  twisted  cotton  armor  worn  by  the  foot-sol- 
diers, though  this  was  sufficiently  effective  in  native 
warfare.  Thus  was  experience  rapidly  developing  the 
art  of  war  in  America. 

The  troops  having  fallen  into  line,  Cortds  advanced 
on  horseback  and  addressed  them.  They  had  mus- 
tered for  a most  important  enterprise,  to  recover  the 
rich  provinces  once  acquired  but  wrested  from  them 
by  treacherous  rebels,  to  elevate  the  holy  faith  in- 
sulted by  idolaters,  and  to  avenge  the  blood  of  cruelly 
murdered  friends  and  comrades.  “Just  are  the  reasons 
which  impel  us,”  cried  the  speaker,  “and  necessary  to 
our  security.  Spaniards!  God  has  ever  favored  you; 
therefore  be  fearless.  Let  your  conduct  be  such  as  to 
inspire  with  respect  and  confidence  our  stout  and  tried 
allies,  a hundred  thousand  and  more  of  whom  stand 
ready  and  eager  to  join  us.  What  more  can  Christian 
soldiers  desire  than  the  double  favors  which  God  here 
giveth  us,  rich  rewards  in  temporal  blessings  and  that 
glory  immortal  which  follows  victory?”  Thus  the 
astute  commander  stirred  the  hearts  of  his  men;  and 
believing  his  own  words,  was  himself  stirred  thereby. 
And  the  shout  came  back  to  him  that  they  would  re- 

8 ‘Anqueras,’  as  Spaniards  call  the  covering,  are  still  in  use  by  rich  horse- 
men in  Mexico,  highly  ornamented. 

9 Thompson  describes  the  armor  of  Alvarado  at  the  Mexico  museum.  It 
indicates  that  this  renowned  cavalier  was  a smaller  man  than  Cortes,  whom 
he  supposes  to  have  been  of  Napoleon’s  size.  Recol.  Mex. , 119. 


5GG 


CONSTRUCTION  OF  THE  FLEET. 


gain  the  lost  and  avenge  themselves  on  the  exultant 
Tenochtitlans.10 


pipes,  and  drums,  the  four  lords  at  thehead  richly  attired 
and  in  plumage  studded  with  precious  stones,  which 
rose  a yard  above  their  heads  in  variegated  colors,  de- 
noting their  rank  and  achievements.  Following  them 
were  four  squires  bearing  their  weapons,  and  the 
standard-bearers  of  the  respective  quarters.  Then 
in  files  of  twenty  deep  came  the  regular  warriors, 
divided  into  archers,  shieldmen,  and  pikemen,  and  into 
companies,  each  with  its  ensigns  and  musicians.  A 
striking  spectacle  they  presented  in  their  orderly  lines, 
gay  with  flowing  plumes,  glittering  arms,  and  many- 
colored  devices;  some  of  the  latter  displayed  on  a 
broad  plane  of  shields  extended;  others  embroidered 
on  the  quilted  cotton  tunics  of  leading  warriors.  All 
together  formed  a series  of  gay  streaks  broken  by 
wider  bronze-hued  masses  of  naked  rank  and  file,  while 
above  all  heads  rose  a profusion  of  feather-work 
banners,  speckled  with  brilliant  ornaments.11  These 
were  lowered  as  the  companies  passed  before  Cortes, 
who  doffed  his  cap  in  acknowledgment,  the  warriors 
responding  by  bending  the  head  and  discharging  their 
bows.  Their  number  on  this  occasion  has  been  es- 
timated as  high  as  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand, 
and  although  this  is  evidently  exaggerated,  there  is 
no  doubt  that  the  large  Tlascaltec  army  was  swelled 
by  companies  from  the  neighboring  provinces.12 

The  march  over,  Cortes  addressed  the  allies,  extol- 
ling their  deeds  which  had  covered  the  republic  with 

10  In  Cortis,  Cartas,  165-6,  are  given  the  main  points  of  the  speech,  too 
brief  evidently  for  Gomara,  who  fabricates  a verbose  spiritless  oration  accord- 
ing to  his  fancy,  Hist.  Mex.,  174-5,  while  shorter  versions  are  presented  by 
Ixtlilxochitl,  Oviedo,  Torquemada,  and  Clavigero. 

11  See  Native  Races,  ii.  405-12,  for  description  of  arms,  banners,  etc. 

12  Herrera,  who  objects  to  Ojeda’s  large  figure,  gives  60,000  archers,  40,000 
shieldmen,  and  10,000  pikemen,  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xx.,  and  this  Vetancurt 
accepts,  Teatro  Mex.,  pt.  iii.  150,  while  Solis  reduces  the  men  at  the  review 
to  10,000,  though  he  allows  over  60,000  to  join  the  march  the  following  day. 
Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  287-8. 


Not  to  be  outdone  by  foreigners,  next  morning  tin 
Tlascaltecs  marched  into  the  plazatothe  soundofconchs 


MARCH  TO  TEZMELUCA. 


5G7 


glory.  Soon  again  would  they  add  to  its  renown  and 
its  wealth,  while  avenging  ancient  wrongs.  He  would 
see  to  it  that  their  services  were  recognized  by  the 
emperor.  A small  proportion  would  accompany  him 
on  the  present  march;  the  remainder  could  follow 
after  the  completion  of  the  brigantines.13  In  orthodox 
cheers  the  native  warriors  testified  approbation.  Their 
general  then  spoke,  exhorting  them  ever  to  remember 
that  they  were  Tlascaltecs,  a name  of  terror  to  all 
foes.  Only  twenty  thousand  of  the  eager  republicans, 
including  some  ITuexotzincas  and  the  carriers,  were 
allowed  to  join  the  expedition,  for  more  could  not  be 
conveniently  used  during  the  preliminary  campaign. 
Their  general  was  Chichimecatl.14 

On  the  following  day,  the  28th  of  December, 
after  the  invocation  of  divine  aid,  and  midst  the  stir- 
ring strains  of  music,  the  army  filed  out  of  Tlascala, 
the  populace  lining  the  route  and  shouting  their, 
farewell  blessings.  “The  gods  grant  you  victory!” 
they  cried,  “and  successful  return.”  “There  go  the 
strong  ones  to  humble  the  proud,”  said  some,  while  of 
the  women  many  sobbed:  “Oh!  if  our  eyes  should 
never  behold  you  again!”  There  were  three  routes 
leading  into  the  lake  provinces,  two  of  them  tried 
already  during  former  marches;  but  since  the  enemy 
were  doubtless  on  the  alert  with  ambuscades  and 
other  measures,  it  was  deemed  best  to  select  the  third 
and  worst  road,  north  of  snow-crowned  Iztaccihuatl, 
by  which  an  approach  would  be  least  expected.15 

13  If  any  there  were  who  followed  not  of  their  free-will  they  should  remain 
behind.  He  had  enough  men  as  it  was.  The  lords  replied  that  they  would 
rather  be  drowned  in  the  lake  than  return  without  victory.  Torquemada,  i. 
526.  On  this  occasion  may  have  been  presented  to  the  Tlascaltec  battalion 
the  red  damask  banner,  bearing  on  one  side  the  crowned  image  of  the  virgin 
with  the  hands  uplifted  in  prayer,  and  on  the  other  the  royal  arms  of  Castile 
and  Leon,  a banner  which  Boturini  obtained  possession  of  with  proofs  of  its 
genuineness.  Ccitalogo,  75.  Yet  this  design  appears  to  belong  to  a standard 
borne  by  the  Spaniards  on  entering  the  conquered  Mexico. 

14  The  chief  motive  for  restricting  the  number  was,  according  to  Gomara, 
the  trouble  of  sustaining  them.  Hint.  Mex. , 176.  Bernal  Diaz  mentions  only 
10,000  warriors,  wherein  he  evidently  does  not  include  carriers,  llist.  Verdad., 
110.  Herrera  increases  the  number  to  80,000,  under  four  captains,  directed 
to  a certain  extent  by  Ojeda  and  Juan  Marquez,  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xx. 

lD‘Aeordede  entrar  por  esta  de  Tezmoluca,  porque..  .el  puerto  del  era 


568 


CONSTRUCTION  OF  THE  FLEET. 


This  led  through  Tczmeluca,16  a village  in  Iluexot- 
zinco,  six  leagues  from  Tlascala,  where  camp  was 
formed.  Here  began  a three -league  ascent  of  the 
pass,  and  the  Tezcucan  border  was  crossed  amidst  in- 
tense cold,  the  gradually  dwindling  vegetation  giving 
freer  scope  to  the  bleak  wind  which  came  whistling 
from  the  summits.  A league  farther  a convenient 
spot  was  found  for  a halt,  and  the  tired  and  shivering 
soldiers  were  soon  huddling  round  fires.  On  the 
following  day  a thick  pine  forest  was  entered,  and 
soon  after  the  road  was  found  blocked  with  felled 
trees.  This  created  no  little  stir  among  the  men, 
but  Cortes,  who  had  not  expected  an  unobstructed 
path,  sent  forward  a body  of  natives  to  clear  it.17 
With  forces  massed  and  arms  prepared,  Cortes  there- 
upon led  the  way,  and  in  half  a league  open  ground 
was  gained,  to  the  relief  of  all.  The  difficulties  of  the 
march  were  passed,  and  behind  the  army  now  lay  the 
grim  expanse  of  barren  rocks  and  hoary  peaks;  while 
beneath  a pale-blue  sky  they  descended  the  wooded 
slopes  to  the  valley  below,  rich  in  variegated  hues 
of  field  and  garden,  and  enlivened  with  the  gleaming 
white  of  human  habitation.  Beyond  spread  the  glassy 
surface  of  the  lakes,  bordered  on  the  farther  side  by  the 
misty  outline  of  low  ranges,  fading  in  the  distance  like 
the  glories  of  the  now  fading  empire.  The  queen  city 
was  the  theme,  however,  and  while  some  descanted 
to  late  recruits  on  its  wealth  and  beauties,  others 
stood  silently  gazing  on  the  spot  so  dimmed  with  sad 
remembrances.  Thus  pondering  on  the  past  they 
could  almost  hear  the  voices  of  fallen  comrades  call- 
ing on  them  for  vengeance,  and  “we  vowed,”  writes 

mas  agro  y fragoso.’  Cortfs,  Cartas,  167.  Yet  Lorenzana  adds  a note  of  ex- 
planation which  shows  that  he  misunderstands  the  text.  Ixtlilxochitl  calls 
the  road  Tlepehuacan.  Hist.  Chick,.,  306.  Through  the  Rio  Frio  Mountains. 
Chimalpain,  Hist.  Conq.,  ii.  19.  The  present  improved  road  from  Vera  Cruz 
to  Mexico.  Orozco  y Berra,  in  Noticias  Mex.,  255. 

1G‘Lugar  de  Enzinas.’  Herrera,  loc.  cit.  Now  San  Martin  Tezmeluca. 
Bustamante,  in  Chimalpain,  ubi  sup. 

17  Herrera  leaves  the  impression  that  a new  road  was  now  opened  to  escape 
the  entrenchments  and  traps  already  formed  by  the  enemy.  But  he  is  evi- 
dently wrong. 


ON  THE  WAY  TO  TEZCUCO. 


569 


Cortds,  “there  to  achieve  victory  or  perish.”18  As  if 
in  response  to  the  challenge,  ominous  smoke  columns 
rose  from  the  circling  heights,  the  signal  of  the  Mex- 
icans to  rouse  the  inhabitants  against  the  invaders. 

No  opposition  was  met  during  the  descent,  but 
beyond  a ravine,  on  level  ground,  forces  were  seen 
approaching  from  different  directions.19  By  a quick 
movement  Cortes  managed  to  leave  the  broken  ground 
and  gain  the  bridges  ere  the  foe  had  united.  Having 
now  a plain  before  them,  fifteen  of  the  horsemen 
charged  and  routed  the  main  body.  The  rest  dis- 
persed, with  the  Tlascaltecs  in  close  pursuit  to  kill 
and  ravage.  The  army  did  not  camp  till  they  reached 
the  deserted  Coatepec,  some  three  leagues  from  Tcz- 
cuco. 

Shortly  before  this  there  had  been  an  accession  in 
the  person  of  Ixtlilxochitl,23  the  ruler  of  the  northern 
part  of  Acolhuacan,  who  had  offered  his  friendship  to 
the  Spaniards  before  they  ever  entered  the  valley. 
His  faith  in  them  was  unshaken,  particular^  under 
the  aspect  of  their  late  successes,  and  he  came  to  re- 
new his  protestations,  assuring  Cortes  that  no  opposi- 
tion would  be  offered  at  Tezcuco.  He  gave  information 
about  the  political  feeling,  the  prospect  for  humbling 
the  hated  Aztecs,  and  the  fate  of  certain  small  bodies 
of  Spaniards  during  the  uprising.  He  also  stated  that 
Cuicuetzcatl  was  no  more.  While  at  Tepeaca,  Cortes 
had  sent  to  Cohuanacoch,  the  usurper  king  at  Tezcuco, 
an  Acolliua  noble,21  with  peaceful  proposals.  The  en- 
voy was  executed.  Not  long  after,  Cuicuetzcatl  set 
out  for  Tezcuco,  without  leave,  tired  as  he  was  of  the 
semi-captive  restraint  at  Tlascala,  and  confident  that 
with  the  aid  of  his  adherents  and  the  prestige  of 
Spanish  success  he  would  be  able  to  overthrow  his 

18  ‘ Prometimos  todos  de  nunca  dellas  salir  sin  victoria,  6 d£jar  alii  las  vidas.  ’ 
Cartas,  169.  ‘We  vowed,  if  God  gave  success,  to  act  better  in  besieging  the 
city.’  Bernal  Diaz,  IHst.  Verdad.,  119. 

19  Herrera  calls  them  100.000;  Vetancurt,  140,000. 

20 At  Tlepehuacan,  near  the  border.  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chick.,  306-7. 

21  Ixtlilxochitl  calls  him  in  one  place  the  brother  of  Cohuanacoch.  Id.,  299. 


570 


CONSTRUCTION  OF  THE  FLEET. 


usurping  brother  and  resume  the  sceptre  entrusted 
him  by  Montezuma  and  Cortes.  The  presence  of  so 
powerful  an  intriguer  in  the  capital  could  not  long 
escape  the  spies  of  Cohuanacoch,  who  had  him  seized, 
and  by  the  advice  of  Quauhtemotzin  summarily  re- 
moved from  his  path.22 

Although  fully  a hundred  thousand  warriors  were 
rumored  to  be  hovering  hereabout,  no  formidable  evi- 
dences of  hostility  were  encountered  during  the  march 
to  Tezcuco.  A short  distance  from  Coatepec  a pro- 
cession of  Acolhua  nobles  appeared,  headed  by  four 
prominent  personages,  and  bearing  a golden  banner  as 
a peace  offering.  They  came  in  the  name  of  Cohua- 
nacoch to  tender  his  submission  and  the  hospitality  of 
the  city,  with  the  request  that  no  ravages  be  com- 
mitted. After  what  he  had  learned  Cortes  could 
liardtylook  upon  their  master  as  other  than  an  inimical 
usurper,  whose  tardy  proffers  could  not  be  trusted,  and 
whose  opposition  need  not  be  feared.  He  accordingly 
received  the  message  coldly,  referred  to  the  treacherous 
slaughter  of  the  Yuste  party  of  fifty  Spaniards  and 
three  hundred  Tlascaltees,  and  demanded  that  at  least 
the  treasures  seized  on  that  occasion  should  be  restored ; 
failing  in  which,  a thousand  natives  should  die  for 
every  Spaniard  killed.  The  envoys  tremblingly  ex- 
plained that  the  outrage  had  been  committed  by  Zol- 
tepecs  at  the  instance  of  the  Aztec  ruler,  whose  men 
had  carried  off  the  valuables.  Still,  they  would  in- 
stitute a search.23 

Regardless  of  their  urgent  request  that  the  entry 
into  the  capital  should  be  deferred  till  quarters  had 
been  prepared,  Cortes  proceeded  through  the  outlying 
suburbs  of  Coatlichan  and  Huexotla,  where  the  chiefs 

22 ‘As  a spy,’ adds  Cortes,  Cartas,  176.  Ixtlilxochitl  states,  contrary  to 
Cortes,  that  this  general  sent  him  to  Tezcuco  on  the  same  errand  as  the  pre- 
vious envoy.  Hist.  Chich.,  306.  But  this  appears  a needless  exposure  of  an 
important  personage. 

23  Bernal  Diaz  states  that  Cortes  nevertheless  embraced  the  envoys,  three 
of  whom  were  relatives  of  Montezuma.  Hist.  Verdad.,  120. 


I 


QUARTERS  AT  TEZCUCO.  571 

came  forth  to  render  homage,  and  passed  on  Monday, 
the  31st  of  December,  into  Tezcuco,  which  was  for 
many  a month  to  be  his  ‘ halting-place,’  as  the  name 
signifies.24  Quarters  were  taken  up  in  Nezahualcoyotl’s 
palace,  as  the  largest  and  strongest  place.25 

Meanwhile  some  soldiers  who  had  ascended  a tower 
came  to  report  that  the  inhabitants  were  hurrying 
away  by  land  and  water.  Cortes  now  understood  why 
the  envoys  had  sought  to  detain  him  on  the  road,  and 
gave  immediate  orders  to  seize  the  ruler  and  as  many 
leading  men  as  possible.  It  was  too  late,  however. 
Cohuanacoch  had  escaped.  After  usurping  the  throne, 
combining  with  the  foes  of  the  Spaniards,  and  mur- 
dering the  ruler  appointed  by  them,  he  did  not  dare  to 
trust  himself  within  their  reach.  Hence,  as  the  in- 
vaders marched  in  he  embarked  for  Mexico  with  his 
family,  his  chief  adherents  and  treasures,  attended 
by  a fleet  of  canoes  wfith  fugitives  and  effects.  The 
anger  of  Cortds  at  this  escape  encouraged  the  pursu- 
ing troops  to  commit  certain  excesses;  and  in  this  they 
could  hardly  be  blamed,  for  in  one  of  the  temples 
were  found  relics  of  the  Yuste  party,  which  very  nat- 
urally fired  the  soldiers  with  a desire  for  vengeance.26 
Ixtlilxochitl  and  other  friendly  chiefs  implored  pity 
for  the  unoffending  inhabitants,  and  orders  were  issued 
in  accordance,  though  not  until  the  allies  had  sacked  a 
number  of  houses  and  fired  the  beautiful  Nezahualpilli 
palace  containing  the  national  archives.27 

Not  knowing  what  might  follow  this  exodus,  Cor- 
tes hastened  to  fortify  his  quarters  and  to  collect 
supplies,  aided  by  Ixtlilxochitl,  who  had  succeeded 
somewhat  in  reassuring  the  people.  In  order  to  re- 

21  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  214. 

25  Prescott  says  Nezahualpilli’s,  but  this  was  burned  at  this  very  time  ac- 
cording to  the  only  authority  on  the  point,  Ixtlilxochitl,  II or.  Ci~ueldades,  10. 
Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  assumes  that  the  allies  stayed  at  Huexotla,  which  is 
doubtful.  Hist.  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  402. 

26  The  stuffed  skins  of  the  five  horses  were  found,  and  other  things,  offered 
to  the  idol.  Cortes,  Cartas,  1S3.  Strange  that  the  Tezcucans  should  not  have 
removed  so  palpable  evidence  against  them. 

27 Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  300. 


572 


CONSTRUCTION  OF  THE  FLEET. 


store  confidence,  however,  and  win  the  inhabitants  to 
his  purposes,  he  saw  that  there  should  be  a recognized 
head,  with  influence  to  control  them,  and  one  whom 
he  could  trust.  The  former  necessity  demanded  that 
the  choice  should  be  made  among  the  brothers  of 
Cohuanacoch,  children  of  Nezahualpilli,  and  of  these 
Ixtlilxochitl  and  Tecocoltzin  were  the  only  professed 
friends  of  the  Spaniards.  The  latter  was  of  less  legit- 
imate birth,  it  seems,  than  some  of  the  brothers,  and 
a mere  youth,  who  had  shared  the  quasi  captivity  of 
Cuicuetzcatl,  and  had  accepted  baptism  with  the 
name  of  Fernando  Cortds  de  Monroy.28  He  was  tall 
and  well  formed,  of  noble  presence,  and  as  fair  as 
the  average  Spaniard.  Of  docile  disposition,  he  had 
readily  conformed  to  the  teachings  of  the  friars,  had 
adopted  Spanish  ideas,  and  had  become  a favorite 
among  the  conquerors.  It  may  be  readily  understood 
that  this  easily  ruled  boy  should  be  preferred  by  Cor- 
tes to  Ixtlilxochitl,  whose  stay  in  Tezcuco  during  the 
troublous  times  had  not  tended  to  strengthen  Spanish 
confidence. 

Cortds  summoned  the  chiefs  and  represented  that 
since  Cohuanacoch  had  forfeited  any  claims  that  he 
might  have  had  to  the  throne,  by  murdering  the 
lawfully  elected  king  and  by  abandoning  his  country, 
they  should  therefore  choose  another  ruler.  He 
took  care  that  his  selection  should  become  known  to 
them,  and  the  electors  hastened  to  conform  to  the 

2SReal  CCdula,  1551.  In  this  c6dula  are  named  a number  of  the  brothers, 
but  the  pagan  name  is  not  given  in  every  instance.  Bernal  Diaz  and  Torque- 
mada  confirm  this  baptismal  name  for  the  ruler  now  appointed ; Cortes  writes 
merely  Fernando;  Ixtlilxochitl  adds  Tecocoltzin;  Sahagun  gives  the  hitter 
name  and  calls  him  legitimate,  as  he  was  in  a certain  sense.  Hist.  Conq.  (ed. 
1840),  143.  Clavigero  calls  him  Fernando  Cort6s  Ixtlilxochitl;  Chimalpain 
interpolates  De  Alvarado  in  lieu  of  Cortes,  but  substitutes  Tecocoltzin  for 
Ixtlilxochitl  in  one  place.  Hist.  Conq.,  21,  55.  Vetancurt  evidently  accepts 
the  true  name,  but  applies  the  baptism  and  appointment  to  Ixtlilxochitl. 
Teatro  Mex. , pt.  iii.  152.  The  latter,  who  succeeded  to  the  Tezcucan  rulership 
toward  the  end  of  1521,  received  the  name  of  Fernando  Pimentel,  and  it  is 
this  similarity  of  the  first  name  that  has  led  to  the  pretty  general  confusion 
about  the  appointee.  Lockhart  actually  attempts  to  rectify  the  correct  state- 
ment of  Bernal  Diaz  with  a blunder,  Memoirs,  ii.  411;  and  Zamacois,  in  doing 
the  same  with  the  blundering  Solis,  gives  a long  note  amusingly  erroneous. 
Hist.  M<tj.,  iii.  585. 


PEACE  PROPOSALS. 


573 


conqueror’s  will,  not  even  Ixtlilxocliitl  venturing  to 
remonstrate.29 

Fernando  was  accordingly  brought  from  Tlascala 
soon  after  and  installed  with  great  ceremony,  receiving 
a Spanish  dress  with  arms.30  He  proved  kind  and 
faithful,  particularly  to  his  patrons,  yet  Cortbs  never 
relaxed  his  caution,  and  in  order  to  keep  him  under 
safe  surveillance  Antonio  de  Villareal  was  appointed 
his  tutor,  and  Bachiller  Escobar  captain  of  Tezcuco, 
while  Pedro  Sanchez  Farfan  and  his  brave  wife 
Maria  de  Estrada  also  remained  there.  This  recogni- 
tion of  an  esteemed  descendant  of  the  beloved  Neza- 
hualpilli,  and  the  just  and  moderate  conduct  of  the 
Spaniards,  served  to  reconcile  the  people,  who  speedily 
returned  to  their  homes  and  avocations.  The  caciques 
of  Coatlichan,  Huexotla,  and  Atenco  tendered  alle- 
giance within  three  days  of  the  Spanish  entry,  pro- 
testing that  their  hostility  had  been  wholly  compulsory. 

This  ready  submission  was  by  no  means  palatable 
to  Quauhtemotzin,  who  sent  messengers  to  stir  anew 
the  spirit  of  revolt,  while  preparing  to  strike  a blow. 
But  the  emissaries  were  promptly  surrendered  to 
the  Spaniards,  before  whom  they  pretended  to  be 
merely  peace  mediators.  It  pleased  Cortes  to  accept 
the  explanation,  and  after  treating  the  captives  with 
great  kindness  he  sent  them  back  to  Mexico  to  carry 
peace  proposals.  Those  who  had  been  the  chief  pro- 
moters of  the  late  uprising  were  now  dead,  and  it  was 
better  the  past  should  be  forgotten,  and  friendship 
established.  To  this  no  answer  was  vouchsafed. 

29  Ixtlilxochitl  states  not  wrongly  that  Tecocoltzin  was  chosen  by  general 
request,  hut  he  adds  that  while  the  political  horizon  was  so  cloudy  the 
electors  preferred  that  a legitimate  heir  like  Ixtlilxochitl  should  not  fill  so 
dangerous  a position ; nor  did  the  latter  care  to  rule  while  the  elder  brother 
lived.  Hist.  Chick.,  307;  II or.  Crueldacles,  11-13.  Pretty  good  excuse  for  a 
prince  who  forcibly  wrested  half  the  domain  from  Cacama.  Brasseur  de 
Bourbourg  assumes  that  he  feared  to  he  suspected  of  seeking  a Spanish  alli- 
ance merely  to  obtain  the  crown.  Hist.  Hat.  Civ. , iv.  409.  But  this  design 
he  had  long  harbored,  as  even  the  abbh  intimates  at  times.  He  no  doubt 
stood,  with  his  strong  character,  as  one  of  the  powers  behind  the  throne. 
Cohuanacoch  does  not  appear  to  have  had  much  influence. 

30  Solis  takes  this  opportunity  to  elaborate  a few  of  his  specimen  speeches. 

Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  315-16.  ‘ Fue  el  primero  <jue  cn  publico  en  Tezcuco  se  cash,  y 

velo.’  Vela.ccvrl,  Teatro  Mex.,  pt.  id.  152. 


574 


CONSTRUCTION  OF  THE  FLEET. 


No  hostile  demonstration  having  occurred  for  eight 
days  after  the  entry  into  Tezcuco,  Cortes  resolved  to 
waste  no  further  time  in  preparation,  but  to  begin  the 
campaign.  This  course  was  also  needed  to  maintain 
the  troops  in  activity,  to  encourage  them  with  spoils, 
and  to  save  the  friendly  Tezcucans  from  the  constant 
drain  of  providing  supplies.  Among  the  intended 
head-quarters  during  the  siege  of  Mexico  to  follow 
was  the  rich  and  beautiful  garden  city  of  Iztapalapan, 
close  to  the  southern  entrance  of  the  capital.  This 
was  an  advantageous  point,  through  which  a blow 
might  be  dealt  the  Mexicans  while  chastising  the 
town  itself  for  the  hostility  of  its  inhabitants  and 
their  late  ruler,  Cuitlahuatzin,  the  brother  and  suc- 
cessor of  Montezuma.  The  expedition  consisted  of 
eighteen  horse  and  two  hundred  foot,  with  a few 
thousand  Tlascaltecs  and  Tezcucans,31  headed  by  Cor- 
tes, Sandoval  remaining  in  charge  of  the  camp. 

Warned  by  the  movement,  the  inhabitants  began 
to  remove  their  families  and  valuables,  while  the 
warriors  marched  along  the  lake  shore  for  nearly  two 
leagues  to  meet  and  detain  the  invaders,  supported  by 
Aztec  forces  and  a fleet  of  canoes.  As  soon  as  the 
Spaniards  came  up  a lively  skirmish  ensued,  the 
warriors  being  obliged  to  retreat,  though  slowly, 
rallying  at  times,  when  the  nature  of  the  ground  per- 
mitted.32 Three  hours  of  fighting  brought  them  near 
the  town,  and  a final  assault  by  the  soldiers  effected 
an  entrance  and  forced  the  warriors  to  take  refuge  in 
canoes  and  houses.  The  first  comers  occupied  the 
upper  quarters,  the  others  continued  their  course 
toward  the  lake,  where  the  dwellings  stood  on  piles, 
cutting  down  every  person  encountered  in  the  streets. 
General  massacre  was  followed  by  pillage,  and  before 
nightfall  six  thousand  bodies  were  ready  for  the  funeral 

31  Bernal  Diaz  differs  somewhat,  and  gives  the  proportion  of  forces,  attended 
also  by  Alvarado  and  Olid.  Hist.  Verdad.,  121.  The  Tlascaltecs  numbered 
about  4000,  and  the  Tezcucans,  according  to  Ixtlilxoehitl,  from  4000  to  6000. 

32Gomara  assumes  that  they  sought  to  allure  the  Spaniards  into  the 
town.  Hist.  Mex.,  179. 


CUTTING  OF  THE  DIKE. 


575 


pyre.33  Suddenly  midst  the  work  of  destruction  Cor- 
tes observed  startling  signs  of  increasing  waters,  and 
soon  after  a Tezcucan  brought  word  that  the  dike 
shielding  the  town  on  the  west  had  been  cut.  In  their 
desperation  the  inhabitants  had  invoked  the  liood, 
whose  mercy  could  not  be  more  pitiless  than  the  in- 
vaders, while  it  might  assist  the  work  of  revenge.34 

The  opening  was  widening  every  moment.  No 
time  was  to  be  lost.  The  recall  was  sounded,  but 
with  the  people  so  scattered  it  took  some  time  to 
gather  them.  Staggering  under  the  weight  of  spoil 
they  fell  into  line,  their  march  being  dimly  lighted 
by  the  flames  behind  them.  The  flood  increased  so 
much  that  few  of  them  could  retain  their  burdens, 
and  near  the  opening  the  water  came  with  such  force 
as  to  make  the  passage  difficult.  Several  of  the 
allies  were  swept  away.  It  was  nine  o’clock  before 
the  last  of  the  troops  gained  the  high  land  beyond 
the  dike.  “A  delay  of  three  hours  longer,  and  none 
of  us  would  have  escaped,”  writes  Cortes.  Failing  in 
their  desperate  sacrifice  to  catch  the  invaders  in  the 
flooded  houses,  there  to  be  imprisoned  all  night  by  the 
rushing  waters,  the  enemy  were  at  hand  in  canoes  with 
early  dawn,  showering  missiles  and  sallying  against 
the  flanks  of  the  invaders.  The  Spaniards  could  only 
reply  with  sword  and  lance,  for  the  powder  was  wet, 
and  since  nothing  more  could  be  done  under  the  cir- 
cumstances, they  continued  the  retreat  to  Tezcuco. 
A number  of  allies  fell,  and  even  the  soldiers,  who 
had  suffered  no  casualties  in  the  capture  of  Izta- 
palapan,  now  lost  one  out  of  their  ranks.35 

N otwithstaD  ling  the  loss  of  booty  and  the  humili- 
ating retreat,  the  expedition  had  succeeded  in  its 

33  So  estimated  by  Cortes  and  others.  Herrera  reduces  it  to  5000. 

34  Cortes  states  that  he  saw  men  cutting  the  dike  as  he  entered  the  town, 

but  did  not  consider  the  significance  until  the  water  rose  and  recalled  it  to 
him.  Cartas , 174.  , 

35  So  says  Cortes,  while  Bernal  Diaz  assumes  that  two  men  and  one  horse 
were  lost,  he  himself  receiving  so  severe  a wound  in  the  throat  as  to  become 
an  invalid  for  some  time.  Hist.  Verdad..  121.  Solis  refers  to  the  affair  as  a 
glorious  victory. 


576 


CONSTRUCTION  OF  THE  FLEET. 


main  object,  to  inflict  a severe  lesson  on  the  foe  by 
desolating  one  of  the  finest  cities  in  the  valley,  at  the 
very  threshold  of  the  capital.  The  effect  was  noticed 
in  the  arrival,  the  day  after  the  return  to  Tezcuco,  of 
messengers  from  Otumba  and  several  adjacent  towns,36 
penitently  to  renew  their  allegiance,  which  was  never 
again  broken.  A number  of  other  towns  and  domains 
followed  the  example,  notably  Chaleo,  a large  and 
fertile  district  extending  round  Chaleo  Lake,  and 
toward  the  south-eastward.  It  had  fallen  from  the 
rank  of  an  independent  kingdom  to  that  of  a province 
tributary  to  the  Aztecs.  The  severity  of  its  task- 
masters kept  ever  smouldering  the  flame  of  revolt, 
and  deeply  the  people  sighed  for  deliverance.  Owing 
to  the  proximity  of  the  Mexicans  and  the  presence 
of  their  lawless  garrisons,  they  like  many  others  had 
not  before  ventured  to  cast  off  the  yoke,  but  with  the 
approach  of  the  Spaniards  they  gathered  courage,  and 
two  envoys  were  sent  to  implore  protection.37 

This  accorded  with  Cortes’  plans,  and  Sandoval  was 
instructed  to  assist  them.  His  first  order,  however, 
was  to  escort  to  Tlascala  with  twenty  horsemen  and 
two  hundred  infantry  the  carriers,  together  with  a 
number  of  warriors,  who  desired  to  return  home  with 
the  booty  so  far  acquired.  Fresh  supplies  were  like- 
wise desired,  and  communication  with  Villa  Rica  must 
be  kept  open.  They  had  not  proceeded  far  before 
the  Tlascaltecs,  who  had  hastened  in  advance  of  the 
Spanish  main  body,  found  themselves  attacked  by  a 
large  force,  which  slew  a number  and  captured  the 
carriers’  train.  Sandoval  routed  the  assailants  and 
recaptured  most  of  the  booty.38 

36  Four,  says  Cortes,  and  Lorenzana  enumerates  several  which  may  have 
embraced  them.  Hist.  N.  Esp.,  19G.  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  confounds  some 
with  southern  Chaleo  towns. 

37  Duran  states  that  the  Chalcans  had  sent  presents  with  offers  of  alliance 
before  the  Spaniards  crossed  the  mountain  border.  Hist.  Ind.,  MS.,  ii.  491. 
But  this  is  doubtful.  Ixtlilxochitl  assumes  that  they  appealed  first  to  his 
namesake,  as  their  suzerain,  and  he  advised  submission  to  Cortds.  Mizquic 
and  Cuitlahuac  appear  to  have  joined  in  the  submission. 

3“  Bernal  Diaz  writes  that  two  archers  fell  and  seven  of  the  foe.  Owing 


TENDERS  OF  ALLEGIANCE. 


577 


From  Tlascala  Sandoval  turned  to  Chaleo.  In 
certain  maizefields  in  front  of  the  capital  the  Mexi- 
cans stood  prepared  with  twelve  thousand  warrriors 
to  dispute  possession.  lie  charged  them  at  the  head 
of  his  cavalry,  but,  though  yielding  for  a moment, 
they  rallied  and  with  their  long  pikes  compelled  him 
to  fall  back  upon  the  infantry  and  allies.  The  second 
charge  was  more  successful,  and  within  two  hours  the 
foe  was  in  flight,  during  which  large  numbers  were 
slaughtered  and  some  captives  taken,  including  three 
leading  men,  while  but  few  of  the  Spaniards  were  even 
wounded. 

The  Chalcans  came  forth  to  tender  an  ovation, 
and  the  two  young  rulers  Acazitzin  and  Omacat- 
zin35  accompanied  the  troops  to  personally  offer  alle- 
giance to  Cortes,  together  with  some  small  presents. 
Their  father  had  always  admired  the  Spaniards  and 
sought  to  serve  them,40  and  on  his  death-bed,  during 
the  late  small-pox  epidemic,  he  had  recommended 
them  and  their  counsellors  to  submit  to  the  white 
chief,  for  to  him  and  his  children  of  the  sun  did 
prophecy  point  as  rulers  of  that  land.  So  im- 
portant an  accession  gave  no  little  pleasure  to  Cortes, 
who  treated  the  young  prisoners  with  every  con- 
sideration. At  their  own  request  he  confirmed  them 
in  the  lordship,  assigning  to  the  eldest  Chaleo  city, 
with  more  than  half  the  towns  in  the  province,  while 
the  younger  received  Tlalmanalco  and  Chimalhuacan, 
with  Ayotzinco  and  other  places  subject  to  them.41 

The  eight  captives  were  kindly  treated,  and  sent  to 


to  this  incident  Sandoval  left  orders  that  no  reenforcements  from  Villa  Rica 
should  advance  beyond  Tlascala  till  further  orders.  Hist.  Verdad.,  122.  Pres- 
cott wrongly  assumes  that  this  attack  occurred  on  the  march  to  Chaleo. 

3a  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chick.  314.  On  another  page,  307,  he  names  Oma- 
catzin  and  four  other  caciques,  and  Chimalpain,  several  others,  Hist.  Cunq., 
3G-7 ; but  they  appear  nearly  all  to  be  sub-caciques.  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg 
calls  the  first  lord  itzeahuatzin. 

40  He  had  served  the  Spaniards  during  the  late  uprising.  Cortds,  Cartas, 
178-9. 

41  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  123;  Clavigero,  Storia  Mess.,  iii.  174.  After 
taking  them  back  to  Chaleo,  Sandoval  escorted  from  Tlascala  some  Spaniards 
and  Don  Fernando,  the  new  ruler  of  Tezcuco. 

Hist.  Met.,  Vol.  I.  37 


573 


CONSTRUCTION  OF  THE  FLEET. 


Mexico  with  peace  proposals  similar  to  those  trans- 
mitted by  the  former  captors;  but  there  came  no 
reply.  The  secession  of  Chaleo  was  a blow  to  the 
Mexicans  even  more  severe  than  the  capture  of  Izta- 
palapan,  owing  to  the  bad  example  to  submissive  and 
wavering  provinces,  and  Quauhtemotzin  hastened  with 
allurements  and  threats  to  reimpress  upon  them  the 
necessity  for  remaining  true  to  the  empire.  These 
messages  were  also  sent  to  the  towns  round  Tezcuco; 
and  the  caciques  of  Coatlichan  and  Huexotla  came  to 
the  Spanish  camp  in  great  distress,  to  say  that  all 
JMexico  was  coming  upon  them.  They  were  doubtful 
whether  to  flee  to  the  mountains  or  come  to  Tezcuco. 
They  were  reassured  and  promised  succor  when  re- 
quired; meanwhile  they  must  entrench  themselves 
and  prepare  the  warriors.  The  Mexicans  did  little, 
however,  beyond  making  raids  on  farms  and  stragglers 
from  two  towns,42  wherein  they  were  entrenched,  not 
far  from  Tezcuco.  This  attack  on  the  larder  of  the 
army  could  not  be  endured,  and  Cortes  went  forth 
on  two  occasions  to  secure  the  threatened  crops  for 
himself,  driving1  off  a force  of  marauders  who  had 
come  with  quite  a fleet  in  the  expectation  of  a fine 
harvest,  and  capturing  their  strongholds  on  the  lake.43 

All  this  made  communication  with  Tlascala  in- 
secure, and  on  last  leaving  that  province  Sandoval 
had  strictly  forbidden  any  one  to  cross  to  Tezcuco 
without  a permit.  It  so  happened  that  a vessel  ar- 
rived at  Villa  Rica  with  over  thirty  soldiers,  besides 
the  crew,  eight  horses,  and  a quantity  of  war  stores. 
Knowing  how  pleased  Cortds  would  be,  a young  sol- 
dier broke  the  rules,  adventured  his  life,  and  carried 
the  tidings  to  the  general,  who  freely  forgave  the 
disobedience  of  orders.  This  young  cavalier  also  re- 

42  Chimalpain  names  Chimalhuackn,  Chitlaliuaca,  and  Cliicoaloapan.  Hist. 
Conq.,  ii.  24. 

43  Some  of  the  raided  fields  were  Mexico  temple  properties.  One  Spaniard 
was  killed  and  twelve  wounded,  while  the  Mexicans  lost  over  a dozen,  besides 
a number  of  prisoners.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad. , 122-3.  The  caciques  of 
the  captured  strongholds  came  now  to  submit.  The  Aztecs  recaptured  them, 
and  had  again  to  be  driven  forth.  Cortes,  Cartas,  180-1;  Torguemada,  i.  529. 


BRINGING  DOWN  THE  SHIPS. 


579 


ported  that  the  brigantines  were  completed  and  ready 
for  transport.  Since  siege  operations  could  not  begin 
until  the  brigantines  were  floated  on  Tezcuco  Lake,  no 
time  was  to  be  lost,  and  Sandoval  received  orders  to 
proceed  at  once  to  Tlascala  and  convoy  the  precious 
train.  In  going  he  must  pass  through  Zoltepec,  five 
leagues  distant,  near  the  eastern  border  of  Acolhua- 
can,  and  there  inflict  chastisement  for  the  murder  of 
the  Yuste  party  during  the  late  uprising. 

Sandoval  set  out  with  fifteen  horse  and  two  hun- 
dred foot.  On  the  way  a house  was  passed  bearing 
upon  its  wall  the  touching  inscription,  “Herein  the 
unhappy  Juan  Yuste  was  a prisoner.”  The  inhabi- 
tants of  Zoltepec,  henceforth  termed  ‘ pueblo  Morisco,’ 
had  long  expected  this  descent,  and  no  sooner  did  the 
party  appear  in  sight  than  they  hastened  to  the  moun- 
tains. One  body  of  soldiers  entered  the  town  to  plun- 
der, and  found  among  other  things  relics  of  the  dress, 
arms,  and  accoutrements  of  their  slain  comrades  in 
one  of  the  temples.44  Another  body  pursued  the 
fugitives,  killing  a few  and  capturing  a large  number, 
chiefly  women,  who  were  enslaved.  Their  pleading  so 
moved  the  heart  of  Sandoval  that  he  issued  a pardon 
to  those  who  had  escaped. 

Meanwhile  Martin  Lopez,  the  master  shipwright  in 
Tlascala,  had  arranged  for  the  transportation  of  the 
brigantines.  A trial  launch  had  been  made  of  one  or 
two  above  a dam  thrown  across  Zaliuatl  River,4j  and 
this  proving  satisfactory  they  were  broken  up.  Upon 
the  shoulders  of  eight  thousand  carriers  were  now 
loaded  the  separate  pieces  of  timber  and  planks,  duly 
marked  and  numbered  for  fitting  them  together;  also 
the  spars,  cordage,  sails,  together  with  a quantity  of 

44  ‘ Dos  caras  que  auian  desollado . . . quatro  cueros  de  cauallos  curtidos . . . 
muchos  vestidos  de  los  Espafioles  q auia  muerto.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hint.  Ver- 
dad.,  124. 

45  Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  i.  cap.  v. , intimates  that  all  were  launched,  as  do 
Camargo,  Prescott,  and  others,  but  Torquemada  observes  that  it  would  have 
been  needless  injury  to  the  timbers  to  put  all  together.  Besides,  all  were 
made  on  one  or  two  models,  the  different  pieces  being  shaped  in  exact  imita- 
tion of  those  for  the  models. 


580 


CONSTRUCTION  OF  THE  FLEET. 


ammunition,  two  heavy  guns,  and  other  effects.40  Gayly 
they  bent  to  the  burden  wherein  lay  enginery  so  por- 
tentous for  the  destruction  of  the  hated  Aztecs.  The 
caravan  set  forth,  escorted  by  a large  force  of  warriors, 
and  halted  at  Hueyotlipan  to  await  the  Spanish  con- 
voy. After  a time  the  Tlascaltecs  became  impatient, 
and  regardless  of  warnings  proceeded.  While  en- 
camped near  the  border  an  alarm  was  raised,  and 
tumultuously  the  warriors  rushed  to  arms  to  protect 
a portion  at  least  of  the  train  which  had  cost  such 
labor  and  embodied  such  hopes.  The  next  moment  a 
cheer  was  heard.  It  was  Sandoval  and  his  men. 

With  this  new  protection  many  of  the  Tlascaltec 
escort  could  be  dismissed,  and  the  remaining  twenty 
thousand  were  redistributed,  the  rear  beings  assigned 
to  the  leading  chief,  Chichimecatl,  and  the  flanks  to 
Axotecatl  and  Teotepil.47 

It  was  a strange  sight  in  those  parts,  this  serpentine 
procession  as  it  wound  its  wa}7  across  the  Tezcucan 
border,  along  the  narrow  defiles  of  the  mountains,48 
extending  two  miles  from  front  to  rear,  it  is  said.  A 

40  Ojeda,  who  appears  to  have  rendered  great  service  as  interpreter  and  in 
controlling  the  Tlascaltecs,  was  soon  after  rewarded  with  what  he  terms  a 
generalship  over  all  the  auxiliaries  under  CortOs.  Herrera  makes  a special 
later  expedition  of  5000  Tlascaltecs  convey  the  guns  and  other  effects,  carried 
in  wooden  beds  by  relays  of  twenty  natives  for  each.  dec.  iii.  lib.  i.  cap.  vi. 

47  The  names  are  written  in  different  ways  by  different  authors.  The 
former  is  probably  identical  with  the  chief  of  Atlihuetzian,  who  afterward 
killed  his  two  sons  for  becoming  Christians,  says  Clavigero,  Storia,  Mess. , iii. 
17G.  Chimalpain  calls  them  brothers.  Hist.  Conq.,  ii.  26.  Camargo,  followed 
by  Herrera,  assumes  that  the  original  native  force  was  180,000.  Gomara  and 
Ixtlilxochitl  allow  20,000  to  have  been  retained,  besides  carriers;  others  give 
each  of  the  chiefs  10,000  men,  while  Bernal  Diaz,  who  as  a rule  seeks  to  ignore 
the  value  of  native  aid,  reduces  the  number  to  8000  warriors  and  2000  carriers. 
Chichimecatl  became  quite  indignant  at  finding  himself  removed  from  the  van. 
He  was  a lord  of  Tlascala,  and  had  ever  been  accustomed  to  posts  of  honor  and 
danger.  ‘For  this  very  reason,’  replied  Sandoval,  ‘have  I placed  you  in  the 
rear,  for  there  the  foe  will  be  most  likely  to  attack.’  Though  mollified  in  the 
main,  Chichimecatl  still  grumbled,  and  considered  his  army  sufficient  to  guard 
the  rear  without  the  aid  of  the  Spanish  force  attached  to  his.  Sandoval  no 
doubt  took  the  van,  though  Bernal  Diaz  states  that  he  joined  the  rear.  Hist. 
Venlad.,  124.  Cortes  implies  that  the  change  was  owing  to  the  risk,  in  case 
of  attack,  to  have  in  the  van  the  cumbersome  timber  under  Chichimecatl’s 
care.  Cartas,  184-5.  Chimalpain  supposes  that  the  chief  carried  his  points. 
Hist.  Conq. . ii.  27. 

48  North  of  Telapon,  as  the  easiest  route,  is  the  supposition  of  Orozco  y 
Berra,  in  Noticias  Mex. , 256. 


IN  THE  SHIP-YARDS. 


581 


fleet  impelled  by  human  agencies  over  mountain  and 
plain,  through  forest  and  dale,  it  was  indeed  a “cosa 
inara  villosa,”  as  Cortes  expresses  it.  The  feat  of 
Vasco  Nunez  stood  repeated,  but  magnified  in  some 
respects,  in  the  number  of  the  vessels,  in  the  distance 
of  the  journey,  the  lurking  foe  being  ever  present, 
and  in  the  audacity  of  purpose,  the  subjugation  of 
the  proudest  metropolis  on  all  this  vast  continent. 
And  great  was  the  rejoicing  at  Tezcuco  as  the  caravan 
came  in  sight  on  the  fourth  day,  arrayed  in  gala  attire, 
with  brightly  gleaming  devices  and  ornaments,  and 
waving  plumage,  advancing  in  one  long  line  to  in- 
spiring music.  With  a large  retinue,  also  in  gala 
dress,  Cortes  went  forth  to  meet  them,  and  as  the 
procession  passed  into  the  city  the  Tlascaltecs  rolled 
forth  their  newly  acquired  Spanish  vivas:  “Viva  el 
Emperador!”  “Viva  Malinche!”  “Castilla!”  “ Tlas- 
cala,  Tlascala,  Castilla!”  The  march  past  occupied  six 
hours,  says  Cortes.  Ship-yards  were  prepared  for  the 
vessels  on  the  border  of  a creek  or  irrigation  canal, 
which  had  been  deepened  and  widened  for  nearly  half 
a league,  fortified  in  places  with  timber  and  masonry, 
and  provided  with  dams  and  locks.  This  labor  had 
occupied  eight  thousand  Tezcucans  fifty  days.49 


49‘Hizieron  la  quatro  cientos  mil  hombres.’  Gomara,  / list.  Mex. , 191. 
That  is,  8000  fresh  men  daily  for  50  days,  to  judge  by  the  figure.  Ixtlil- 
xochitl  fails  not  to  adopt  a number  which  speaks  so  well  for  the  size  of  his 
province.  Hist.  Chich.,  307;  Eelaciones,  416.  ‘La  zanja  tenia  mas  de  dos 
estados  de  hondura  y otros  tantos  de  anchura,  y iba  toda  chapada  y estacada.  ’ 
Cortes,  Cartas,  206.  Bustamante  claims  to  have  seen  traces  of  it,  Sahagun, 
Hist.  Conq.,  66-7,  as  did  Lorenzaua  in  his  time.  Cortes,  Hist.  N.  Esp. , 234. 
For  the  caulking  of  the  vessels  cotton  was  also  used,  and  for  want  of  grease, 
human  fat  was  obtained  from  slain  enemies,  writes  Gomara.  Oidor  Zuazo 
was  assured  of  this  pagan  consecration  for  the  fleet.  This  has  been  denied 
by  others,  observes  Oviedo,  iii.  423-4 ; but  there  is  nothing  improbable  in  a 
partial  use  thereof,  for  human  fat  had  been  frequently  used  in  other  cases,  as 
Cortes  admits.  Additional  timber  was  obtained  in  Tolantzinco,  says  Ixtiil- 
xochitl. 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 


PRELIMINARY  CAMPAIGNS. 

March -May,  1521. 

Plan  for  the  Investment  of  Mexico — Reconnoitring  Tottr  round  the 
Lake — Cortes  in  Command — Alvarado  and  Olid  Accompany — They 
Proceed  Northward  from  Tezcuco — Capture  of  Cities  and  Strong- 
holds— Xaltocan,  Quauiititlan,  Tenayocan,  Azcapuzalco,  Tlacopan, 
and  back  to  Tezcuco — Chalco  Disturbed — Peace  Proposals  Sent 
to  Mexico — Further  Reconnoissance  of  the  Lake  Region — Many 
Battles  and  Victories — Quauhnahuac  Captured— Burning  of  Xoch- 
imilco — Second  Return  to  Tezcuco — Conspiracy. 


The  arrival  at  Tezcuco  of  the  brigantines  recalled 
the  necessity  for  planning  the  investment  of  Mexico, 
and  this  involved  a reconnoitring  tour  round  the  lake, 
for  which  the  Tlascaltecs  in  particular  were  importu- 
nate. Chichimecatl  pressed  this  measure  the  moment 
he  arrived  at  Tezcuco.  He  had  come  to  serve  the 
emperor,  to  join  the  Spaniards  in  avenging  their  fallen 
countrymen.  Cortes  expressed  appreciation  of  his 
zeal,  “but  rest  now,”  he  said,  “for  soon  you  shall 
have  your  hands  full.”  A few  days  later  the  general 
set  out  from  Tezcuco  with  twenty-five  horse,  three 
hundred  foot-soldiers,  twenty-five  archers  and  cross- 
bowmen, and  over  thirty  thousand  allies,  chiefly  Tlas- 
caltecs, with  a number  of  Tezcucans.  Among  the  war 
material  were  six  field -pieces.1  Alvarado  and  Olid 
accompanied  the  expedition,  and  also  a number  of  the 
Tezcucan  leaders,  partly  as  hostages,  while  Sandoval 
remained  in  charge.  A northward  course  was  taken, 

1 This  is  according  to  Cortes ; others  differ  slightly,  and  Ixtlilxochitl  in- 
creases the  Tezcucan  force  to  00,000.  lior.  Crueldades,  13. 


(582) 


CAPTURE  OF  TOWNS. 


CSS 


though  the  aim  and  destination  were  divulged  to  but 
a few,  owing  to  the  distrust  still  entertained  of  the 
Tezcucans. 

On  the  Tecama  Plain,  four  miles  from  Tezcuco, 
a hostile  force  approached,  probably  by  accident. 
After  routing  them  the  army  encamped.  The  fol- 
lowing day  they  proceeded  to  Xaltocan,* 2  a prominent! 


jtoca  o Xilotzinco 
c°jOoZuinpaiigp 
y jLnJ^T"  oXoloc 
^jjZumpango 

PNXaltoean 


A '<5^ 

Aztaquemecan  ? 

4'§ 

0 Z&cambleo 


Luhtiiian  o"  #f 
^Touculhim./un 


AifcShi'iaii 


.Atencoyo 


— -<•  ptoncApolcoV,V^i 

Azb  up  u za  1 

V’  M jiM  : TCv 

. fLACpPAN.V^'o' 

^ .sPo  pollan  ve 


Lalce 

iTepcyacac 

Tezcuco^. 


■ .PHuexotla 

oCoatlichan 


^ Aelapon 


iTenochtitl? 


oc/  A ^ • 

_^l*tapalapan. 

AexicaUzinco 

CuHiuacan 


ltio  Prio 


^el°  Hv  i fe,  %w. 

oAjuzco  AAAquir\-i 

Ayot^y\T,  ^taccjhu^ 

^oleo  AUTuana.eo  O q g|g 

C.u/.ael3Iarques  Teoanco°V^v^  0 Amuqueinccan  ’ 

Ithualco 


Tolu. a 


pwf^fSi 


Cliinialhuacan 


Tlayacapan 


/ Quauhnahuao 

t 1! 0 a nr 


vYueapiclitla 


Tepoxtlan 


Yauhtepec 


The  Valley  of  Mexico. 


2 From  tocntl  and  xal,  spider  and  sand.  Chimalpain,  Hist.  Conq. , ii.  29.  The 
lake  in  which  it  lies  is  divided  about  the  centre  by  an  artificial  causeway 
a /out  one  league  long,  running  from  east  to  west,  the  southern  water  being 
now  known  as  San  Cristobal  Ecatepec,  from  the  town  of  that  name,  and  thu 
northern  -water  as  Xaltocan  or  Tomanitla,  San  Cristobal  being  also  the  general 
term  for  both  waters. 


584 


PRELIMINARY  CAMPAIGNS. 


town  situated  on  an  island  in  the  northern  end  of  the 
lake  bearing  that  name.  Once  the  capital  succes- 
sively of  a Toltec,  Otonn,  and  Chichimec  principality, 
it  had  succumbed  to  the  vicissitudes  of  political  revo- 
lution and  wars,  and  was  at  present  one  of  the  chief 
strongholds  belonging  to  the  tripartite  power  in  the 
valley.  It  was  approached  by  a causeway  provided 
with  breastworks  and  drawbridges. 

The  intention  of  the  army  had  been  surmised,  so 
that  preparations  were  made  in  every  direction  to  re- 
sist an  entry,  and  the  water  swarmed  with  canoes.  In 
advancing  along  the  causeway  a tempest  of  stones, 
arrows,  and  darts  came  upon  them  from  both  sides, 
while  hampered  on  a narrow  road,  hemmed  in  by 
the  waters,  and  able  to  do  little  against  the  float- 
ing enemy,  who  were  comparatively  safe  behind  the 
bulwarks  fitted  to  their  canoes.  Advance  was  soon 
stopped  by  the  first  trench  in  the  causeway,  not  only 
wide  and  deep,  but  protected  on  the  farther  side  by 
strong  breastworks.  The  situation  was  embarrassing. 
Falling  back  a little,  with  the  loss  of  one  man,  the 
guns  were  brought  forward  to  protect  the  allies  while 
filling  the  gap;  but  at  this  juncture  two  Tezcucans 
informed  Cortes  that  they  could  guide  him  across  by 
a fordable  passage. 

The  offer  was  eagerly  accepted,  and  while  a part  of 
the  forces  attracted  the  foe  to  the  causeway,  and  the 
horses  covered  the  rear,  Cortes  led  another  party  by 
the  ford.  The  watei  reached  only  to  the  waist,  and 
though  the  enemy  hastened  forward,  resistance  was 
in  vain,  and  soon  the  town  was  reached,  and  all  who 
had  not  escaped  immediately  surrendered.  Good 
spoils  were  secured  of  fabrics  and  other  merchandise, 
as  well  as  some  gold.  Since  , the  canoe  fleet  might 
attempt  a night  attack,  it  was  not  considered  safe  to 
camp  on  the  island,  and  as  the  army  withdrew  to  the 
plain  one  league  beyond,  a part  of  the  town  was  fired, 
in  further  warning.  Xaltocan  had  more  than  once 
before  risen  from  her  ashes,  but  these  were  the  flames 


CORTllS  PONDERS. 


5S3 


of  her  funeral  pyre.  She  never  assumed  importance 
again,  and  is  now  but  a pretty  village. 

The  next  camp  was  formed  in  Quauhtitlan,  “a  large 
and  beautiful  city,”  as  Cortes  calls  it,  which  was  found 
deserted.  Thence  they  followed  the  route  which  had 
been  taken  after  that  night  of  ineffaceable  horrors,  when 
the  foe  seemed  to  fill  the  air  and  beat  their  faces  in  the 
blackness  like  the  birds  of  Avernus,  cutting  off  the 
stragglers  faint  with  wounds  and  hunger,  and  sending 
terror  to  the  hearts  of  the  bravest.  Now  they  came 
in  confident  strength,  yet  again  the  foe  hovered  round, 
though  only  at  a distance,  along  the  safe  hill  slopes, 
while  from  the  summits  rose  pillars  of  smoke  to  pro- 
claim the  coming  of  the  avengers.  They  passed 
through  Tenayocan,  once  the  capital  of  the  Chicliimec 
empire,  and  now  renowned  only  for  the  immense 
serpent  idols  in  its  temple,  from  which  the  Spaniards 
called  it  El  Pueblo  de  los  Sierpes.  Thence  to  Azca- 
puzalco,  the  former  proud  seat  of  the  Tepanec  kings.3 

No  resistance  being  offered  at  any  of  these  towns, 
they  were  spared  the  brand,  whereat  the  disappointed 
sackcrs  felt  aggrieved.  As  the  army  neared  Tlaco- 
pan  a large  opposing  body  appeared,  which  was  rein- 
forced by  warriors  from  the  towns  thereabout  and 
from  Mexico.  The  ground  being  level,  the  cavalry 
easily  broke  through  their  lines,  and  the  infantry  com- 
pleted the  rout,  pursuing  them  into  the  city.  After 
clearing  the  greater  number  of  streets  from  foes,  camp 
was  formed  in  the  palace. 

There  was  hardly  any  evidence  of  the  late  ravages 
to  which  Mexico  and  its  approaches  had  been  exposed 
during  Spanish  occupation,  and  Cortes  saw  that  it 
would  be  no  easy  matter  to  besiege  such  a stronghold, 
or  series  of  strongholds,  as  the  massive  buildings  may 
be  termed,  held  as  they  were  by  so  obstinate  a people 
as  the  Aztecs,  with  whom'  any  trifling  or  imaginary 
success  seemed  to  efface  the  effect  of  continual  defeats. 

The  prospect  was  not  encouraging,  and  as  he  looked 

8 See  Native  Races,  ii.  v. 


586 


PRELIMINARY  CAMPAIGNS. 


at  the  causeway  full  of  those  pitfalls  which  had  de- 
feated his  high  purposes,  gloomy  thoughts  filled  his 
breast.  “Why  so  sad,  your  worship?”  broke  in  a 
cavalier.4  “Yours  was  not  the  fault,  and  never  will 
you  be  compared  with  heartless  Nero.”  “I  am  not 
thinking  of  that  sorrow  alone,”  said  Cortes,  “but  of 
the  struggles  yet  required  to  achieve  the  mastery. 
Still  with  God’s  approval  we  will  soon  attempt  it.”5 

In  the  morning  hostile  forces  again  appeared,  only 
to  be  driven  back,  whereupon  the  allies  dispersed  to 
sack  and  fire,  with  the  determination  to  avenge  the 
attack  made  upon  them  during  the  flight  from 
Mexico.  “And  in  this  they  used  such  diligence,” 
writes  Cortes,  “that  even  our  quarters  were  endan- 
gered.” The  general  was  nothing  loath  to  see  the 
flames,  for  it  suited  his  plans  not  only  to  chastise  the 
people,  but  to  render  the  place  less  strong  in  view  of 
later  operation ; furthermore,  it  was  no  easy  matter  to 
restrain  the  Tlascaltecs.  Next  day  the  enemy  came 
again  in  force,  but  this  time  they  waited  not  to  be 
routed.  They  retired  steadily  to  and  along  the  cause- 
wTay  to  Mexico,  drawing  the  Spaniards  after  them.  It 
was  the  very  spot  where  they  had  suffered  so  severely 
the  year  before.  Cortes  had  led  the  cavalry  far  along 
the  causeway  and  across  one  bridge,  when  the  Mexi- 
cans with  inspiring  shouts  and  doubled  force  came 
rolling  back  on  front  and  flank,  from  houses  and 
lanes,  thrusting  with  pikes  and  striking  with  swords, 

4Bacliiller  Alonso  Perez,  afterward  fiscal  of  Mexico.  Bernal  Diaz>  Hint . 
Verdad. , 135. 

5 This  incident  was  commemorated  by  some  poetic  follower  in  a ballad 
which  became  a favorite  with  the  conquerors : 

En  Tacuba  est.i  Cort's, 

Con  su  esquadron  esfor^ado, 

Triste  estaua,  y muy  penoso, 

Triste,  y con  gran  cuidado, 

La  vna  mano  en  la  moxilla, 

Y la  otra  en  el  costado. 

Which  may  be  translated  literally : 

In  Tacuba  stands  Cort's, 

With  his  troopers  strong  and  brave:  * . 

*.  Sad  he  was  and  deeply  grave; 

Sad,  and  heavily  oppressed. 

With  one  hand  his  cheek  he  pressed; 

Against  his  6ide,  tne  otiier. 


SINGLE  COMEATS. 


5S7 


tlie  roofs  meanwhile  swarm  inn  with  si  infers.  Cortes 
quickly  sounded  retreat,  and  the  troops  retired,  but 
the  onslaught  had  been  tremendous,  and  it  required 
no  small  effort  to  stay  themselves.  Almost  every  one 
was  wounded,  it  is  said,  and  several  fatally.  In  cross- 
ing the  bridge  Alferez  Juan  Yolante  was  knocked 
into  the  water.  Several  canoe-men  seized  him,  but 
he  was  a powerful  fellow,  and  with  the  strength  of 
desperation  he  shook  them  off  and  sprang  back  to  his 
comrades  with  his  banner.  Cortes  made  repeated 
charges  with  the  horses  to  relieve  the  pressed  foot- 
soldiers,  till  open  ground  was  gained  and  the  danger 
past.6 

On  the  following  days  the  Mexicans  sought  to  re- 
peat their  manoeuvres,  but  Cortes  was  more  prudent, 
and  covered  his  rear  carefully  as  he  advanced.  Ob- 
serving this,  the  Mexicans  tauntingly  called  out: 
“Enter,  O brave  ones,  and  fight!  for  to-day  you  will 
be  masters  of  Mexico.  Enter  to  feast,  all  is  pre- 
pared!” And  again:  “You  shall  find  no  Montezuma 
now  to  do  your  bidding.  Begone,  therefore,  to  your 
own!”  Others  confined  themselves  to  insults  directed 
against  the  Tlascaltecs.  “ Rogues,”  they  cried,  “never 
would  you  thus  dare  to  approach  us  but  for  the  Chris- 
tians, whose  concubines  you  are.  But  wait  awhile; 
we  shall  eat  you  both  with  chile,  for  you  are  not  fit 
to  be  slaves!”  The  Tlascaltecs  were  not  slow  to 
answer:  “Always  have  you  fled  before  us  like  treach- 
erous cowards.  We  are  the  men,  you  the  women. 
Never  have  you  entered  our  territory  as  we  yours. 
The  Castilians  are  not  men  but  gods,  one  of  whom 
suffices  to  rout  a thousand  such  as  you  !”  This  verbal 
skirmish  led  in  several  cases  to  challenges,  the  princi- 
pals being  accorded  a free  field  wherein  to  settle  their 
disputes;  and  since  they  were  generally  men  selected 

6 So  runs  Bernal  Diaz’  account,  which  appears  a little  exaggerated,  for 
recently  Cortes  had  shown  the  greatest  caution,  and  would  hardly  have  allowed 
himself  to  be  so  readily  trapped  on  so  memorable  a spot.  Hist.  Verdad.,  126. 
Cortes  states  that  not  a Spaniard  was  lost,  though  several  Mexicans  fell. 
Cartas,  187. 


5SS 


PRELIMINARY  CAMPAIGNS. 


from  both  sides  for  their  bravery,  skill,  and  strength, 
the  struggles  were  eagerly  watched. 

On  one  occasion  a solitary  warrior  of  great  stature 
stepped  from  a canoe  to  the  causeway,  armed  with 
sword  and  shield,  and  challenged  any  Spaniard  to 
combat,  for  he  desired  to  appease  the  gods  with  blood. 
The  soldiers  gaped  in  astonishment  at  this  rashness. 
“What,  you  hesitate,  you  cowards!”  he  cried.  The 
next  instant  a soldier  named  Gonzalo  Hernandez 
rushed  upon  him  with  sword  and  shield,  whereupon 
lie  leaped  into  the  water,  pursued  by  the  soldier,  who 
sought  to  despatch  him.  A number  of  canoes  stole 
up,  however,  and  Hernandez  was  seized  by  the  war- 
riors. His  comrades  rushed  to  the  rescue,  and  so 
beset  the  canoes  as  to  kill  a chief  and  bring  their 
champion  ashore.7  During  one  of  the  sallies  Cortes 
reached  the  breach  in  the  causeway  where  his  men 
had  suffered  so  severely  during  the  Sorrowful  Night. 
The  bridge  was  down,  and  he  appealed  to  the  warriors 
on  the  other  side:  “Why  so  foolishly  court  destruc- 
tion? If  there  is  a leader  among  you,  let  him  appear, 
so  that  I may  speak.”  “ Speak,”  wras  the  response, 
“wre  arc  all  leaders  here;  leaders  who  shall  make  a 
banquet  of  thee  and  thine!” 

Six  days  had  been  spent  at  Tlacopan,  and  since 
nothing  could  be  achieved,  not  even  an  interview  with 
Quaulitemotzin,  for  which  Cortes  ardently  longed,  he 
turned  homeward.  This  abandonment  of  what  the 
Mexicans  had  probably  regarded  as  the  beginning  of 
the  siege  created  no  small  exultation  among  them, 
and  eagerly  they  pursued  the  retreating  army,  though 
repelled  now  and  then  with  some  punishment  by  the 
cavalry.  The  following  day  the  pursuing  forces  had 
swelled  to  larger  proportions,  and  were  more  daring 
than  ever.  Cortes  accordingly  ordered  the  infantry 
to  advance,  while  he,  with  twenty  horses,  divided  into 
several  parties  and  formed  an  ambuscade.  No  sooner 

7 Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  i.  cap.  vii. 


CHALCO  IN  DANGER. 


589 


had  the  unsuspecting  Mexicans  reached  the  spot  than 
the  cavalry  charged  into  their  midst  with  thundering 
war  cries.  The  surprise,  no  less  than  the  execution, 
caused  a panic,  and  the  infantry  hastened  back  to  join 
in  the  usual  chastisement.  Molestation  ceased. 

From  Quaulititlan  the  army  proceeded  by  way  of 
Acciman  to  Tezcucc.  The  presence  of  so  large  a 
body  of  allies  being  considered  for  the  moment  un- 
necessary, the  greater  number,  elated  with  success  and 
laden  with  spoil,  were  dismissed  to  their  homes,  there 
to  prepare  for  the  gathering  to  follow  the  completion 
of  the  brigantines.6 

The  withdrawal  from  Tlacopan  encouraged  the 
Mexicans  to  attempt  the  recovery  of  Chaleo  and  to 
inflict  chastisement  for  its  secession.  The  place  was 
indeed  most  important  to  Mexico,  since  from  its  fertile 
plains  came  the  largest  supplies,  now  more  than  ever 
required.  The  threat  had  been  held  over  the  Chalcans 
ever  since  their  submission  to  Cortes,  and  the  two 
young  lords  had  hardly  returned  from  Tczcuco  before 
they  sent  messengers  to  implore  aid.  This  occurred 
while  Sandoval  was  preparing  to  leave  for  Tlascala  to 
convey  the  brigantines,  and  no  further  troops  could 
therefore  be  detached  without  great  risk,  so  that  the 
Chalcans  were  told  to  wait.  As  the  messengers  were 
leaving  with  this  cold  comfort  envoys  arrived  from 
Huexotzinco  and  Quauhquechollan.  They  had  seen 
the  signal  pillars  of  smoke  of  the  hostile  allies,  and 
had  come  to  ask  if  they  could  be  of  service.  The  pro- 
posals came  most  opportunely. 

The  Huexotzincas  and  Quauhquechollans  had  long 
entertained  a hatred  of  the  Chalcans,  as  natives  of  an 

8 They  begged  permission  to  return  home,  says  Chimalpain,  Hist.  Conq., 
i.  31.  Herrera  relates  that  the  efforts  of  Ojeda,  by  Cortes’  order,  to  take  from 
the  Tlascaltecs  the  gold  part  of  their  booty  so  offended  them  that  they  began 
to  desert.  The  extortion  was  accordingly  stopped,  dec.  iii.  lib.  i.  cap.  vii. 
Clavigero  doubts  the  story.  Prescott  regards  the  departure  of  the  allies  as 
distasteful  to  Cortes ; but  we  have  seen  that  he  did  not  care  at  present  to  en- 
cumber himself  with  too  many  unruly  auxiliaries  to  prey  upon  the  peaceful 
provinces.  The  Tlascaltecs  would  willingly  have  remained  to  share  in  raid- 
ing expeditions. 


590 


PRELIMINARY  CAMPAIGNS. 


Aztec  province  against  whose  forces  they  had  often 
been  arrayed,  but  Cortes  represented  the  true  state 
of  affairs  and  convinced  the  respective  envoys  of  the 
important  service  they  could  render  themselves  and 
their  new  sovereign,  to  whom  all  owed  allegiance,  by 
forgetting  occurrences  for  which  their  oppressors  were 
to  blame,  and  to  combine  for  mutual  aid.  His  argu- 
ments were  convincing,  and  both  Huexotzinco  and 
Quauhquechollan  promised  immediately  to  support  the 
Chalcans  with  a large  force. 

The  Aztecs  do  not  appear  to  have  gone  much  be- 
yond threats  until  after  the  Spanish  retirement  from 
Tlacopan,  but  two  days  after  their  return  to  Tezcuco 
Chalcan  messengers  appeared  with  such  supplications 
that  Sandoval  was  despatched  to  their  aid  with  twenty 
horse,  three  hundred  infantry,  and  a force  of  allies,9 
largely  reinforced  at  Chaleo  by  Huexotzincas,  Quauh- 
quechollans,  and  Chalcans.  On  arriving  before  Chimal- 
liuacan,10  lie  found  the  enemy  drawn  up  in  battle  array 
in  three  large  divisions.  A rush  at  the  invaders  was 
made.  The  cavalry  met  them,  breaking  their  ranks 
and  throwing  them  into  confusion.  Retiring  to  more 
broken  ground,  where  they  were  comparatively  safe 
from  the  horses,  they  rallied  to  face  the  infantry,  but 
the  well  directed  volleys  of  fire-arms  and  cross-bows 
proved  another  surprise,  which  prepared  the  way  for 
an  effective  charge  from  swordsmen  and  lancers.  Now 
the  retreat  assumed  more  the  form  of  a flight,  the 
Spaniards  pursuing  eagerly.  During  this  operation 
Gonzalo  Dominguez  was  thrown  from  his  horse,  which 
fell  upon  him,  inflicting  such  injuries  that  he  died  with- 
in a few  days.  In  him  the  army  lost  one  of  its  most 
dashing  horsemen,  and  the  equal  of  any  in  daring. 

The  troops  then  retired  to  the  town  for  the  night. 
Next  day  they  marched  to  Huastepec,  the  objective 
point  of  the  expedition,  where  fifteen  thousand  Mex- 

9 Including  8000  Tezcucans  under  Chichinquatzin.  Txtlilxochitl,  Ilor.  Cruel- 
dades,  15.  On  March  12th,  says  Vetancurt,  Teatro  Mex.,  pt.  iii.  154. 

10Also  known  as  Chimalhuacan-Chalco,  to  distinguish  it  from  Chimalhuacan 
on  Tezcuco  Lake. 


CIIALCO  AGAIN  IMPERILLED. 


591 


icans,  composed  partly  of  the  defeated  forces,  attached 
them  with  such  energy  that  five  horses  and  a number 
of  soldiers  were  wounded.  The  Spaniards  soon  routed 
them,  and  chased  the  fleeing  through  the  town,  a 
number  taking  refuge  in  a stronghold.  While  a 
portion  of  the  troops,  together  with  the  Tlascaltecs, 
dispersed  in  quest  of  the  rich  spoil,  and  the  cavalry 
were  tending  their  horses,  the  fugitive  garrison  stole 
back  to  the  town  and  fought  their  way  to  the  strong- 
hold near  the  square,  where  they  took  a stand  behind 
some  breastworks.  Their  position  was  not  long  main- 
tained, however,  after  the  troops  had  collected  for 
the  assault.  The  entire  force  of  Mexicans  was  then 
driven  for  over  a league,  with  considerable  slaughter. 
The  army  now  took  up  their  quarters  for  two  days  in 
the  palace.  A peaceful  summons  was  sent  to  the  lord 
of  the  place,  without  meeting  an}'-  response;  another 
to  Yacapichtla  brought  an  insulting  answer.  The 
insolence  was  due  to  the  confidence  of  the  garrison 
in  its  strength,  situated  as  it  wras  on  an  almost  inac- 
cessible height.11  The  Chalcans  implored  Sandoval  to 
capture  the  place  and  drive  forth  the  occupants,  who 
would  otherwise  not  fail  to  descend  with  fire  and 
sword  on  their  land.  The  proposition  was  by  no 
means  agreeable  after  so  arduous  a march  and  with 
so  many  wounded,  including  himself;  but  Sandoval 
never  shrank  from  what  he  regarded  duty,  and 
soon  he  appeared  before  the  fort  to  repeat  his  de- 
mands, only  to  hear  taunts  and  jeers.  The  ascent  was 
steep,  with  few  points  affording  cover,  and  when  the 
Chalcans  were  urged  to  begin  the  attack  for  which 
they  had  pleaded  they  objected  unless  the  Teulcs 
accompanied  them.  Sandoval  unhesitatingly  placed 
some  horsemen  to  guard  the  rear,  and  dismounting 
with  Tapia  the  two  took  their  shields  and  swords  and 
led  the  way,  followed  by  a number  of  soldiers. 

The  garrison  lustily  plied  their  stones  and  darts,  and 
despite  the  protecting  shields  several  were  wounded, 

11  Lorenzana  inspected  the  position  in  later  times.  CorMs,  Hist.  N.  Esp.,  214. 


592 


PRELIMINARY  CAMPAIGNS. 


among  them  Tapia  ancl  Osma,  while  others  were 
overthrown  by  the  concussion  and  came  tumbling 
down.  With  cheering  Santiagos  the  soldiers  urged 
one  another  onward  until  even  the  Chalcans  joined 
the  assault.  The  first  Spaniard  had  hardly  reached 
the  summit  before  the  occupants  attempted  flight, 
only  to  bring  death  upon  them  the  quicker.  Many 
were  chased  over  the  cliff,  to  fall  into  equally  relentless 
hands  below;  others  in  their  fear  and  despair  cast 
themselves  headlong  from  the  height.  So  freely 
flowed  blood,  the  soldiers  say,  that  the  creek  at  the 
foot  of  the  fortress  was  stained  sanguine,  and  so  re- 
mained  for  an  hour,  repelling  in  horror  the  victors  who 
approached  it  to  quench  their  thirst.12  The  Chalcans 
being  now  content,  Sandoval  returned  to  Tezcuco  with 
considerable  spoils  and  a number  of  pretty  slaves. 

Informed  of  the  victorious  advance  of  the  Spaniards, 
Emperor  Quauhtemotzin  hastened  to  send  reinforce- 
ments to  his  garrisons,  and  hardly  had  Sandoval 
tendered  a report  to  his  general  before  the  alarmed 
Chalcans  sent  messengers  stating  that  a fleet  of  two 
thousand  large  canoes  with  numerous  warriors  were 
descending  upon  them.  Believing  that  Sandoval  must 
have  been  too  hasty  or  negligent,  Cortes  without 
deigning  to  listen  to  excuses  ordered  him  to  return 
immediately.  Meanwhile  the  Chalcans,  encouraged 
by  the  allies,  had  faced  the  invaders  bravely  and 
routed  them  in  a fierce  battle,  killing  quite  a number 
and  capturing  over  twoscore  warriors,  among  them 
the  general  and  several  chiefs.13  When  Sandoval 

12  ‘ Que  todos  los  que  alii  se  hallaron  afirman.’  Cortds,  Carlas , 190.  The 
general  lauds  the  achievement  with  rare  fervor  for  him.  Bernal  Diaz  sneers 
at  the  river  of  blood  story ; but  then  he  was  not  present  to  share  the  glory. 
The  Roman  Mario  was  less  dainty  than  these  Spaniards  under  a similar  cir- 
cumstance, commemorated  by  Plutarch ; or  as  Floro  more  prosaically  puts  it: 
‘ Ut  victor  Romanus  de  cruento  flumine  non  plus  aqua  biberit  quam  sanguinis 
barbarorum.  ’ Epitome,  lib.  iii.  cap.  iii. 

13  Fifteen,  says  Bernal  Diaz.  Chimalpain,  the  Chalcan  narrator,  states  that 
his  tribe  lost  350  men,  but  killed  1500  foes,  capturing  the  captain-general, 
Chimalpopocatzin,  a relative  of  the  emperor,  who  now  became  a captain  among 
the  Tezcucans,  and  was  killed  during  the  siege.  Hist.  Conq.,  ii.  34.  Some  of 
these  facts  are  evidently  not  very  reliable.  He  also  assumes  that  Sandoval 
lost  eight  soldiers  on  again  returning  to  Tezcuco. 


THE  FAITHFUL  CHIXANTECS. 


593 


came  up  the  fight  was  over,  and  the  proud  victors 
surrendered  their  captives,  who  were  sent  to  Tezcuco, 
the  Spaniards  following  as  soon  as  the  danger  appeared 
to  be  over. 

Aggrieved  at  the  brusqueness  of  his  commander, 
.Sandoval  sent  in  his  report  without  presenting  him- 
self; but  Cortes  had  by  this  time  recognized  the> 
injustice  of  his  treatment,  and  actuated  by  policy 
no  less  than  by  affection,  he  summoned  his  captain 
and  frankly  avowed  his  haste,  thus  strengthening  the 
friendship  which  ever  after  bound  them.  The  vic- 
tories in  Chaleo  left  secure  the  entire  region  between 
Villa  Rica  and  the  Spanish  lines,  and  communication 
was  henceforth  regularly  maintained,  permitting  fresh 
supplies  and  war  material  to  be  brought  from  a vessel 
which  had  recently  reached  the  coast.  A great  event 
was  the  arrival  of  three  vessels  with  two  hundred 
Spaniards,  eighty  horses,  and  a full  complement  of 
arms,  ammunition,  and  other  effects,  partly  bought  and 
partly  enlisted  by  the  agents  whom  Cortes  had  de- 
spatched to  the  Islands  during  the  previous  autumn. 
Among  the  new-comers  were  Julian  de  Alderete  of 
Tordesillas,  appointed  royal  treasurer  for  New  Spain, 
and  the  Franciscan  Pedro  Melgarejo  de  Urrea  of 
Seville,  bearing  a supply  of  papal  indulgences  for  the 
men  who  had  been  engaged  in  the  crusade.  That 
the  soldiers  were  conscious  of  frequent  transgressions 
may  be  judged  from  the  suggestive  and  not  wholly 
reverential  observation  of  Bernal  Diaz,  that  “after 
patching  their  defects  the  friar  returned  to  Spain 
within  a few  months,  a rich  man.”14 

Cortes  was  cheered  by  offers  of  submission  and 
alliance,  owing  partly  to  the  good  offices  of  Tezcucans 
and  other  allies.  Some  came  from  places  quite  dis- 
tant, such  as  Nautla  and  Tuzapan,  on  the  coast  north 

14  The  ‘comissario’  or  clerk  in  charge  of  the  bulls  was  Gerbnimo  Lopez, 
afterward  secretary  at  Mexico.  Bernal  Diaz,  llist.  Verdacl.,  129.  This  author 
names  several  of  the  arrivals,  some  of  whom  became  captains  of  vessels.  A 
number  also  arrived  during  the  following  week,  he  adds,  notably  in  Juan  de 
Burgos’  vessel,  which  brought  much  material. 

Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  I.  38 


594 


PRELIMINARY  CAMPAIGNS. 


of  Villa  Rica,  laden  as  usual  with  presents.15  Another 
pleasing  evidence  of  still  more  devoted  loyalty  came 
not  long  after  from  the  south,  from  the  country  of 
the  valiant  Chinantecs,  of  the  long  pikes.  During 
the  great  uprising,  when  Spaniards  in  small  or  strag- 
gling parties  had  everywhere  been  slaughtered,  this 
people  faithfully  protected  the  two  soldiers  who  hap- 
pened to  be  with  them,  and  were  in  return  aided  by 
their  prowess  and  advice  to  achieve  victories  over  ad- 
joining tribes.  One  of  these  men,  Captain  Hernando 
de  Barrientos,  sent  two  natives  in  April  with  a letter 
to  his  countrymen  imparting  the  assurance  that  Chi- 
nantla  and  its  six  sub-towns  were  loyal.10 

The  recent  successes  and  the  arrival  of  the  two 
hundred  men  induced  Cortes  once  more  to  propose 
peace  to  Quauhtemotzin.  To  this  end,  during  passion 
week,  he  bade  some  of  the  captured  nobles  proceed  to 
Mexico  with  a letter  as  a symbol  of  their  commission, 
and  impress  upon  their  master  the  superiority  in  arms 
and  skill  of  the  Spanish  forces,  their  constant  and 
large  reinforcements,  and  their  unvarying  success  in 
the  field.  They  must  point  out  the  generous  and  hu- 
mane treatment  of  the  provinces  which  had  submitted, 
and  assure  the  Aztec  leaders  that  equal  forgiveness 
would  be  accorded  them.  Refusal  to  return  to  their 
allegiance  would  lead  to  the  destruction  of  themselves 
and  their  city.  Only  two  of  the  captives  ventured  to 
accept  the  commission,  for  according  to  Aztec  articles 
of  war  any  noble  who  returned  to  his  country  after 
having  been  captured  by  an  enemy  was  doomed  to 
decapitation  unless  he  had  performed  some  extraordi- 
nary deed.17 

No  answer  came  from  Mexico,  and  it  was  afterward 

15  Gomara  mentions  also  Maxcaltzinco  as  a distant  place.  Hist.  Hex.,  186. 

10  The  chiefs  were  awaiting  orders  to  appear  before  Cortes.  The  general 
told  them  to  wait  till  tranquillity  was  more  fully  restored.  The  name  of  the 
other  soldier  was  Nicolas.  Cortes.  Cartas,  203-5.  Herrera  assumes  that  Bar- 
rientos arrived  in  camp  during  the  late  Tepeaca  campaign,  dec.  ii.  lib.  x.  cap. 
xvii. 

17  Of  the  rank  and  file  none  suffered  penalty  on  returning,  for  captivity 
was  regarded  as  disgraceful  only  to  a noble.  Native  Races,  ii.  419. 


SECOND  EXPEDITION. 


595 


learned  that  the  messengers  had  suffered  death.  The 
Aztec  ruler  had  not  even  given  a thought  to  peace. 
He  was  watching  his  opponents,  prepared  to  take 
advantage  of  any  neglect  or  relaxation  in  their  effort. 
No  sooner  had  Sandoval  been  induced  by  peaceful 
appearances  to  retire  from  Chaleo  than  Aztec  forces 
again  prepared  to  invade  the  province.  The  Chalcans 
had  due  warning,  and  close  upon  the  heels  of  Sando- 
val came  two  messengers  lamenting  louder  than  ever, 
and  exhibiting  a painting  wherein  were  named  the 
many  towns  whose  forces  were  coming  upon  them, 
fully  fifty  thousand  strong.  These  constant  menaces 
and  movements  were  exasperating,  and  Cortes  resolved 
personally  to  inflict  a lesson  which  might  be  lasting. 
At  the  same  time  he  proposed  to  complete  his  recon- 
noissance  of  the  lake  region  and  encourage  his  troops 
with  spoils  from  hostile  localities  whereon  the  Aztecs 
yet  relied  for  support.18 

Cortes  selected  thirty  horse,  three  hundred  infantry, 
a number  of  Tlascaltecs,  and  over  twenty  thousand 
Tezcucans,  under  Prince  Ixtlilxochitl,  to  which  twice 
that  number  of  other  allies  were  added  on  the  way. 
A large  proportion  of  archers  and  aquebusiers  were 
taken,  together  with  Alvarado,  Olid,  Alderete,  Mel- 
garejo,  and  others,  while  Sandoval  was  left  in  charge 
of  Tezcuco,  with  instructions  to  watch  and  promote  the 
completion  of  the  brigantines  against  which  several 
incendiary  attempts  had  been  made. 

The  expedition  left  Friday,  the  5th  of  April,  and 
passed  through  Chaleo,  Tlalmanalc.o,  and  Chimalhua- 
can,19  and  crossing  in  a south-westerly  direction  into 
the  Totolapan  province,  they  entered  the  hills  which 
form  the  southern  border  of  the  Mexican  valley. 
By  this  time  the  forces  had  assumed  proportions 

18  Bernal  Diaz  states  that  the  soldiers  were  tired  of  these  repeated  calls, 
many  being  also  on  the  sick-list,  but  Cortes  had  now  a large  fresh  force  only 
too  eager  for  a fray  attended  with  spoliation. 

19  According  to  a native  painting  the  army  entered  here  April  5th,  which 
is  a day  or  two  too  early,  and  received  a reenforcement  of  20,000.  See  copy 
in  Carbajal  Espinosa,  Hist.  Hex.,  ii.  523. 


596 


PRELIMINARY  CAMPAIGNS. 


hardly  inferior  to  those  of  the  Iztocan  campaign, 
when  over  one  hundred  thousand  moved  against  the 
foe.  Highly  picturesque  was  the  spectacle  of  this 
army,  its  naked  hordes  of  warriors  relieved  by  plumage 
and  glittering  iztli  points  which  rose  above  the  broad 
line  of  gaudy  shields;  its  white  adventurers  in  mail  of 
cotton  and  metal,  surmounted  by  bright  helmets,  and 
armed  knights  on  proudly  stepping  steeds : picturesque 
in  particular  as  it  wound  in  almost  endless  line  along 
the  rounded  slopes  of  the  cliffs,  or  climbed  in  clearly 
defined  file  across  the  hill-tops,  only  to  descend  again 
into  gulches  gloomy  as  their  own  sinister  purpose. 

Alarmed  by  the  invasion,  the  inhabitants  had  aban- 
doned their  valley  homes,  and  had  sought  refuge  on 
the  summits,  whence  they  hurled  missiles  at  the  passing 
lines.  Little  attention  was  paid  these  irregular  bands, 
composed  as  they  were  to  a great  extent  of  women 
and  children.  On  entering  the  Tlayacapan  Valley, 
however,  and  observing  on  the  craggy  sides  of  an 
almost  perpendicular  isolated  rock,  perched  there  like 
an  eagle’s  nest,  a place  of  refuge  peopled  with  more 
pretentious  opposers,  in  a fit  of  insensate  folly  Cortfis 
ordered  the  place  to  be  assailed.  He  seemed  to  think 
the  honor  of  the  army  demanded  it,  and  was  ready  to 
stake  the  lives  of  valuable  men  on  its  destruction. 

Orders  were  given  to  attack  from  three  several 
sides,  the  steepest  being  assigned  to  Alfdrez  Corral, 
a brave  and  spirited  leader.  Verdugo  and  Villafuerte 
were  given  another  side,  and  Ircio  and  Monjaraz 
the  third.  Each  party  consisted  of  about  three- 
score men,  and  included  archers  and  arquebusiers. 
At  a given  signal  all  rushed  forward  to  the  ascent. 
Soon  they  were  on  hands  and  knees,  crawling  over 
projections  and  pulling  themselves  up  by  means  of 
shrubs.  All  the  while  stones  and  darts  rattled  on 
helmet  and  breastplate;  and  huge  rocks  came  rolling 
down  upon  them.  In  vain  they  sought  shelter  in 
crevices  and  under  crags;  they  must  face  the  storm. 
Bernal  Diaz  followed  Corral,  and  after  receiving 


A STRONGHOLD  TAKEN. 


597 


many  a hard  knock  they  gained  what  was  called  two 
turns  of  the  rock.  There  they  paused  and  looked 
around,  wondering  at  their  success  thus  far.  Sup- 
porting himself  against  a small  tree,  his  face  bathed 
in  blood,  his  banner  rent.  Corral  said,  “Senor  Diaz, 
it  is  useless  to  advance  farther;  not  a man  will  sur- 
vive.” Then  they  shouted  a warning  to  Pedro  Barba, 
at  the  head  of  his  archers,  not  to  climb  farther. 
“The  order  is  to  advance!”  was  the  reply.  The  next 
moment  Barba  was  wounded  by  a stone,  and  a soldier 
at  his  side  was  killed.  Cortes  then  sounded  the 
recall,  but  not  until  eight  brave  men  had  laid  down 
their  lives,  victims  of  their  commanders  puerility, 
and  of  the  rest  most  of  them  returned  wounded.20 

The  recall  was  likewise  prompted  by  the  approach 
of  a considerable  force  in  the  valley.  This  the  cavalry 
charged  and  quickly  routed,  following  in  close  pursuit, 
though  the  broken  ground  soon  enabled  the  fugitives 
to  gain  shelter.  During  this  ride  some  of  the  horsemen 
came,  a league  beyond,  to  another  hill  fortress,  strong 
in  its  natural  features,  and  held  by  a large  force.  Near 
by  were  some  springs.  The  need  of  water  was  press- 
ing, which  afforded  a plausible  excuse  for  abandoning 
the  scaling  of  Tlayacapan,  and  the  whole  force  was 
moved  to  the  springs.  Early  next  morning  Cortes 
examined  the  approaches  to  the  new  stronghold.  It 
extended  over  three  hills,  the  central  one  exceedingly 
steep  and  held  by  the  largest  force;  the  others  easier 
of  ascent,  though  higher,  and  occupied  by  smaller 
numbers.  In  reconnoitring,  Cortes  advanced  toward 
the  centre.  This  movement  led  the  occupants  of  the 
other  hills  to  infer  an  attack  on  the  central  height, 
and  they  began  to  abandon  their  positions  with  a view 
to  reenforce  the  threatened  point.  Observing  this, 
Cortes  ordered  Barba  to  occupy  the  most  command- 
ing elevation  with  some  fifty  arquebusiers  and  archers, 

20  So  says  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad. , 130,  who  names  four.  Cortes 
allows  only  two  killed  and  twenty  wounded ; how  many  fatally  so,  he  care- 
fully omits  to  mention.  Cartas.  194. 


59S 


PRELIMINARY  CAMPAIGNS. 


while  he  himself  continued  to  scale  the  centre  as  a 
feint,  for  there  was  little  hope  of  capturing  a point  so 
steep  and  strongly  held.  The  stones  and  darts  rained 
here  as  previously,  and  man  after  man  was  struck 
down,  some  bleeding  freely  from  the  wounds  sus- 
tained.21 

Meanwhile  Barba’s  sharp-shooters  had  made  so 
effective  a use  of  their  weapons  that  within  half  an 
hour  the  volleys  from  the  fortress  ceased,  and  the 
women  began  to  wave  their  robes  in  token  of  truce, 
shouting  their  submission.  Cortds  graciously  met  the 
advances,  and  extended  full  pardon.  He  also  prevailed 
on  the  chiefs  to  induce  the  Tlayacapans  to  submit. 
On  the  extensive  surface  of  the  rock  were  collected 
all  the  inhabitants  of  the  neighborhood,  with  their 
effects,  which  Cortes  ordered  not  to  be  touched.22 

The  army  remained  encamped  for  two  days  to  re- 
fresh themselves  after  their  arduous  march,  and  after 
sending  the  wounded  to  Tezcuco,  Cortes  proceeded 
to  Iiuastepec.  The  report  of  the  clemency  extended 
to  preceding  settlements  had  a reassuring  effect  on  this 
town,  whose  cacique  came  forth  to  welcome  them,  and 
tender  his  palace  for  their  entertainment.  This  was 
situated  in  a garden,  celebrated  throughout  New  Spain 
for  its  beauty  and  extent,  and  the  immense  variety  of 
its  plants,  collected  partly  for  scientific  purposes.  A 
river  with  tributary  canals  flowed  through  its  grounds, 
which  extended  over  a circuit  of  nearly  two  leagues, 
murmuring  its  melody  in  unison  with  winged  songsters 
hidden  in  arbors  or  playing  between  bush  and  hedge, 
mingling  their  bright  color  with  the  green  expanse. 
Adjacent  were  steep  rocks,  on  whose  smooth  surface 
were  sculptured  the  portraits  of  noted  warriors,  states- 
men, and  orators,  with  hieroglyphic  inscriptions  of 

21  Twenty  fell,  says  Bernal  Diaz.  He  speaks  of  two  futile  attempts  on  the 
previous  evening  to  scale  the  central  hill.  It  seems  unlikely  for  soldiers,  tired 
by  repulse  and  march,  to  undertake  so  difficult  a feat,  and  that  at  the  least 
assailable  point. 

22  Yet  Bernal  Diaz  relates  a story  to  show  that  the  order  was  a mere  pre- 
tence. 


THE  PEOPLE  OF  QUAUHNAHUAC. 


599 


their  fame.  It  was  a paradise  formed  equally  for 
student  and  idler,  and  to  the  weary  soldiers  no  spot 
could  perhaps  have  proven  so  grateful.  Cortes  cer- 
tainly grows  ecstatic  in  describing  it,  declaring  it 
“the  largest,  most  beautiful,  and  freshest  garden  ever 
seen.”23  Tempting  as  was  the  retreat,  Cortes  tore 
himself  from  it  the  following  day,  and  proceeded  in  a 
south-westerly  direction  to  Yauhtepec.  Although 
many  warriors  were  gathered  there,  they  fled  on  the 
approach  of  the  Spaniards,  and  were  chased,  with 
some  slaughter,  for  about  two  leagues,  into  the  town 
of  Xiuhtepec.24  The  women  and  effects  there  found 
were  appropriated  as  spoils,  and  rendered  agreeable 
the  two  days’  stay.  The  ruler  failing  to  appear,  the 
place  was  fired,  and  terrified  by  this  warning  the  lord 
of  Yauhtepec  hastened  to  proffer  submission. 

After  a day’s  hard  march  the  army  came  in  sight  of 
Quauhnahuac,25  capital  of  the  Tlaliuicas.  They  were 
one  of  the  Nahuatlaca  tribes,  which  according  to  tra- 
dition had  entered  the  Andhuac  country  to  supplant 
the  Toltecs.  Coming  rather  late,  they  found  their 
brethren  already  in  possession  of  the  lake  region,  and 
so  they  crossed  the  range  to  seek  a home  on  the 
headwaters  of  the  Zacatula,  where  soon  a number 
of  settlements  rose  round  Quauhnahuac.  They  after- 
ward fell  under  the  sway  of  the  Chichimecs,  and 
finally  the  Aztecs  took  advantage  of  internal  discord 
to  establish  sovereignty,26  maintaining  it  by  a garrison 
in  the  capital.  This  was  a natural  stronghold,  situated 
on  a tongue  of  land  between  two  steep  ravines  over 
forty  feet  in  depth,  and  through  which  ran  a little 
stream  during  the  rainy  season.  It  was  further  pro- 
tected by  strong  wTalls,  particularly  on  the  side  where 
a strongly  guarded  gate  opened  to  a fine  stretch  of 
country.  Two  other  entrances  faced  the  ravines, 

23  Cartas,  196;  Torquemacla,  i.  530. 

21  Some  write  Xilotepec.  Bernal  Diaz  mentions  Tepoxtlan,  which  may 
have  been  visited  by  a detachment. 

24  Place  of  the  Eagle.  Corrupted  into  the  present  Cuernavaca,  which  sin- 
gularly enough  means  cow’s  horn. 

2ti  See  Native  Races,  v. 


600 


PRELIMINARY  CAMPAIGNS. 


sometimes  spanned  by  bridges,  which  were  now  re- 
moved. 

Situated  at  the  gateway  to  the  tropical  southern 
valleys,  between  which  and  the  colder  lake  region 
interposed  a range  of  mountains,  the  spot  stood  as  a 
new  Eden  in  its  manifold  beauties.  A sight  even  of 
the  pine-fringed  mountains  that  rolled  off  toward  the 
north,  with  their  green  slopes  shaded  by  oak  and 
birch,  and  bathed  in  soft  though  bracing  airs,  was  re- 
freshing to  the  indolent  inhabitants  of  the  burning 
plain  bejmnd.  On  the  other  hand  the  sturdy  toilers 
of  the  northern  plateaux  might  in  this  sunny  south 
seek  relaxation  in  the  varied  charms  of  a softer  air 
balmy  with  the  incense  of  a more  lustrous  vegeta- 
tion.27 , 

It  was  an  opulent  community  that  of  Quauhnaliuac, 
surrounded  as  it  was  by  endless  resources  and  advan- 
tages, and  the  people  were  in  no  mood  tamely  to  yield 
their  wealth  to  invaders.  And  in  this  determination 
they  were  sustained  by  their  lord,  Yohuatzin,28  who 
was  not  only  a vassal  but  a relative  of  Quauhtemotzin. 
Confident  in  the  impregnable  position  of  his  city,  in 
which  supplies  were  ample,  he  replied  with  volleys  to 
the  demands  of  the  Spanish  forces  as  they  appeared 
on  the  other  side  of  the  ravines.  It  seemed  almost 
impossible  to  effect  a crossing  and  climb  the  steep 
wall  of  the  ravine  to  the  city;  nevertheless  Cortes 
selected  a position  and  began  to  open  fire  so  as  to 
occupy  the  attention  of  the  garrison  and  cover  the 
scaling  parties. 

While  they  were  thus  busied  a brave  Tlascaltec  re- 
connoitred and  came  to  a point  half  a league  beyond, 
where  the  ravine  was  steepest  and  narrowed  to  an 
abyss.  On  the  two  sides  grew  two  large  trees,  which 

27  Cortes  was  so  captivated  by  the  alluring  clime  and  scenery  that  he  made 
the  town  his  favorite  residence  in  later  years.  It  was  included  in  the  domains 
granted  to  him,  and  descended  to  his  heirs.  Madame  Calderon  speaks  of  his 
ruined  palace  and  church.  Life  in  Mexico,  ii.  50. 

28 Ixtlilxochitl,  Mist.  Chick.,  311.  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  calls  him  Yao- 
mahuitl. 


YOHUATZIN  SURRENDERS. 


G01 


inclined  toward  each  other,  with  branches  intertwined, 
forming  a sort  of  natural  bridge,  though  by  no  means 
secure.  He  called  the  attention  of  his  party  to  this 
and  led  the  way  across,  followed  by  several  Spaniards. 
The  natives,  who  were  more  accustomed  to  this  kind 
of  tactics,  found  comparatively  little  difficulty  in  swing- 
ing themselves  across:  but  to  the  soldiers  it  was  far 
from  easy,  and  three  of  them,  overcome  by  dizziness 
or  weight  of  armor,  slipped  and  fell.29 

The  attention  of  the  inhabitants  being  attracted 
elsewhere,  a number  of  the  invaders  had  gained  a 
secure  foothold  within  the  city  before  they  were  ob- 
served. Even  now  a few  resolute  men  might  have 
driven  them  back,  but  such  were  wanting,  and  the 
sudden  appearance  of  the  dreaded  white  men,  as  if 
indeed  they  had  dropped  into  the  stronghold  from 
some  cloud  made  radiant  by  the  sun  whope  reputed 
children  they  were,  struck  terror  to  the  hearts  of  the 
poor  natives.  All  impotent  and  nerveless,  they  per- 
mitted the  daring  strangers  to  lower  the  drawbridge, 
and  turned  to  spread  the  panic.  Meanwhile  the  re- 
ports of  a formidable  army  advancing  from  the  roar 
so  wrought  on  the  fears  of  the  garrison  that,  when 
the  handful  who  had  crossed  on  the  bushy  bridge  fell 
on  them,  they  offered  no  resistance.  This  also  allowed 
the  scaling  forces  to  pour  in,  so  that  within  a short 
time  the  siege  was  turned  into  a rout,  wherein  the 
cavalry  played  a prominent  part.  The  zeal  of  the 
allies  was  already  indicated  by  smoky  columns  in  dif- 
ferent parts  of  the  city,  and  the  foot-soldiers  hastened 
to  share  in  the  rich  plunder  and  intercept  the  women. 

Most  of  the  fugitives  had  gathered  on  an  adjacent 
height,  and  though  no  attempt  was  made  that  day 
to  molest  them,  yet  they  began  to  fear  that  men 
who  could  so  readily  capture  one  of  the  strongest 

29  ‘ El  vno  se  quebrd  la  piema . . . y se  me  desvanecia  la  cabe^a,  y todavia 
pas6  yo,  y otros  veinte,  6 trienta  soldados.  ’ Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  132. 
Solis  misinterprets  the  passage,  and  gives  this  author  credit  for  leading  the 
party.  Hist.  Mix.,  ii.  362.  Vetancurt  calls  the  district  toward  this  spot 
Amaualco.  Teatro  Max.,  pt.  iii.  165. 


602 


PRELIMIXARY  CAMPAIGNS. 


fortresses  in  the  country,  would  find  no  difficulty  in 
reaching  them  anywhere;  therefore,  after  listening  to 
the  advice  of  messengers  sent  by  Cortes,  Yohuatzin 
concluded  to  surrender,  and  presented  himself  on  the 
following  day  with  a large  retinue  and  rich  presents. 
The  Mexicans  were  as  usual  blamed  for  the  opposition 
offered.  He  would  have  submitted  before,  but  thought 
it  best  to  expiate  the  fault  of  resistance  by  allowing 
the  Spaniards  to  pursue,  so  that  after  spending  their 
fury  they  might  be  more  ready  to  forgive.33 

There  was  no  time  at  present  to  extend  the  recon- 
noissance  farther  in  this  direction,  and  after  a brief 
rest  Cortes  turned  northward  to  the  lakes.  The  route 
over  the  mountains  proved  far  more  difficult  than  be- 
fore, and  after  issuing  from  the  pine  forest  the  army 
entered  a desert  country  terminating  in  a three-league 
pass  through  the  Ajuzco  Mountains.  Here  thirst 
became  so  intense  that  several  natives  succumbed.31 
This  suffering  was  relieved  in  a hamlet  not  far  from 
the  pass. 

On  the  following  day  they  passed  through  a fine  and 
cultivated  country  toward  Xocliilmilco,  that  is  to  say. 
Field  of  Flowers,  aptly  named,  for  round  almost  every 
house,  particularly  on  the  outskirts,  was  a flower- 
garden  enclosed  by  canals.  Many  of  them  were  of 
the  chinampa  class,  or  floating  gardens,32  the  oat- 
growth  of  early  Aztec  weakness,  now  forming  a pictu- 
resque border  to  the  lake  towns.  Altogether  the 
aspect  was  most  pleasing,  while  the  buildings  of  the 
central  parts  were  artistic  and  striking.  Besides  the 
strength  added  by  canals  and  moats,  pile  buildings 
were  frequent,  and  intrenchments  had  been  thrown 


30 Cortes,  Cartas,  19G.  Ixtlilxochitl  assumes  that  the  submission  is  tendered 
through  his  namesake,  as  prince  of  Tezcuco,  the  only  capital  of  the  tripartite 
empire  loyal  to  the  Spaniards,  lior.  Crueldades,  17-18. 

31Also  one  old  Spaniard,  believes  Bernal  Diaz,  who  relates  his  own  suffer- 
ings minutely,  and  how  he  followed  some  mounted  scouts  in  search  of  water, 
which  he  found,  bringing  a supply  to  Cortes.  Hist.  Verdad.,  133.  Vetan- 
curt  names  this  watering-place  Topilejo,  now  San  Miguel.  Teatro  Mex. , pt. 
iii.  155.  Chimalpain  mentions  Quauhxomoleo,  just  before.  Hist.  Conq.,  ii.  4(X 
32 See  Native  Races,  ii.,  345. 


CRITICAL  SITUATION  OF  CORTLS. 


G03 


up  and  drawbridges  raised  to  defend  the  approach 
against  any  enemy  of  the  Aztecs,  for  its  loyalty  to  the 
queen  city  was  fully  as  great  as  that  of  Iztapalapan. 
It  was  the  most  important  place  on  the  thickly  settled 
fresh-water  lake.  Bishop  Garces  relates  that  angels 
were  heard  to  sing  praises  in  the  Mexican  tongue 
when  it  was  converted.33  The  usual  summons  was 
issued  by  the  Spaniards,  and  no  heed  being  given, 
they  attacked  in  three  divisions  by  different  ap- 
proaches. The  enemy  fell  back  behind  the  raised 
bridges  and  intrenchments,  whence  they  kept  up  a 
steady  volley.  The  archers  and  arqaebusiers  replied 
briskly,  and  covered  the  van  as  it  plunged  into  not 
very  deep  water  and  waded  across  to  capture  the 
fortifications.  This  effected,  the  foe  was  driven  from 
one  retreat  to  another.  Seeing  how  affairs  went,  they 
sought  to  parley,  but  the  pursuers  paid  no  heed,  re- 
garding it  as  a trick  to  gain  time  for  the  removal  of 
their  families  and  property.  Within  half  an  hour 
the  greater  part  of  the  city  was  won,  and  soldiers  and 
allies  were  sacking  as  they  advanced.  • The  foe  rallied 
now  and  then  to  cover  their  retreat,  and  in  one  in- 
stance managed  to  despatch  two  soldiers  who  had 
allowed  avarice  to  overcome  prudence. 

Not  long  after,  a body  of  some  ten  thousand  war- 
riors, reenforced  by  fugitives  from  the  city,  was  seen 
advancing  from  the  rear  as  if  to  cut  off  retreat.  They 
were  already  close  at  hand  when  first  observed,  and 
without  losing  a moment  Cortes  charged  them  at  the 
head  of  a body  of  cavalry.34 

At  first  they  boldly  faced  the  animals,  and  fought 
so  well  as  to  severely  wound  four,  besides  several 
riders;  but  the  mounted  body  kept  breaking  through 
their  ranks  and  then  turned  to  fall  on  the  rear.  This 
movement  proved  decisive,  and  the  enemy  dispersed 
in  flight,  the  horsemen  scattering  in  pursuit.  Already 
weakened  by  the  severe  march  across  the  mountains, 
the  horse  of  Cortes  became  quite  exhausted,  and 

33  Lorenzana,  in  Cortfs,  Hist.  N.  Esp. , 225. 

31  Six.  says  Cortes. 


604 


PRELIMINARY  CAMPAIGNS. 


while  its  rider  was  striking  right  and  left  into  a 
large  body  of  fugitives,  it  fell.  No  other  horseman 
being  near,  the  enemy  gathered  courage  and  rushed 
upon  the  general,  who  had  risen  to  his  feet  and  stood 
with  sword  in  hand  to  defend  himself.  It  was  a crit- 
ical moment,  and  had  not  a brave  Tlascaltec  warrior 
come  to  his  rescue  thus  opportunely,  the  career  of  the 
Estremaduran  would  have  ended  there;  for  he  had 
already  received  a severe  blow  on  the  head  and  was 
about  to  be  dragged  away  when  thus  rescued.  The 
general’s  body-guard  then  came  up  and  cut  in  pieces 
his  late  stupid  assailants — stupid  because  they  might 
so  easily  have  killed  him,  and  did  not.35  The  pursuit 
was  not  long  maintained,  tired  as  the  horses  were, 
and  remounting  his  steed  Cortes  led  the  wa}^  back  to 
camp  in  the  square. 

Late  as  it  was  lie  superintended  the  filling  of  all  the 
channels  which  broke  the  causeways,  and  the  erection 
of  defences,  and  ordered  the  soldiers  to  put  in  order 
their  arms  and  prepare  arrows.  The  forces  were  dis- 
tributed at  three  points,  and  extra  guards  were  posted 
for  the  night,  together  with  bodies  of  troops  at  prob- 
able landing-points.  These  precautions  were  prompted 
chiefly  by  the  evident  effort  of  the  last  body  of  the 
enemy  to  shut  up  the  army  within  the  city,  a move- 
ment which  boded  other  attempts,  as  Cortes  rightly 
supposed. 

When  Quauhtemotzin  heard  that  the  Spaniards 
had  marched  against  Xochimilco  he  called  a council  to 
consider  the  course  to  adopt,  and  the  result  was  the 
despatch  of  reenforcements.  Finding  that  the  city  had 
so  easily  fallen,  he  became  furious.  The  gods  were 
indignant  at  the  outrages  of  the  strangers.  Arms 

33  Bemal  Diaz  states  that  a soldier  named  Olea  was  the  main  instrument  in 
saving  Cortes,  Uist.  Vvrdad.,  133;  but  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chick.,  311,  gives 
•the  credit  to  the  Tlascaltec  lord  Chichimccatl,  and  Chimalpain  to  a noble 
named  Ocelotzin.  Hist.  Cunq.,  ii.  41.  Cortes  says:  ‘Un  indio  de  los  de  Tlas- 
caltecal,’  Cartas,  109,  who  could  not  be  found  the  next  day,  and  Cortds  accord- 
ingly attributed  the  aid,  writes  Herrera,  to  St  Peter,  dec.  iii.  lib.  i.  cap.  viii. 


EXPENSIVE  VICTORIES. 


60r> 


must  be  employed  more  manfully,  and,  these  failing, 
the  loyal  ones  must  let  their  nails  grow,  as  the  last 
means  of  protection.  The  first  step  should  be  the 
recovery  of  Xochimilco.  That  very  night  two  thou- 
sand canoes  were  sent  with  some  twelve  thousand 
warriors,  and  a similar  force  by  land,  all  approaching 
stealthily,  without  music.36 

The  rumor  of  a probable  night  attack  kept  the 
Spanish  camp  on  the  alert,  and  advised  of  this,  the 
enemy  made  no  attack.  At  dawn  their  canoes  were 
already  swarming  round  the  city,  the  inmates  rending 
the  air  with  loud  and  repeated  shouts,  and  brandish- 
ing their  weapons,  those  of  the  chiefs  being  captured 
Spanish  swords.  “With  your  own  arms  you  shall  be 
killed,  and  we  vTill  eat  you !”  they  cried.  “We  fear  you 
not,  for  Montezuma  is  dead!”  At  the  same  time  the 
land  forces  were  seen  approaching,  evidently  to  assist 
the  fleet  in  besieging  the  Spaniards  within  the  city, 
which  would  give  the  Mexicans  greater  advantage,  as 
they  had  well  learned  during  the  siege  of  Mexico. 
Cortes  understood  the  manoeuvre,  and  leaving  the 
greater  part  of  the  infantry  and  allies  to  guard  the  city, 
lie  sallied  with  most  of  the  horse,  in  three  parties,  a 
few  of  the  infantry  and  several  hundred  Tlascaltecs, 
breaking  through  the  enemy’s  ranks  and  gaining  the 
foot  of  a hill  in  their  rear,  the  Tepechpan. 

While  the  enemy  were  rallying,  Cortes  led  the 
horse  round  to  their  denser  flank,  and  gave  orders  to 
the  infantry  to  allure  the  Mexicans  by  climbing  the 
steepest  part  of  the  hill  and  pretending  to  escape. 
This  succeeded,  and  the  next  moment  they  were  at- 
tacked in  several  directions  with  such  effect  as  to  cause 
a panic  and  drive  them  in  flight  toward  a quarter 
where  one  division  of  horse  had  taken  a stand.  Five 
hundred  Mexicans  covered  the  field  and  five  leaders 
were  among  the  captured,  while  the  Spanish  loss  was 

36  Followed  by  other  bodies.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad. , 134 ; Torquemada 
i.  537. 


606 


PRELIMINARY  CAMPAIGNS. 


only  one  soldier  and  a few  allies,  including  three 
Tlascaltec  chiefs,  although  a number  were  wounded. 
During  the  pursuit  the  foremost  division  of  horse 
came  upon  a further  Mexican  reenforcement,  estimated 
at  ten  thousand,  which  rallied  the  fugitives  and  caused 
the  pursuers  to  halt.  Soon,  however,  the  remaining 
force  came  up,  the  charge  was  continued,  and  the 
Mexicans  routed.37 

Too  tired  for  long  pursuit,  the  Spaniards  returned 
by  ten  o’clock  in  the  morning  to  Xochimilco,  where 
their  garrison  had  repulsed  the  lake  force.  The  fight 
had  been  fierce,  and  the  soldiers  had  exhausted  all 
their  ammunition,  capturing  in  return  two  Spanish 
swords.  These  victories  brought  little  satisfaction, 
however,  for  the  captives  gave  information  that  the 
forces  so  far  sent  were  but  detachments  of  the  armies 
destined  for  Xochimilco,  which  must  be  recovered, 
and  the  Spaniards  driven  forth,  if  it  cost  the  lives  of 
all  the  men  in  Mexico.  The  Spaniards  might  defeat 
force  after  force,  but  even  victory  must  so  weaken 
them  that  the  Mexicans  would  finally  triumph.  This 
seemed  to  be  confirmed  by  the  movements  of  the  fleet, 
which,  though  repulsed,  was  still  hovering  thereabout. 

Cortes  now  gave  orders  to  burn  the  city,  as  a warning 
to  the  wilful  inhabitants  and  preparatory  to  its  evac- 
uation. The  soldiers,  who  had  been  interrupted  in 
their  plundering  the  day  before,  obeyed  with  alacrity. 
Xochimilco  was  a wealthy  city,  and  not  a Spaniard  or 
ally  but  obtained  an  abundance  of  robes,  feathers,  and 
other  effects,  and  even  some  gold,  which  helped  to 
cheer  those  whom  ordinary  merchandise  and  slaves 
did  not  satisfy.  The  enemy  had  been  watchful,  how- 
ever, and  in  their  canoes  they  flitted  round  the  city  to 
cut  off  stragglers.  At  one  point  quite  a charge  was 
made,  wherein  several  Spaniards  were  wounded  and 
four  carried  off  alive.  This  event  did  more  to  cast  a 

37 Cortes  leaves  the  impression  that  the  foremost  division  of  six  horse  de- 
feated the  foe.  Both  Gomara  and  Herrera  are  confused,  and  Prescott  and 
others  are  led  into  several  mistakes. 


THE  MARCH  CONTINUED. 


G07 


gloom  over  the  army  than  many  defeats,  for  all  knew 
the  fate  of  prisoners.38 

After  a stay  of  three  days,  all  fraught  with  hard 
fighting,  the  army  filed  out  from  Xochimilco,  pre- 
senting the  appearance  of  a dilapidated  caravan  rather 
than  of  a reconnoitring  and  fighting  expedition,  so 
much  so  that  Cortes  thought  it  necessary  to  remon- 
strate, but  in  vain.  The  enemy  hovered  about  like 
vultures,  to  harass  them  in  what  they  regarded  as  a 
retreat.  The  march  was  made  in  regular  fiMitingf 
order,  with  cavalry  distributed  in  three  sections,  in 
van,  rear,  and  on  flank.  In  order  to  complete  the 
reconnoissance,  a north-westerly  route  was  taken  to 
Coyuhuacan,  the  centre  of  a series  of  inner  towns 
which  lay  clustered  within  a radius  of  a league  and  a 
half,  along  the  shores  or  upon  islands  in  the  lake, 
all  picturesque  in  their  pyramidal  temples  and  their 
white  walls,  which  gleamed  amidst  blooming  orchards 
and  shady  groves.  Coyuhuacan  itself  was  a beautiful 
town,  and  Cortes  felt  so  captivated  with  it  that  he 
afterward  made  it  for  some  time  his  favorite  residence.39 
It  had  been  evacuated,  but  toward  and  beyond  Mexico 
the  lake  teemed  with  canoes,  while  in  every  direction 
snread  one  continuous  extent  of  farms  and  hamlets, 
connected  by  causeways  and  roads  with  busy  traffic. 
To  Alderete  and  friar  Melgarejo  this  was  a novel 
scene,  and  they  could  not  refrain  from  expressing  their 
admiration  at  the  enterprise  and  prowess  of  Cortes 
and  his  followers  in  undertaking  so  vast  a conquest. 
God’s  aid  alone  could  have  enabled  them  to  succeed  as 
they  had  done.40 

The  army  remained  here  over  the  following  day, 
chiefly  to  examine  the  place  as  intended  head-quarters 
of  a besieging  force.  It  was  found  satisfactory;  and 
while  arrows  were  prepared  and  the  wounded  tended, 

38  Bernal  Diaz  names  two  of  them. 

89  He  even  willed  that  his  bones  should  there  be  entombed,  a request  which 
was  not  carried  out. 

40  ‘ No  eran  cosas  de  hombres  humanos. . .que  ayan  hecho  ningunos  vasallos 
tan  grandes  servicios  a su  Rey . . . y dello  harian  relacion  a su  Magestad.  ’ Bernal 
Diaz , Hist.  Verdad.,  135. 


60S 


PRELIMINARY  CAMPAIGNS. 


the  general  advanced  along  the  causeway  leading  to 
Mexico  and  expended  his  remaining  ammunition  in 
the  useless  capture  of  the  temple  fortress  of  Xoloc,41 
during  which  a number  of  soldiers  were  wounded, 
though  the  enemy  suffered  considerably.  After  offer- 
ing to  heaven  the  fiery  sacrifice  of  pagan  temple,  the 
army  proceeded  through  Tlacopan  without  halting, 
for  they  had  no  ammunition,  and  this  place  had  been 
examined  on  the  previous  expedition.  This  unex- 
pected haste  encouraged  the  Mexicans  to  come  forth 
in  great  numbers  and  attack  -the  baggage  train  and 
rear.  Owing  to  the  level  nature  of  the  ground  the 
cavalry  found  no  difficulty  in  repelling  them,  yet  they 
caused  more  trouble,  and  succeeded  even  in  carrying 
off  two  of  the  favorite  equerries42  of  Cortes.  He  was 
deeply  grieved  at  the  loss,  and  partly  with  a view  to 
avenge  them,  partly  to  inflict  a lesson  which  should 
save  the  army  from  such  annoyance,  he  formed  an 
ambuscade  beside  the  road  with  twenty  horse.  Seeing 
the  other  ten  horses  engaged  as  formerly  in  covering 
the  rear,  the  Mexicans  continued  their  pursuit.  At  a 
favorable  moment  the  hidden  horsemen  appeared,  and 
soon  over  a hundred  of  the  flower  of  the  Mexicans  lay 
dead  upon  the  ground,43  their  rich  panoplies,  dresses, 
and  arms  offering  a pleasing  addition  to  the  already 
heavy  plunder.  Freed  from  further  molestation,  the 
army  proceeded  through  Azcapuzalco  and  Tenayocan 
to  Quaulititlan,  all  deserted.  Here  the  army  clus- 
tered round  camp  fires  of  green  wood,  wet  from  a 
recent  shower  and  supperless.  Next  morning  they 
followed  the  route  already  pursued  during  the  flight 
from  Mexico,  round  Zumpango  Lake  through  Citlal- 
tepec,  and  thence  through  Acolman  to  Tezcuco.44 

41  At  the  junctions  of  the  causeways  which  led  from  the  different  shores 
to  the  southern  avenue  of  Mexico.  The  place  is  also  known  as  Acachi- 
nanco. 

42  Bernal  Diaz  states  that  Cort6s  was  preparing  an  ambuscade  with  ten 
horse  and  four  equerries  when  he  fell  into  one  liimself  and  lost  the  two,  whom 
he  names.  Alarmed  at  his  delay,  Alvarado  went  back  to  look  for  him.  loc.  cit. 
This  is  less  likely  than  the  version  of  Cor 1 6s. 

43  Nobles  they  are  termed,  and  Herrera  doubles  the  number. 

44  Prescott  and  others  intimate  that  they  passed  between  the  lakes,  from 


DISAFFECTION  AGAIN. 


COO 


A mass  of  booty  and  slaves  being  now  at  hand,  a 
general  distribution  was  ordered,  the  second  in  Tez- 
cuco.  Again,  says  Bernal  Diaz,  Cortes  disregarded 
his  promises  and  secured  not  only  for  himself  the  ob- 
jectionable fifth,  but  allowed  his  favorites  to  carry  off 
the  prettiest  women  before  they  were  brought  forward 
at  auction.  Many  who  remembered  the  former  tricks 
hid  their  women  and  said  they  had  escaped,  or  they  de- 
clared them  free  servants  from  allied  tribes;  while  a few 
managed  to  obtain  a private  branding,  paying  the  fifth 
required.  A large  proportion  of  the  soldiers  were  so 
heavily  in  debt  for  stores  and  fifths  that  their  booty 
left  them  no  surplus.45 

While  the  reconnoitring  expeditions  had  on  the 
whole  been  fraught  with  pecuniary  benefit  and  glory, 
they  had  nevertheless  served  to  open  the  eyes  of 
many  to  the  difficulty  of  the  great  purpose,  the  cap- 
ture of  Mexico.  This  was  particularly  the  case  with 
the  Velazquez  party,  whose  adhesion  before  the  Te- 
peaca  campaign  had  been  compulsory,  and  after  it 
mercenary  in  its  motives.  Every  obstacle  to  them  ap- 
peared terrible,  magnified  through  constant  fear  of  the 
dreaded  stone  of  sacrifice,  on  which  so  many  comrades 
had  already  been  laid.  And  this  they  were  encoun- 
tering for  what?  the  advancement  of  an  envied  usurper 
and  a pecuniary  reward  far  beneath  their  expectations. 
The  failure  at  Iztapalapan,  the  repeated  inroads  of 
the  Mexicans,  unabashed  by  constant  repulses,  and 
the  hardships  of  the  campaigns,  particularly  the  last, 
all  tended  to  support  their  arguments  against  Cortes’ 
plans  as  chimerical,  involving  long  delays,  constant 
toil,  and  waste  of  life,  and  with  poor  recompense  save 
for  Cortes  and  his  favorites. 

Presently  the  affair  assumed  the  color  of  conspiracy, 
headed  by  Antonio  de  Villafane,  a common  soldier 

Quauhtitlan  to  Acolman,  but  Cortes  mentions  Zilotepec,  which  may  be  iden- 
tical with  Citlaltepec,  as  mentioned  by  Herrera,  or  Xilotzinco,  about  two 
leagues  eastward,  as  given  by  Ixtlilxochitl.  Bernal  Diaz  also  appears  to  in- 
dicate the  northern  route. 

,45 Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  129. 

Hist.  Mex.,  Voe.  I.  39 


610 


PRELIMINARY  CAMPAIGNS. 


from  Zamora,  who  is  claimed  by  Herrera  to  have  had 
the  active  or  passive  sympathy  of  some  three  hundred 
malcontents,  nearly  one  third  of  the  army.  The  pro- 
fessed object  was  to  secure  a pliable  leader  who  would 
consult  the  wishes  of  the  soldiers,  even  those  desirous 
of  returning.  Such  a man,  and  withal  of  great  in- 
iluence  and  valor,  was  Verdugo,  the  brother-in-law  of 
the  all-powerful  patron  Velazquez,  and  him  the  con- 
spirators chose  as  the  new  oaptain-general,  unknown 
to  himself,  since  he  might  prove  too  honorable  to  en- 
gage in  plots  against  the  commander.  As  a reward 
for  his  own  efforts  Villafane  claimed  the  position  of 
alguacil  mayor,  while  other  friends  and  influential  men 
of  Narvaez  were  assured  of  the  remaining  offices, 
from  alcalde  mayor  and  maestre  de  campo  downward, 
now  held  by  the  retainers  of  Cortes,  as  well  as  a share 
in  the  arms  and  other  effects  of  the  doomed  number.46 
It  was  arranged  that  when  Cortes  was  seated  at  table 
with  his  intimate  friends,  as  Alvarado,  Sandoval,  Olid, 
and  Tdpia,  a letter  was  to  be  handed  him,  as  if  coming 
from  his  father,  and  while  he  was  reading,  the  conspir- 
ators should  fall  on  and  stab  him  and  his  supporters, 
since  all  must  be  removed  who  might  prove  trouble- 
some. The  new  officers  were  thereupon  to  be  pro- 
claimed, together  with  the  liberal  plan  agreed  on,  by 
which  it  was  hoped  to  allure  even  the  friends  of  Cortes. 

There  were  too  many  in  the  secret,  however,  and 
Cortes  was  a man  of  magnetic  influence.  At  the 
eleventh  hour,  two  days  after  the  return  from 
Xochimilco,  says  Diaz,  an  accomplice,  struck  with 
compunction,  rushed  distractedly  to  the  feet  of  Cortds 
and  implored  pardon  for  having  even  dared  to  listen  to 
the  vile  machinations.  He  thereupon  revealed  the 
plot  and  stated  that  Villafane  carried  the  names  and 
details  on  a list  in  his  breast-pocket.  Cortes  quietly 
summoned  his  captains.  He  represented  the  need  for 

46  Bernal  Diaz  assumes  that  more  than  one  captain-general  was  to  be  ap- 
pointed. ‘Para  boluerse  a Cuba,  y deshazer  a Cortes,’  is  all  the  explanation 
given  by  Gomara,  Hist.  Hex.,  178. 


CONSPIRACY  QUELLED. 


Cll 


a “remedy,  since,  besides  the  scandal,  it  was  evident 
that  all  the  Spaniards  must  perish  if  once  they  turned 
one  against  the  other;  and  to  this  end  not  only  de- 
clared foes  but  allies  would  join.”47 

Attended  by  Sandoval  and  others,  Cortes  hastened 
to  the  house  of  the  accused  and  found  several  persons 
assembled.  Some  were  secured  as  they  sought  escape. 
Villafane  found  time  to  take  a paper  from  his  breast 
and  tear  it  in  pieces,  but  Cortes  gathered  and  ar- 
ranged them,43  and  was  grieved  to  read  the  names  of 
quite  a number  of  promising  persons  whom  he  had 
honored  and  regarded  as  friends.  Villafane  -con- 
fessed the  details  of  the  plot,  which  had  been  forming 
since  the  Tepeaca  campaign.  A court-martial  was  held, 
presided  over  by  Cortes  himself,  and  there  being  no 
doubt  of  his  guilt,  the  accused  was  condemned  to 
death  and  promptly  hanged  from  the  window  of  his 
dwelling.40 

Cortes  had  probably  no  doubt  regarding  the  guilt  of 
the  persons  named  on  the  list,  but  the  prosecution 
of  so  many  notable  men  might  not  be  prudent,  and 
would  only  widen  the  breach  between  himself  and  the 
malcontents  and  gain  them  sympathy.  The  day  fol- 
lowing the  execution  the  general  called  a meeting. 
Many  were  the  consciences  that  pricked  their  posses- 
sors to  trembling  on  that  occasion.  But  the  sage 
Cortes  preferred  the  traitors  should  risk  their  necks 
in  winning  for  him  Mexico,  rather  than  himself  to 
break  them  with  a rope. 

47  Such  are  in  substance  the  words  used  by  Cortes  in  his  relation  to  the 
emperor.  1 E c6mo  yo  vi  que  se  me  liabia  revelado  tan  gran  traicion,  di 
gracias  4 nuestro  Senor,  porque  en  aquello  consistia  el  remedio.’  Cartas,  209. 

48  So  Cortes  intimates,  while  Herrera  states  that  Villafane  hastened  to  de- 
vour the  paper.  His  throat  being  pressed,  about  half  of  it  was  rescued,  dec. 
iii.  lib.  i.  cap.  i.  He  further  says  that  Sandoval  was  sent  to  make  the  arrest ; 
but  Bernal  Diaz  asserts  that  Cortes  went  in  person,  which  is  likely  under  the 
circumstances,  and  took  from  Villafaue’s  breast  the  paper.  Finding  thereon 
so  many  names  of  quality  he  caused  it  to  be  rumored  that  the  man  had  eaten 
it,  or  part  of  it.  hist.  Verdad.,  136-7.  Clavigero  assumes  that  the  culprit 
revealed  the  names,  and  that  Cort6s  preferred  not  to  believe  him.  Storia 
Mess. , iii.  191.  Torture  failed  to  extort  any  names  from  him,  writes  Torque- 
mada,  i.  528,  and  those  on  the  list  he  declared  to  be  merely  of  men  whom  he 
intended  to  sound. 

43  ‘ Un  alcalde  y yo  lo  condenamos  4 muerte.  ’ Cortes,  Cartas,  269. 


G12 


PRELIMINARY  CAMPAIGNS. 


Napoleon,  who  in  national  warfare  could  open  with 
his  sword  the  veins  of  the  people  until  there  poured 
forth  torrents  of  blood,  shrank  in  horror  from  blood 
shed  in  civil  broils.  It  was  policy  with  Cortes,  how- 
ever. So,  after  finishing  his  narration  of  the  con- 
spiracy, he  coolly  informed  them  that  Villafahe  had 
refused  to  reveal  his  accomplices,  and  he  could  not 
therefore  name  the  guilty.  There  were  no  doubt 
men  amongst  them  with  real  or  fancied  grievances 
which  may  have  induced  them  to  harbor  resentment; 
but  let  them  frankly  state  their  wrongs  and  he  would 
seek  to  right  them.  If  he  had  erred,  let  the  error  be 
named.  The  conclusion  of  the  affair  created  general 
satisfaction.  Thankful  for  their  escape,  the  guilty 
sought  both  by  words  and  deeds  to  prove  their  de- 
votion, and  although  Cortes  kept  his  eye  upon 
them,  there  was  no  indication  that  he  suspected  any. 
He  rather  sought  to  win  them  back  with  favors.50  So 
impressed  were  his  intimate  followers  by  the  risk  to 
which  so  valuable  a life  had  been  exposed  that  they 
insisted  on  his  accepting  a body-guard  of  twelve  select 
men,  under  the  command  of  Antonio  de  Quinones,  an 
hidalgo  of  Zamora,51  who  watched  over  him  day  and 
night. 

50  Bernal  Diaz  states  that  he  frightened  many  by  having  them  arrested  and 
threatened  with  trial ; probably  those  seized  with  Villafaue.  Oviedo,  iii.  515, 
mentions  Escudero  as  executed  for  plotting;  but  this  is  doubtful.  As  for  Ver- 
dugo,  he  became  regidor  of  Mexico,  and  in  1529  alcalde.  He  afterward 
joined  Guzman’s  expedition  and  settled  at  Tonald  in  Jalisco.  Razon,  in  Cortes, 
Residencia,  i.  363. 

61  This  was  Cortes’  own  idea,  says  Bernal  Diaz,  and  he  appealed  to  us  to 
guard  him.  1 list.  VerdcuL,  137.  Quinones  was  succeeded  by  Francisco  de 
Tenesas  [Terrazas].  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chick.,  313. 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 


INVESTMENT  OF  MEXICO. 

May-June,  1521. 

Phases  of  Heroism — The  Brigantines  upon  the  Lake — Division  of 
Forces  between  Alvarado,  Sandoval,  and  Olid — Desertion,  Cap- 
ture, and  Execution  of  Xicotencatl — Departure  of  the  Troops 
from  Tezcuco — Naval  Battle — Possession  Taken  of  the  Cause- 
ways— At  One  Point  Cortes  unexpectedly  Gains  Entrance  to  the 
City — But  is  Driven  out. 


The  ideal  heroic  character  is  to  be  viewed  from  t\tro 
standpoints:  the  effect  of  heroism  on  the  hero,  and 
on  the  world.  A very  bad  person  may  do  mankind  a 
great  service.  An  evil-minded  man,  while  sinking  his 
soul  yet  deeper  in  corruption,  may  bring  benefactions 
upon  society.  But  even  a fairly  good  man  cannot  in- 
crease his  innate  nobleness  of  character  while  doing: 
injury  to  his  fellows. 

I do  not  know  that  the  claim  of  good  man  was  ever 
advanced  for  Hernan  Cortes,  except,  indeed,  by  that 
strange  fanaticism  which,  dazzled  by  one  object,  fails 
to  see  other  objects,  or  the  terrible  means  for  their 
attainment.  He  and  his  followers  formed  a sad  mix- 
ture of  good  and  evil,  in  which  the  latter  predomi- 
nated, if  judged  by  the  moral  standard  which  they 
had  formed  for  themselves  as  soldiers  of  the  cross. 
The  grossest  injustice,  the  most  horrible  wickedness 
constituted  part  of  their  moral  ideal,  so  that  while 
fighting  for  the  highest  morality  they  were  the  most 
immoral  of  men.  Long  after  the  conquest  was  con- 
summated, under  the  ministrations  of  men  of  piety 


OH 


INVESTMENT  OF  MEXICO. 


and  ability,  it  would  seem  that  the  weapons  used  by 
these  conquerors,  who  at  times  justified  murder  as 
the  highest  morality,  were  still  instinct  with  blood, 
even  as  the  cornel-wood  spear  with  which  the  king  of 
Thrace  transfixed  the  unhappy  Polydorus  springs  into 
life  instinct  with  the  blood  of  Priam’s  slaughtered  son. 

Cortes  was  not  an  idealist  after  the  manner  of 
Columbus.  Both  were  full  of  egoism;  the  spiritual- 
mindedness of  both  was  essentially  selfish.  They 
would  both  dictate  terms  to  God  and  their  king,  that 
for  so  much  service  they  must  have  so  much  reward. 
Both  were  full  of  the  follies  of  their  day ; but  Colum- 
bus displayed  a grave,  unconscious  folly,  while  Cortes 
consciously  indulged  in  all  the  follies  of  lust  and 
cruelty  that  prudence  admitted  or  his  aim  demanded. 
Cortes  abandoned  himself  to  ambition;  Columbus  to 
brooding  thought.  The  insanity  of  reckless  adventure 
w.as  not  the  insanity  of  Columbus,  who  nevertheless 
was  as  mad  as  any  lunatic  in  his  own  way.  Com- 
manding energy  and  practical  daring  were  as  con- 
spicuous in  Cortds  as  in  Columbus;  but  it  happened 
that  the  aims  of  Columbus  were  of  greater  import  to 
the  race  than  those  of  Cortes. 

How  alike,  and  yet  how  different,  .these  men! 
Cortds  was  impetuous  and  extravagant;  Columbus 
calm,  calculating,  and  prudent.  One  was  full  of  joyous 
activity,  the  simple  exercise  of  which  was  his  greatest 
pleasure;  obligations  of  every  sort  sat  lightly  on  him; 
the  other  was  but  an  instrument  in  the  hands  of 
providence.  Both  were  ambitious,  both  excessively 
religious;  but  Cortes,  in  the  main,  made  religion 
subservient  to  advancement,  as  before  noted,  while 
mundane  glories  to  Columbus  were  hollow  indeed 
beside  his  heavenly  aspirations.  Both  were  exceed- 
ingly great  men;  both  became  eminent  by  a selfish 
adventure  of  self;  but  Columbus  saw  the  New  World 
through  the  glorious  haze  of  immortality,  while  Cortes 
viewed  Mexico  under  the  lightly  woven  covering  of 
personal  ambition. 


LAUNCHING  OF  THE  FLEET. 


615 


Cortes  was  an  Antony  rather  than  a Caesar,  nor  did 
he  lack  that  one  great  gift  of  Antony’s,  subordination, 
as  we  have  seen.  He  was  not  so  greatly  in  love  with 
himself,  stood  not  so  greatly  in  awe  of  himself,  as 
Caesar ; he  was  possessed  of  finer  perceptions  and  feel- 
ings, and  with  consummate  versatility  could  drop  him- 
self out  of  his  plans  as  occasion  required.  Nor  was 
Cortes  without  imagination  and  the  aesthetic  sense, 
though  of  a grosser  and  sensual  kind;  but  it  is  not 
in  great  men  that  we  are  to  look  for  the  swelling  har- 
monies of  nature. 

A turning-point  was  now  reached  in  the  campaign. 
The  brigantines  were  completed,  and  the  siege  could 
begin.  The  day  for  the  entry  of  the  vessels  into  the 
lake  was  a gala  day,  inaugurated  with  the  communion 
and  festive  with  the  concourse  of  gayly  attired  spec- 
tators.1 After  prayer  and  a discourse  the  flags  with 
name  and  royal  arms  were  hoisted  on  each  vessel,2 
amid  salvos  and  cheers,  and  the  dams  being  broken, 
the  gallant  fleet  floated  down  the  canal  to  the  placid 
lake. 

While  the  mute  bunting  was  thus  proclaiming  Span- 
ish supremacy  over  these  inland  waters,  a Te  Deum, 
in  which  joined  a thousand  voices,  echoed  aloud  the 
gratitude  of  every  heart.  Each  vessel  was  placed  in 
charge  of  a captain3  with  twenty-four  Spaniards,  of 


1 Several  leading  authors  assume  this  to  have  occurred  on  the  2Sth  of  April, 
vlien  Cortes  mustered  his  forces.  He  says  nothing  about  the  formal  launch 
on  that  occasion,  and  it  is  hardly  likely  that  two  such  performances  could 
have  been  effected  in  one  day. 

2 ‘ Las  vanderas  Reales,  y otras  vanderas  del  nombre  que  se  dezia  ser  el 
vergantin.’  Bernal  Di:z,  Hist.  Vertical.,  138.  Ixtlilxochitl  assumes  that  the 
flag-ship  was  named  Medellin,  Hist.  Chich.,  313-14,  but  this  appears  to  be  based 
on  a misinterpretation  of  Herrera,  who  places  Villafuerte  ‘of  Medellin’ at  the 
head  of  the  list  of  captains.  Vetancurt  believes  that  the  vessels  were  named 
after  the  apostles,  to  whom  Cortds  was  so  devoted.  Teatro  Mex.,  pt.  iii.  156. 
If  so,  the  flag-ship  may  have  been  called  San  Pedro,  after  his  patron.  When 
all  were  floated  a storm  came  which  threatened  to  break  them  one  against  the 
other.  Torquemada,  i.  532. 

3 Their  names  appear  to  have  been  Juan  Rodriguez  de  Villafuerte  of 
Medellin,  Juan  Jaramillo  of  Salvatierra,  Francisco  Rodriguez  Magarino  of 
Merida,  Cristobal  Flores  of  Valencia,  Juan  Garcia  Holguin  of  Caceres,  Cara- 
vajal  of  Zamora,  Pedro  Barba  of  Seville,  Geronimo  Ruiz  de  la  Mota  of  Burgos, 


616 


INVESTMENT  OF  MEXICO. 


whom  about  six  were  cross-bowmen  and  arquebusiers, 
some  artillerists  to  manage  the  bronze  gun,  and  twelve 
rowers,  six  to  each  side.  The  boats  were  evidently 
half-decked.4 

Active  preparations  were  now  made  to  begin  the 
siege.  Tlascaltecs,  Huexotzincas,  Cholultecs,  Chal- 
cans,  and  other  allies  were  summoned  to  send  in  con- 
tingents by  Whitsunday,  the  latter  to  assemble  at 
Chaleo,  and  the  Tlascaltecs  at  Tezcuco.  Though  but 
ten  days’  notice  was  given,  the  last  named  presented 
themselves  in  the  camp  before  the  appointed  time  to 
the  number  of  over  fifty  thousand,  which  was  increased 
by  later  reenforcement.5 

As  they  approached  Tezcuco  under  the  guidance 
of  Ojeda,  and  commanded  notably  by  Chichimecatl 
and  Xicotencatl  junior,  they  spread  out  in  one  long 
serpentine  file,  bristling  with  iztli  points  and  brill- 
iant with  shields  and  armor  covered  with  variegated 
devices  and  flowing  plumage,  while  at  intervals 


Pedro  de  Briones  of  Salamanca,  Rodrigo  Morejon  de  Lovera  of  Medina  del 
Campo,  Antonio  de  Sotelo  of  Zamora,  Juan  de  Portillo  of  Portillo,  and  Miguel 
Diaz  de  Auz.  Martin  Lopez,  the  ship-builder,  also  joined,  in  the  character  of 
chief  pilot.  Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  i.  cap.  xii.  xxi.,  has  Francisco  de  Verdugo, 
of  Arevalo,  instead  of  Diaz  de  Auz,  but  Bernal  Diaz  names  him  as  one  of  the 
company  captains  under  Olid,  and  he  ought  to  know  better  in  this  respect. 
He  also  names  a second  Caravajal,  Zamora,  a ship-master,  afterward  settled 
in  Oajaca,  Colmenero,  Gines  Nortcs,  and  Lerma.  Hist.  Verdad.,  138. 

4 The  smallest  was  soon  set  aside  as  useless.  There  was  some  trouble  in 
obtaining  rowers,  owing  in  a great  measure  to  the  employment  in  Spam  of 
criminals  in  that  capacity.  Hidalgos  shrank  from  anything  that  could  be  re- 
garded as  common  labor,  and  even  ordinary  sailors  refused  to  handle  a branded 
implement.  In  this  dilemma  a list  was  made  of  all  natives  of  seaports,  and 
of  those  known  to  be  able  fishermen,  and  finally  the  selected  number  were 
ordered  to  take  the  oar,  regardless  of  caste. 

5 So  says  Cort6s,  Cartas,  208.  Bernal  Diaz  as  usual  implies  a smaller  num- 
ber by  stating  that  Cortds  sent  to  ask  for  only  20,000  men  from  the  republics. 
Ilist.  Verdad.,  137-8.  The  Cholultecs,  he  says,  who  had  maintained  a neu- 
tral attitude  since  the  massacre  there,  sent  a small  force  under  their  own 
captain.  Gomara  allows  60,000  allies  to  come;  Vetancurt  90,000,  of  whom 
60,000  are  Tlascaltecs;  Clavigero  limits  the  arrival  to  50,000  Tlascaltecs,  the 
whole  number  of  allies  swelling  gradually  to  over  200,000,  while  Herrera 
makes  that  number  arrive  within  two  days;  Ixtlilxochitl  names  thirteen  chiefs, 
who  commanded  the  50,000  Tlascaltecs  (a  misprint  gives  5000),  and  some 
of  those  leading  the  10,000  Huexotzincas;  he  also  allows  10,000  Cholultecs;  of 
his  own  Tezcucans  he  claims  over  200.030  to  have  come,  50,000  each  being 
furnished  by  the  provinces  of  Tezcuco,  Otumba,  Tziuhcohua,  and  Chaleo,  with 
Tepeaca,  Quauhnahuac,  etc. ; 8000  chiefs  or  nobles  joined  besides  from  Tezcuco, 
and  50,000  laborers  in  addition,  it  seems.  Hist.  Chick.,  313 ; Hor.  Crueldades,  20. 


REVIEW  CF  TROOPS. 


617 


waved  high  the  banners  of  the  different  corps.  Cortes 
went  forth  to  meet  them  with  grand  demonstrations, 
and  as  they  marched  past  loud  vivas6  rent  the  air. 

On  the  28th  of  April  Cortes  had  mustered  his 
forces  and  found  that,  with  the  several  reenforccments 
lately  arrived,  there  were  present  over  nine  hundred 
Spaniards,  of  whom  eighty- six  were  horsemen  and 
one  hundred  and  eighteen  cross -bowmen  and  arque- 
busiers;7  the  rest  being  armed  with  swords  and  shields 
and  the  more  formidable  pikes.  They  were  well  pro- 
tected with  cotton  armor,  many  having  cuirasses  and 
corselets,  and  small  weapons  were  not  wanting.  The 
artillery  consisted  of  three  heavy  iron  guns,  fifteen 
smaller  pieces  of  bronze,  mostly  distributed  among 
the  vessels,  with  ten  quintals  of  powder  and  a quan- 
tity of  shot,  while  some  fifty  thousand  arrows  had 
been  furnished  by  the  Tezcucan  towns,  all  fitted 
according  to  pattern  with  copper  tips.8 

Not  only  had  the  Spaniards,  particular!}7  the  new 
recruits,  been  well  exercised  in  cavalry  movements, 
target  practice,  fencing,  and  pike  drill,  but  the  allies 
had  been  trained  to  a certain  extent  in  European 
tactics.  For  efficiency  and  good  conduct  this  army 
rose  far  above  any  yet  mustered  in  the  Indies.  In 
the  usual  speech  before  the  ranks,  Cortes  pointed  out 
how  God  had  favored  them  with  constant  victories 
and  with  reenforcements  which  had  nearly  doubled 
their  number  and  resources.  They  might  indeed  be 
hopeful,  for  holy  was  their  cause.  Full  of  confidence 
they  could  march  against  the  only  stronghold  yet 
opposed  to  them,  avenge  their  slaughtered  comrades, 
and  win  riches  and  glory  for  themselves. 

0 ‘ Viua  el  Emperador  nuestro  sefior,  y Castilla,  Castillo,  Tlascala,  Tlascala!’ 
Bernal  Diaz,  loc.  cit.  It  took  three  days  for  the  auxiliaries  to  enter,  says 
Ojeda,  and  great  as  was  Tezcuco,  there  was  not  room  for  them.  Herrera,  dec. 
iii.  lib.  i.  cap.  xii.  Bernal  Diaz  reduces  the  days  to  hours. 

7 Cortes,  Cartas,  206.  Gomara  agrees,  Hist.  Me. v.,  191,  but  Bernal  Diaz 
gives  the  number  as  S4  horsemen,  030  soldiers  with  swords,  shields,  and  lances, 
and  194  archers  and  arquebusiers.  loc.  cit. 

8 Some  half  a dozen  towns  furnished  8000  each  within  eight  days.  The 
feathers  were  fastened  by  the  archers  with  glue  from  the  cactle  root.  They 
kept  two  strings  and  as  many  catches,  and  maintained  their  skill  by  target 
practice.  Id. 


618 


INVESTMENT  OF  MEXICO. 


On  Whitmonday,  the  20th  of  May,  an  apportion- 
ment of  the  troops  was  made  to  Alvarado,  Olid,  and 
Sandoval,  who  led  the  cavalry  in  person,  but  directed 
the  movements  of  the  infantry  through  captains,  and 
of  the  allies  through  native  chiefs.  Each  received 
from  twenty-four  to  thirty  horsemen,  and  one  hundred 
and  fifty  infantry,  divided  into  two  or  three  battalions, 
with  a proportionate  number  of  arquebusiers,  cross- 
bowmen, guns,  and  ammunition,  besides  from  twenty 
to  forty  thousand  allies.  To  Sandoval  was  given  the 
smallest  number  of  horse  and  the  largest  number  of 
allies,  those  gathered  at  Chaleo  having  orders  to 
await  him,  while  Alvarado  received  a full  half  of  the 
Tlascaltec  force,  with  whom  the  Tonatiuh  was  a great 
favorite.  To  this  leader  Tlacopan  was  assigned  for 
head-quarters;  to  Olid,  Coyuhuacan;  and  Sandoval  re- 
ceived orders  to  complete  the  destruction  of  Iztapa- 
lapan,  and  then  to  advance  through  Coyuhuacan  and 
along  one  of  the  southern  causeways,  and  there  to 
select  his  head-quarters,  under  the  protection  of  the 
brigantines.  These  appointments  and  orders  under- 
went several  changes  during  the  siege.  For  himself 
Cortes  selected  the  management  of  the  fleet,  whereon 
so  much  depended  during  the  opening  of  the  siege, 
and  in  addition  to  its  ships’' companies  of  three  hun- 
dred men  he  was  supported  by  several  thousand 
allies,  chiefly  Tezcucans  under  Ixtlilxochitl,  who  at- 
tended in  a large  number  of  canoes.  This  selection 
hardly  pleased  the  army,  which  considered  their  oper- 
ations the  most  important  and  dangerous,  and  there- 
fore in  need  of  Cortes’  supervision.  But  he  evidently 
never  intended  to  remain  with  the  fleet  except  at  the 
beginning.9 * * * 13 

9 The  distribution  of  forces  as  given  by  Cortes  stands  thus : To  Alvarado, 

30  horse,  18  arquebusiers  and  archers,  150  sword  and  shield  men,  and  over 

25,000  Tlascaltecs;  to  Olid,  33  horse,  18  archers  and  arquebusiers,  ICO  sword 

and  shield  men,  and  over  20,000  allies ; to  Sandoval,  24  horse,  4 arquebusiers, 

13  archers,  150  sword  and  shield  men,  and  over  30,000  allies  from  Huexotzinco, 
Cholula,  and  Chaleo.  Cartas,  207.  Others  differ  more  or  less,  some  giving 
details  that  hardly  accord  with  the  totals.  Bernal  Diaz  names  as  Alvarado’s 
three  captains  his  brother  Jorge  de  Alvarado.  Gutierre  de  Badajoz,  and 


DESERTION  OF  XICOTENCATL. 


G19 


The  following  day  the  allied  forces  apportioned  to 
Alvarado  and  Olid  were  ordered  to  march  in  advance, 
for  greater  convenience,  to  the  border  of  Tezcuco 
province  and  there  await  the  Spaniards.  Not  many 
hours  after  their  departure  a messenger  appeared  with 
the  announcement  that  Xicotencatl,  the  companion 
general  of  Chichimecatl,  had  disappeared.  Inquiries 
revealed  that  shortly  before  his  cousin  Piltecuhtli  had 
been  severely  and  wantonly  struck  by  a soldier  during 
a quarrel  over  some  carriers.  In  order  to  save  the 
soldier  from  the  wrath  of  Cortes,  Ojeda,  the  Spanish 
inspecting  officer  over  the  allied  forces,  smoothed  the 
matter  and  sent  the  injured  nobleman  home.  It  was 
claimed  by  some  that  this  outrage  had  so  wounded 
Xicotencatl  that  he  followed  his  cousin.  Others  as- 
sumed that  both  chiefs  were  in  love  with  the  same 
woman,  and  that  Xicotencatl  could  not  bear  to  leave 
his  rival  alone  in  the  field.  But  the  true  reason  lay 
no  doubt  in  his  dislike  to  fight  for  the  Spaniards, 
whom  he  had  never  ceased  to  oppose,  openly  and  in 
secret,  as  invaders  bent  on  the  enslavement  of  the 
whole  country.  This  idea,  if  faint  at  first,  had  become 
more  fixed  with  every  fresh  blow  against  his  personal 
ambition,  such  as  the  first  series  of  defeats  which 
plucked  from  him  his  jifct  renown;  the  equal  or  per- 
haps superior  position  assigned  in  the  native  army  to 
Chichimecatl,  of  whom  he  appears  to  have  been  deeply 


Andrds  de  Monjaraz,  the  latter  an  agreeable,  bright-faced  fellow  of  about 
32  years,  always  suffering  from  a Lotharian  disease  which  prevented  him 
from  doing  anything.  The  three  captains  under  Olid  were  Andr<5s  de  Tdpia, 
a growing  favorite  of  Cortes’,  Francisco  Verdugo,  the  unconscious  fellow-con- 
spirator of  Villafane,  and  Francisco  de  Lugo,  the  natural  son  of  a prominent 
estate-holder  at  Medina  del  Campo.  Sandoval  had  but  two  captains,  the  in- 
sinuating Pedro  de  Ircio,  and^Luis  Marin  of  San  Lucar,  a muscular  and 
dashing  fellow,  of  Monjaraz’  age,  with  an  open  blonde  face,  somewhat  pitted, 
and  possessed  of  a voluble  tongue.  Hint.  Vert/ad. , 139,  240,  246.  Ixtlilxochitl 
gives  a longer  list,  which  is  clearly  wrong  in  many  respects,  and  he  adds  some 
names  of  native  leaders.  Alvarado  kept  the  Tlascaltecs  of  Tizatlan  and  Te- 
peticpac;  Olid  those  of  Ocotelulco  and  Quiahuiztlan.  Hi  t.  Chick.,  313-14. 
He  further  states  that  his  namesake  joined  Cortes’  fleet  with  16,000  canoes, 
containing  50,000  Tezcucans,  of  whom  8000  were  nobles.  Idor.  Crueldades,  21. 
Brasseur  de  Bourbourg  follows  this  author  in  many  respects,  improving  some- 
what on  the  names.  Herrera  names  five  of  the  sub-captains,  among  them 
Hernando  de  Lerma  of  Galicia,  dec.  iii.  lib.  i.  cap.  xii. 


620 


INVESTMENT  OF  MEXICO. 


jealous;10  and  the  prospect  of  a wearisome  and  un- 
profitable campaign,  wherein  he  must  be  content  to 
figure  as  a subordinate,  not  only  of  Alvarado,  but 
subject  perhaps  to  the  orders  of  petty  Spanish  offi- 
cers. All  this  became  too  galling  to  bis  proud  spirit, 
and  with  a few  followers  be  turned  toward  bis 
mountain  home. 

It  would  never  do  to  countenance  desertion,  and 
by  so  prominent  a man,  at  the  very  opening  of  a 
campaign;  and  Cortes  immediately  sent  a number  of 
troopers  in  pursuit,  with  instructions  to  represent  to 
the  chief  the  gravity  of  bis  offence,  which  cast  a heavy 
stain  on  Tlascaltec  honor,  and  to  persuade  him  to  re- 
turn. They  speedily  overtook  him,  only  to  meet  with 
insolence.  He  would  not  go  back;  if  bis  people  bad 
listened  to  him  they  would  not  now  be  tools  and  ser- 
vants of  a horde  of  foreigners.  With  this  reply  the 
troops  were  forced  to  return.  “ This  cacique  is  incor- 
rigible,” exclaimed  Cortes,  “and  will  ever  be  a traitor 
and  counsellor  to  evil.  I have  bad  enough  of  him!” 
The  troopers  were  at  once  sent  back,  accompanied  by 
an  alguacil  and  some  trusty  Tlascaltec  nobles,  with 
orders  to  arrest  the  fugitive  and  bring  him  to  Tez- 
cuco.  In  a letter  to  the  republican  lords,  Cortes  at 
the  same  time  complained  fcf  the  desertion  and  its 
grave  influence,  and  declared  that  according  to  Spanish 
law  the  penalty  was  death.  They  replied  that  the  same 
punishment  obtained  in  Tlascala;  and  not  only  do  they 
appear  to  have  actively  aided  in  surrendering  the  cul- 
prit, but  they  declared  all  bis  property,  including 
wives  and  slaves,  confiscated  to  the  crown,  against 
which  be  had  sinned.11  Indeed,  the  arrogance  of  the 

10  ‘Iva  a tomar  por  fuerpa  el  Cacicazgo,  e vassallos,  y tierra  del  mismo 
Chichimeeateclc,  ’ Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  1 39,  which  must  be  an  idle  rumor. 

11  Some  time  later  when  Ojeda  went  to  Tlascala  for  supplies  he  brought 
back  the  confiscated  property,  including  a quantity  of  treasure,  and  30 
women,  the  daughters,  servants,  etc.,  of  Xicotencatl.  Torquemada,  i.  558. 
The  Tlascaltec  laws  were  severe,  ‘ E l’odio  particolore,  chc  portavano  a quel 
Principe,  il  cui  orgoglio  non  potevano  piii  soffrire.’  Clnvigero,  Storia  Mess., 
iii.  195.  Some  Tlascaltecs  say  his  father  had  warned  Cortes  against  his  son, 
and  urged  his  death.  Bernal  Diaz,  loc.  cit.  Herrera  observes  that  he  could 
hardly  have  been  seized  without  Tlascaltec  aid.  dec.  iii.  lib.  i.  cap.  xvii. 


ALVARADO  AXD  OLID  QUARREL. 


621 


younar  cliicf  does  not  seem  to  have  endeared  him  to 
the  other  rulers.  Instantly  on  his  arrival  he  was 
sentenced  and  hanged  on  a very  high  gallows,  while 
the  crier  and  interpreter  announced  his  crime. 

The  execution  of  so  prominent  a chief,  heir  to  one 
of  the  rulers  among  his  best  allies,  was  an  act  which 
few  besides  Cortes  would  have  ventured  on;  but  he 
saw  the  necessity  for  a firm  observance  of  discipline, 
and  was  not  deceived  in  the  salutary  effect  which  it 
had  on  the  allies.12  There  were  not  many  Tlascaltecs 
left  in  Tezcuco,  or  a serious  demonstration  might  have 
occurred;  as  it  was,  the  mantle  and  maxtli  of  the  de- 
ceased were  secured,  and  an  eager  contest  ensued  for 
them  as  relics.  Axayacatzin  Xicotencatl  had  achieved 
fame  before  the  advent  of  the  Spaniards.13 

Alvarado  and  Olid  had  set  out  from  Tezcuco  for 
Tlacopan  with  their  Spanish  forces  on  the  22d  of 
May,14  taking  the  same  route  by  which  Cortes  had 
returned  from  the  Xocliimilco  campaign,  and  though 
longer  than  that  north  of  Tezcuco  Lake,  yet  it  was 
easier  and  safer.  On  approaching  Acolman,  Olid  sent 
a party  in  advance  to  secure  quarters,  and  when  Alva- 
rado arrived  he  found  every  house  bearing  the  green 
bough  on  the  roof,  which  indicated  occupancy.  This 
raised  a tumult  between  the  parties,  and  even  the 
captains  would  have  come  to  blows  but  for  the  inter- 

12 Ojeda,  in  Herrera,  loc.  cit..  Solis,  Hist.  Mex.,\i.  379,  thinks  that  it  would 
have  been  hazardous  to  hang  him  at  Tezcuco,  where  many  Tlascaltecs  were 
gathered ; but  he  forgets  that  nearly  all  this  people  had  already  set  out  for 
Mexico.  His  supposition  is  based  on  Bernal  Diaz,  who  intimates  that  he  was 
not  hanged  in  Tezcuco.  Alvarado  had  pleaded  for  his  life,  and  Cortes,  while 
pretending  compliance,  secretly  ordered  the  alguacil  to  despatch  him.  Hist. 
Verdad.,  139. 

13  Cortes  divided  the  lordship  of  the  chieftain  afterward  between  his  two 
sons,  and  the  name  of  Xicotencatl  has  been  perpetuated  by  more  than  one 
line,  as  Camargo  shows  in  his  Hist.  Tlax.  Two  officers  of  that  name  figured 
during  the  American  invasion  of  1847  in  defence  of  their  country.  Brasseur 
de  Bourbourg,  Hist.  Hal.  Civ.,  iv.  447. 

11  Most  writers  say  the  10th,  misled  by  an  error  in  CorUs,  Cartas,  208;  and 
this  error  causes  Prescott,  among  others,  to  fall  into  more  than  one  mistake, 
which  he  upholds  with  vain  arguments.  On  earlier  pages  in  the  Cartas  are 
given  dates  in  connection  with  religious  festivals  which  show  that  Whitsun- 
day fell  on  the  19th  of  May,  and  the  departure  took  place  three  days  later. 
Bernal  Diaz  gives  the  13th,  and  says  that  the  Xicotencatl  affair  had  detained 
them  a day.  He  afterward  varies  the  date. 


C22 


INVESTMENT  OF  MEXICO. 


ference  of  friends.  Informed  of  the  trouble,  Cortds 
took  steps  to  reconcile  them,  although  the  two  leaders 
never  renewed  their  former  intimacy. 

On  the  evening  of  the  fourth  day  they  reached 
Tlacopan,  which  was  deserted,  as  were  all  the  towns 
along  the  route.15  Late  as  was  the  hour,  forages  and 
reconn oissances  were  made,  involving  a skirmish  with 
the  Mexicans.  The  following  day,  Sunday,  Olid  pro- 
ceeded to  Chapultepec  to  cut  the  aqueduct  which- 
supplied  the  city,  a task  which  involved  another  en- 
counter wherein  a score  of  Mexicans  fell.  Meanwhile 
the  canals  were  filled  and  other  obstacles  removed 
which  might  impede  a free  advance,  and  foraging 
tours  were  made.  The  Mexicans  continued  to  harass 
the  operations  with  repeated  sallies,  and  finally  Alva- 
rado, with  characteristic  rashness,  pursued  them  until 
his  troops  were  well  advanced  between  the  houses  and 
bridges.  The  Mexicans,  who  had  retreated  on  pur- 
pose, now  rolled  back  upon  his  front  and  flanks.  The 
roofs,-  hitherto  deserted,  teemed  with  slingers  and 
archers,  who  showered  their  missiles  with  terrible 
effect,  while  from  the  lanes  and  openings  between  the 
houses  sprang  numbers  who  assailed  the  cramped 
soldiers  with  their  long  lances,  swords,  and  clubs,  and 
leaped  back  into  their  holes  and  canoes  and  behind 
breastworks  whenever  they  were  pressed.  The  allies 
were  ordered  back,  and  the- Spaniards  slowly  retreated, 
with  a loss  of  eight  killed  and  fifty  wounded,  glad  to 
be  relieved  from  their  strait. 

Olid  was  highly  incensed  with  Alvarado  for  his  rash- 
ness, and  regardless  of  all  remonstrance  he  seized  the 
pretext  to  hasten  the  departure  to  his  own  camp  at 
Cojmhuacan.  He  established  his  head-quarters  on 
Corpus  Christi  day,  the  30th  of  May,  and  from  this 
date,  accordingly,  Clavigero  and  many  others  date  the 
beginning  of  the  siege.  The  causeway  leading  thence 
to  Mexico  was  broken,  and  he  sought  for  several  days 

15They  passed  round  Zumpango  Lake,  through  Quauhtitlan  and  Tenayo- 
can.  Cortes,  Cartas,  210;  Bernal  Diaz,  hist.  Verdad.,  139. 


HOW  THE  MEXICANS  VIEW  IT. 


G23 


to  cover  the  breaches  and  gain  a footing  upon  it,  but 
without  success.  The  Mexican  warriors  displayed 
great  spirit,  and  their  leaders  are  to  be  blamed  for 
not  energetically  assuming  the  offensive  and  attack- 
ing the  two  camps. 

The  Mexicans  had  not  quite  understood  the  drift 
of  Cortes’  delay  and  preliminary  manoeuvres.  When 
they  found  two  camps  established,  the  aqueduct  de- 
stroyed, and  earnest  preparations  in  progress  for  in- 
vestment, their  eyes  were  opened;  but  they  were 
then  too  bewildered  to  act  with  promptness  and 
precision.  The  chronicles  relate  that  Quauhtemotzin 
held  a grand  council  to  consider  the  situation,  and 
to  sound  the  spirit  of  the  people  for  peace  or  war, 
so  that  there  .might  be  no  faltering  when  necessity 
came.  A number  indeed  of  the  elder  and  wiser  lords, 
particularly  of  the  Montezuma  faction,  spoke  of  the 
formidable  enginery  and  strength  of  the  Spaniards, 
and  their  host  of  allies,  and  expressed  fears  of  failure. 
With  the  occupation  of  all  the  surrounding  territory, 
and  the  influx  of  people  from  abroad,  the  food  supply 
might  fall  short,  and  famine  and  sickness  ensue.  But 
the  young  men  and  the  warriors,  as  might  be  ex- 
pected, "would  listen  to  no  counsellor  whose  words 
implied  cowardice ; they  -were  enthusiastic  for  resist- 
ance, and  formed  too  numerous  a party  to  allow  the 
entertaining  of  peace  proposals.  Quauhtemotzin  cau- 
tiously refrained  from  committing  himself,16  but  re- 


16 ‘Jamils  quisieron  Paz  [the  Aztecs];  y aunque  & la  postre  la  recibieron, 
el  Rei  no  la  aceptb,  porque  al  principio,  contra  su  Consejo,  la  relmsaron.’ 
Torquemada,  i.  572.  Gomara  says  the  same,  but  Duran,  the  historian  of  his 
dynasty,  declares  that  he  loved  too  much  to  rule  and  to  display  his  personal 
valor  ever  to  listen  to  peace  proposals.  Hist,  hid.,  MS.,  ii.  490.  On  the  fol- 
lowing pages  he  gives  a speech  by  this  ruler,  painting  the  shame  and  evil  of 
surrender.  Before  this,  according  to  the  native  records  of  Sahagun,  Cort6s 
had  invited  Quauhtemotzin,  under  promise  of  security,  to  a conference,  in 
order  to  explain  his  motives  for  the  campaign.  Not  wishing  to  appear  afraid, 
the  Aztec  monarch  came  to  the  rendezvous  near  Acachinanco,  in  a state 
barge,  attended  by  several  nobles.  Cortds  arrived  in  a brigantine.  He  re- 
viewed the  allegiance  tendered  to  the  Spanish  sovereign,  the  revolt,  precipi- 
tated by  Alvarado’s  effort  to  anticipate  the  murderous  plot,  and  the  subsequent 
slaughter  of  Spaniards  and  robbery  of  treasures.  These  unjustifiable  and 


624 


INVESTMENT  OF  MEXICO. 


minded  the  assembly  that  the  oracles  of  their  gods 
and  heroic  ancestors  had  above  all  to  be  listened  to 
in  so  important  a matter  as  the  preservation  of  the 
homes  and  sacred  temples  intrusted  to  their  care. 
He  knew  well  what  answer  would  come  from  the 
priests,  whose  possessions,  wealth,  and  honors  de- 
pended on  the  exclusion  of  invaders,  aiming  above  all 
at  the  overthrow  of  their  religion.  ‘‘My  people  shall 
not  fear  the  enemy,”  spake  the  war- god  Huitzilo- 
pochtli,  “for  the  allied  hosts  will  not  persevere  long 
in  the  siege,  and  I will  scatter  the  Castilians  now  as 
hitherto.”  This  utterance  suited  many  views,  and 
the  declaration  for  war  was  solemnized  by  sacrifices 
of  human  beings,  including  the  four  Spaniards  lately 
captured.17 

Renewed  efforts  were  made  to  fortify  and  supply 
the  city,  and  canoes  were  collected  to  aid  in  the  defence. 
With  insolent  assurance,  derived  from  the  oracles, 
corps  of  warriors  would  advance  close  to  the  Spanish 
camps  and  vent  their  feelings  with  insults  and  menaces, 
“Men  of  evil,  you  shall  pay  for  your  madness  I Behold, 
the  gods  have  already  feasted  on  your  bodies!”  they 
cried,  flinging  in  among  the  horrified  soldiers  pieces 
of  their  sacrificed  comrades.  “ Our  snakes  shall  drink 
your  blood,  and  our  tigers  devour  your  flesh,  though 
they  are  already  satiated  therewith.  And  you,  in- 
famous Tlascaltecs,  slaves  and  traitors ! you  shall 
atone  for  your  misdeeds;  you  shall  die  a bad  death, 
and  furnish  flesh  for  our  banquets!  Behold!”  And 


inhuman  outrages  he  had  come  to  avenge ; and  he  would  not  stay  his  hand 
till  the  enemies  of  his  king  and  God  had  been  driven  forth.  Quauhtemotzin 
merely  replied  that  he  accepted  war,  and  thereupon  returned  to  the  city. 
Saharjurt,  llist.  Conq.  (ed.  1840),  147-50.  Torquemada,  i.  543,  and  Brasseur 
de  Bourbourg  adopt  this  story,  the  latter  stating  that  the  Aztec  ruler  pro- 
posed to  consult  his  council.  But  Clavigero  rightly  assumes  that  the  interview 
never  took  place.  All  other  records  say  that  Quauhtemotzin  persistently  re- 
fused ever  to  speak  with  Cortfis,  even  from  behind  his  walls. 

17  Many  captives  had  been  secured  during  recent  raids  on  Chaleo  and 
Tezcuco,  and  other  parts,  so  that  there  was  no  lack.  The  native  victims 
numbered  4000,  it  is  said.  Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  i.  cap.  xvii.  ‘All  boys,’ 
says  Oviedo,  iii.  515.  ‘Yo  bien  creo  que  fuero  muchas,  mas  no  tantas. 
Goviara,  loc.  cit.  The  limbs  of  the  Spaniards  were  sent  to  different  prov- 
inces to  frighten  the  inhabitants.  Bernal  Diaz,  Ilist.  Verdad.,  135. 


MOVEMENTS  OF  THE  SPANIARDS. 


625 


therewith  they  threw,  in  disjointed  pieces  of  dusky 
human  bodies.  “We  shall  not  rest  till  your  land  is 
desolated,  and  not  a man  or  woman  left  to  perpetuate 
your  vile  race.”  Unabashed  by  this  tirade  the  Tlas- 
caltecs  told  them  not  to  threaten  like  women,  but  to 
act  like  men.  Still  it  were  better  for  them  to  yield 
unless  they  wished  to  be  destroyed. 

Cortes  had  been  delayed  till  the  fleet  should  be  fully 
prepared.  On  the  31st  of  May,  following  Corpus 
Christ!  day,  he  was  able  to  despatch  Sandoval,  who, 
reenforced  by  some  forty  thousand  allies  awaiting  him 
on  the  Chaleo  border,  marched  against  Iztapalapan. 
Although  severely  crippled  by  Cortes’  expedition,  this 
town  still  figured  as  a stronghold  of  too  great  im- 
portance to  be  left  in  the  rear.  Advised  of  the 
movement,  the  Mexicans  hurried  by  road  and  water 
to  aid  in  covering  the  retreat  of  the  inhabitants. 
Suddenly  smoke  columns  were  observed  in  different 
parts  of  the  lake,  and  cries  of  alarm  ran  through  the 
town.  Yet  more  and  more  hurriedly  the  people  fled,  and 
while  one  body  of  warriors  retired  along  the  causeway 
to  Mexico,  others  departed  in  canoes.  The  Spanish 
forces  pressed  onward  in  close  pursuit,  and  slaughter, 
pillage,  and  torch  accompanied  them.  The  chief  cause 
of  the  panic  was  the  appearance  of  the  brigantines, 
which  had  set  sail  shortly  after  Sandoval’s  departure, 
attended  by  a large  number  of  Tezcucan  canoes18 
whose  object  was  to  cooperate  against  Iztapalapan. 
On  approaching  it  the  vessels  passed  close  to  a steep 
rocky  isle,  the  Tepepulco,  since  known  as  El  Penol 
del  Marques,19  occupied  by  a large  number  of  fugitives 
who  shouted  defiance,  and  showered  stones  and  arrows. 
Finding  that  Sandoval  required  no  aid,  Cortes  re- 

18  Ixtlilxochitl  states  in  one  place  that  his  namesake  remained  at  Tezcuco 
to  raise  troops  and  to  arrange  for  regular  trains  of  supplies  for  the  Spanish 
camps.  In  another  relation  he  allows  him  to  accompany  Cort6s  with  16,000 
canoes.  Hor.  Crueldades,  21;  Relation,  314.  The  canoes  which  now  attended 
the  fleet  appear  to  have  served  chiefly  as  transports. 

19  Owned  even  under  republican  rule  by  the  heirs  of  Cortfis,  as  a tetzontli 
quarry. 


Hist.  Mex.,  Yol.  I.  40 


C26 


INVESTMENT  OF  MEXICO. 


solved  to  inflict  a lesson  on  the  insolent  islanders. 
The  Mexicans  appeared  confident  in  the  impregnable 
strength  of  the  rock,  and  gave  so  warm  a reception  to 
the  hundred  and  fifty  men  with  whom  Cortes  began 
to  climb  it,  that  fully  a score  were  wounded  at  the 
onset.  The  brigantines  turned  their  guns  upon  them, 
however,  and  under  this  cover  the  soldiers  speedily 
gained  the  summit,  there  to  wreak  bloody  vengeance. 
Not  a man  was  spared,  only  the  women  and  children. 
“It  was  a beautiful  victory!”  exclaims  Cortes. 

While  they  were  pillaging,  a large  fleet  of  canoes, 
five  hundred  at  the  lowest  estimate,20  was  seen  to  ap- 
proach from  the  direction  of  Mexico,  bristling  with 
iztli  points,  which  found  a gleaming  reflection  in  the 
smooth  waters  of  the  lake.  Cortes  ordered  an  im- 
mediate return  to  the  brigantines,  and  rowed  them 
forward  into  an  extended  line.  He  had  longed  for  an 
opportunity  like  this,  to  meet  a formidable  fleet  upon 
which  the  brigantines  might  inflict  a lesson  severe 
enough  to  open  the  eyes  of  the  enemy  to  their  invin- 
cible power;  for  “ in  them  lay  the  key  of  war,”  as  he 
expressed  it.  Unfortunately  the  wind  was  so  light  as 
barely  to  flap  the  sails.  The  hostile  fleet  had  already 
drawn  up  in  good  order  just  beyond  range,  evidently 
puzzled  at  the  passive  attitude  of  the  monster  vessels, 
yet  shouting  defiance.21  Cortes  stood  chafing  with 
impatience,  for  without  wind  his  greatest  advantage 
would  be  lost,  and  his  position  even  become  precarious. 
Just  then  the  waters  rippled  and  a breeze  came  from 
abaft  which  speedily  freshened.  “Ah,  God  favors  us  !” 
he  cried,  and  with  a grateful  gaze  toward  heaven  he 
gave  orders  to  advance  under  full  sail.  As  they  came 
close  to  the  enemy  a blinding  volley  was  sent  pouring 
in  upon  them  from  the  whole  line,  from  guns,  arque- 


20Cort6s,  Cartas , 211.  Bernal  Diaz  raises  the  number  to  4000,  Peter  Martyr 
to  5000,  while  Vetancurt  assumes  that  the  500  were  merely  the  van.  Teatro 
Mex. , pt.  iii.  158. 

21  Oviedo  writes  that  they  were  sacrificing  boys  to  propitiate  the  gods.  iii. 
51 G.  ‘ La  flota  cj  les  parecio  no  dar  batalla  con  tan  pocas  y cansadas,’  observes 
Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  194. 


THE  FORMIDABLE  FLEET. 


627 


buses,  and  cross-bows,  and  while  the  natives  were  trying 
to  recover  from  their  confusion,  from  out  the  smoke 
burst  the  ponderous  bows,  crashing  into  the  lines  of 
canoes,  overturning,  breaking,  and  sinking.  In  the 
vessels’  wake  were  wrecks  and  struggling  bodies,  while 
the  few  canoes  which  had  escaped  by  passing  between 
the  ships  struggled  to  escape  the  Tezcucan  boats  in 
the  rear.  At  the  first  encounter  the  canoes  in  the  far- 
ther lines  turned  in  hot  haste  for  home,  as  did  a vast 
number  of  others  which  had  ventured  forth,  partly 
with  reenforcements,  partly  with  spectators.  But  the 
clumsy -looking  vessels  sped  faster,  pursuing  their 
career  of  destruction  for  three  leagues,  into  the  very 
canals  of  the  city,  whence  they  turned  back  to  pick 
up  captives.  The  victory  exceeded  the  wildest  hopes 
of  the  Spaniards,  as  Cortes  admits,  for  not  only  did 
the  Aztecs  lose  a great  number  of  their  foremost 
warriors  and  their  best  canoes,  but  they  surrendered 
forever  to  the  formidable  craft  sovereignty  over  the 
lake  waters,  and  with  it  the  hope  of  assistance  from 
trans-lacustrine  allies. 

Encouraged  by  this  success,  Olid  advised  Alvarado, 
and  both  hastened  to  take  advantage  of  the  panic  to 
advance  along  the  causeways  and  effect  considerable 
execution,  impelled  as  they  were  with  emulation  and 
fresh  courage.22  Olid  had  advanced  close  to  Fort 
Xoloc,  which  with  its  stout  battlemented  walls  and 
towers  guarded  the  junction  of  the  southern  cause- 
ways, when  the  brigantines  approached  it  from  the 
eastern  side.  It  was  already  after  vespers;  neverthe- 
less Cortes  landed  to  cooperate  with  his  lieutenant 
and  pursue  the  advantage  gained.  A breach  was 
made  in  the  wall  with  one  of  the  heavy  guns,  and 
under  cover  of  the  fleet’s  artillery  the  place  was  soon 
carried.  Cortes  had  intended  to  make  Coyuhuacan 
his  head-quarters,  but  such  were  the  obvious  advan- 
tages of  Xoloc,  in  strength  and  in  position,  for  it  lay 

22 Alvarado  advanced  as  far  as  the  first  wide  bridge,  but  lost  three  men. 
.Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  141. 


C2S 


INVESTMENT  OF  MEXICO. 


but  half  a league  from  Mexico  and  was  connected  in 
the  rear  with  the  mainland  by  three  causeways,  that 
he  at  once  decided  to  establish  his  camp  there,  making 
it  also  his  naval  station. 

Enraged  rather  than  discouraged  by  the  several 
defeats,  Quauhtemotzin  ordered  a night  attack  on 
Xoloc,  contrary  to  native  custom.  They  approached 
both  by  sea  and  land,  but  owing  to  their  noise  they 
were  observed,  and  driven  back  by  the  artillery. 
The  fort  was  not  very  strong  on  the  northern  side, 
and  the  force  within  was  small;  but  in  the  morning 
half  of  Olid’s  troops  came  to  reenforce  him,  together 
with  fifty  of  Sandoval’s  infantry.  The  addition  was  op- 
portune, for  the  Mexicans  were  advancing  in  swarms 
along  the  causeway  as  well  as  by  water,  this  time 
on  the  inner  side  of  the  road  where  the  vessels  could 
not  reach  them.  The  heavy  guns  soon  cleared  a 
space  on  the  roadway,  but  as  the  soldiers  pursued 
they  suffered  severely  from  the  canoes,  which  not 
only  showered  missiles  but  afforded  retreat  for  the 
sallying  parties.  Orders  were  accordingly  given  to 
cut  a passage  through  the  embankment,  so  that  the 
four  brigantines  might  enter  to  clear  the  inner  basin. 
By  this  means  the  Spaniards  were  able  to  advance  to 
the  very  entrance  of  the  city  and  inflict  some  damage, 
while  the  remaining  vessels  explored  the  waters  be- 
yond, and  drove  back  canoes  and  fired  buildings  in 
the  suburbs. 

Sandoval  at  the  same  time  advanced  along  the 
causeway  from  Iztapalapan  to  Coyuhuacan.  It  was 
a league  and  a half  in  length,  and  a quarter  of  a 
league  from  shore  it  passed  through  an  island  town, 
which  was  captured  and  burned.  Advised  of  this, 
Quauhtemotzin  directed  a fleet  to  cut  the  causeway 
and  entrap  the  Spaniards;  but  before  long  two  of  the 
vessels  were  able  to  relieve  Sandoval,  who  thereupon 
left  a portion  of  his  troops,  including  the  allies,  at 
Coyuhuacan,  and  joined  his  chief  with  the  remainder. 
Nearly  a week  was  occupied  in  strengthening  Fort 


A SIMULTANEOUS  ATTACK. 


G29 


Xoloc,  arranging  the  camp,  and  bringing  in  sup- 
plies, during  which  time  desultory  skirmishings  were 
maintained,  wherein  Sandoval  among  others  received 
wounds.  The  brigantines  roamed  incessantly  and  in- 
flicted great  damage,  entering  on  one  occasion  for  a long 
distance  a canal  which  led  into  the  suburbs.23  Canoes 
no  longer  ventured  abroad  when  a sail  was  in  sight, 
and  the  Mexicans  began  to  protect  the  water  ap- 
proaches and  channels  with  stakes. 

In  order  to  complete  the  investment  of  the  city  it 
was  only  necessary  to  occupy  the  northern  causeway 
to  Tepeyacac,  along  which  the  besieged  maintained  a 
steady  intercourse  with  the  mainland.  Advised  of 
this  neglect  by  Alvarado,  the  general  ordered  San- 
doval to  form  a camp  at  that  town21  with  one  hundred 
and  forty  Spaniards,  of  whom  twenty -three  were 
horsemen,  and  a full  proportion  of  allies.  Alvarado 
had  half  as  many  more  infantry  and  a few  more  cav- 
alry, while  two  hundred  infantry  were  quartered  at 
Xoloc,  supported  besides  by  a cavalry  force  in  the 
rear,  and  by  Olid’s  party,  with  whom  remained  the 
largest  proportion  of  allies,  now  over  eighty  thousand, 
according  to  Cortes’  own  statement.  The  fort  could 
not  hold  them,  and  they  accordingly  encamped  at 
Coyuhuacan,  which  lay  more  convenient  for  supplies, 
and  must  be  occupied  to  watch  the  hostile  shore  and 
lake  towns  clustered  in  this  quarter.  The  brigantines 
carried  at  least  two  hundred  and  fifty  men.23 

Everything  being  prepared,  Cortes  ordered  a simul- 
taneous attack  from  all  the  camps,  so  as  to  divide  the 
attention  of  the  Mexicans  and  gain  all  possible  advan- 
tage. He  himself  advanced  along  the  Iztapalapan 

23  Probably  behind  the  great  southern  levee.  See  Native  Races,  ii.  564. 

24  Gomara  calls  it  wrongly  Xaltoca,  and  Robertson  confounds  it,  singularly 
enough,  with  Tezcuco.  Hist.  Am.,  ii.  114. 

Cortes,  Cartas,  216-17.  The  greater  number  of  the  allies  came  daily 
from  their  camp  at  Coyuhuacan  to  join  Cortes  as  warriors  anil  sappers.  Dig- 
ging and  similar  work  was  done  chiefly  by  Tezcucans.  Herrera  states  that 
the  vessels  of  Flores  and  Ruiz  de  la  Mota  were  placed  at  a broken  causeway 
between  the  camps  of  Alvarado  and  Sandoval,  dec.  iii.  lib.  i.  cap.  xvii. 


030 


INVESTMENT  OF  MEXICO. 


causeway  with  the  greater  part  of  his  infantry,  at- 
tended by  several  cavaliers  on  foot,  and  by  over 
eighty  thousand  allies,  while  a vessel  skirted  the  road 
on  either  side.  There  was  more  than  one  breach  in 
the  road,  behind  which  were  posted  large  forces  of 
warriors  protected  by  intrenchments  of  earth  and 
masonry. 

Without  the  vessels  it  would  have  cost  much  time 
and  many  lives  to  cross;  but  the  well-directed  fire 
from  the  guns  and  arquebuses  on  the  flanks  and  rear 
of  the  enemy  soon  wrought  disorder,  which  enabled 
the  sallying  parties  to  obtain  a foothold.  Meanwhile 
a number  of  infantry  had  swum  across  the  channel 
and  aided  to  drive  the  Mexicans  beyond  the  next 
breach.  The  same  manoeuvre  was  repeated  at  this 
and  the  other  chasms,  till  the  army  found  itself  at 
the  very  entrance  of  the  city,  protected  by  a wider 
channel  than  the  preceding,  with  more  extensive  forti- 
fications, commanded  by  a temple  tower.  This  with 
its  swarms  of  slingers  and  archers  made  the  capture 
difficult,  and  the  Mexicans  also  showed  more  deter- 
mination; but  the  guns  and  fusillade  could  not  be 
resisted,  and  soon  the  Spaniards  stood  within  the  city 
for  the  first  time  since  the  memorable  Noche  Triste. 
Revenge  seemed  already  secured,  and  the  lost  treas- 
ures almost  within  the  invaders’  grasp.  Cortes,  how- 
ever, did  not  permit  himself  to  be  carried  away  by  a 
momentary  success.  He  saw  the  main  street  beyond 
thronged  with  warriors  fiercely  bent  on  resistance, 
streets  as  far  as  the  distant  temple  of  the  war-god 
bordered  with  buildings,  each  a fortress  in  itself,  while 
many  a barricaded  channel  blocked  the  way. 

A large  force  of  allies  had  been  left  to  fill  the 
chasm  and  level  the  ground  as  the  army  advanced, 
using  for  this  purpose  the  captured  intrenchments  and 
buildings,  or  even  material  from  the  causeway  itself. 
This  work  was  under  the  direction  of  Diego  Hernandez, 
a man  of  herculean  strength,  who  could  throw  a stone 
with  a force  and  precision,  it  was  said,  approximating 


IX  THE  PLAZA. 


631 


those  of  cannon.26  This  filling  of  the  chasms  enabled 
the  horses  to  be  brought  forward,  and  they  now  led 
the  charge  against  the  dense  masses  of  natives,  after 
the  arquebuses  had  effected  the  preliminary  clearing. 
Cortes  had  not  underestimated  the  annoyance  to  be 
encountered  from  the  archers  and  slingers  covering  the 
roofs  on  either  side;  but  the  operations  of  the  cavalry 
left  the  many  arquebusiers  and  cross-bowmen  at  liberty 
to  cover  the  points  of  approach  through  which  the  allies 
in  particular  poured  in  countless  numbers  with  side- 
arms  and  fire-brands.  The  progress  so  far  had  sur- 
passed all  anticipation;  but  now  the  Spaniards  came  to 
a canal  from  which  the  retreating  Mexicans  removed 
the  few  planks  remaining  of  the  bridge,  leaving  a soli- 
tary beam.  Here  the  warriors  were  massed  in  greater 
confidence,  free  as  they  were  from  the  attack  of  vessels 
and  sheltered  by  strong  intrenchments,  while  the  ad- 
joining roofs,  equally  protected  by  the  canals,  teemed 
with  missile-throwers.  The  soldiers  tried  again  and 
again  to  cross  the  chasm,  only  to  be  driven  back  with 
injury.  The  volleys  from  cross-bows  and  fire-arms 
could  effect  but  little  damage  against  the  well  shel- 
tered  warriors,  while  their  arrows  and  stones  came  in 
rattling  showers.  Finally  two  cannon  were  brought 
forward.  This  changed  the  issue,  for  a breach  was 
speedil}’  made  in  the  intrenchments,  and  now  the  small- 
arms  were  able  to  cooperate  with  great  execution. 

After  a delay  of  two  hours  the  soldiers  were  across ; 
and  while  the  allies  filled  the  canal  they  again  pursued 
their  advance  along  the  avenue,  though  suffering  con- 
siderably  from  the  roof  missiles.  They  now  came  to 
the  last  channel  in  the  street,  close  to  the  main  plaza, 
wherein  stood  the  famous  temple  of  Huitzilopochtli. 

The  advance  of  the  Spaniards  had  been  so  unex- 
pected and  rapid  that  the  Mexicans  had  not  thought 
of  fortifying  this  canal,  and  little  difficulty  was  met 
in  crossing.  But  beyond,  the  plaza  was  filled  with 

26  ‘ Asserrador. . .trabajb  mas  que  mil  Indios.’  Herrera , dec.  iii.  lib.  i. 
cay.  xviii. 


632 


INVESTMENT  OF  MEXICO. 


files  of  defenders,  determined  to  save  their  deities  and 
that  sacred  ground.  Greatly  frightened,  the  priests 
cried  out  to  them:  “Behold!  it  was  here  upon  this 
spot  you  fought  these  beings  infernal  before,  and 
drove  them  forth  in  shameful  flight;  the  gods  will 
help  you  again  1”  Even  the  Spanish  soldiers  were  im- 
pressed by  the  words  and  gestures  of  the  frantic 
devotees,  and  noted  their  effect  in  the  gleaming  eyes 
and  pressed  lips  of  the  warriors,  and  they  paused.  But 
presently  a gun  was  brought  forward  and  directed 
against  the  packed  throng.  This  effected  a backward 
movement.  “There  is  no  time  for  rest  or  fear!” 
shouted  Cortes,  as  with  shield  in  hand  he  rushed 
forward.  With  a thundering  Santiago  the  soldiers 
followed.  The  charge  was  irresistible,  and  already 
startled  by  the  mowing  cannon-balls  the  Mexicans 
took  refuge  within  the  temple  enclosure  and  in  the 
by -streets. 

The  Spaniards  followed  the  crowd  within  the  sacred 
grounds,  slashing  and  thrusting.  It  seemed  a repeti- 
tion of  Alvarado’s  massacre,  and  the  war-god,  thirst- 
ing for  blood,  might  now  have  his  fill.  In  a few 
moments  not  a warrior  was  left  round  the  temple, 
only  prostrate  bodies.  Then  the  soldiers  prepared  to 
ascend  the  pyramid  to  hurl  down  the  idol  and  its  de- 
fenders. But  the  deity  was  aroused.  The  sombre 
notes  of  the  sacred  drum  struck  their  fearful  appeal 
on  every  heart,  “ Rouse  ye  to  your  imperilled  hearths 
and  temples  1”  It  was  but  now  the  Mexicans  observed 
that  the  death-dealing  horsemen  were  not  present,  for 
the  last  channel  had  not  yet  been  filled  to  afford  a 
crossing.  This  lent  them  courage,  and  on  the  foe  they 
quickly  rushed  from  lanes  and  houses,  while  down 
from  the  temple-top  came  a doubly  inspired  avalanche. 
The  shock  was  overwhelming.  The  Spaniards  were 
forced  to  retire,  partly  in  disorder.  Cortes  made 
frantic  efforts  to  stay  the  flight,  and  at  the  gate 
a momentary  rally  was  made  by  a few;  but  what 
availed  that  handful  against  the  torrent  sweeping 


OBSTINATE  FIGHTING. 


C33 


onward,  headed  by  the  renowned  band  of  Quauhtin  ? 
Perforce  they  must  yield  and  join  the  troops  which 
were  in  such  hasty  flight  from  the  plaza  that  they 
even  abandoned  the  cannon.  Cortes  was  on  foot  in 
the  crowd,  and  his  voice  was  drowned  in  the  tumult. 
He  could  but  follow  with  the  wild  current,  which 
threatened  to  lead  into  another  disaster.  Just  then 
cries  of  alarm  burst  from  the  crowds  on  the  roofs,  and 
there  was  a lull  in  the  shower  of  stones  and  darts,  and 
the  pressure  of  pursuers  relaxed.  The  next  moment 
the  ears  of  the  wandering  Spaniards  caught  the  clatter 
of  hoofs. 

The  cavalry  had  come  up;  a revulsion  set  in.  They 
wrere  but  a few,"7  but  enough  to  bring  back  to  the 
minds  of  the  Mexicans  their  original  and  ever  present 
fear  of  the  monsters,  for  they  knew  not  how  many 
might  be  coming  down  upon  them. 

The  infantry  followed  the  horsemen  with  inspiring 
cheers,  and  bore  unresisted  onward,  for  the  late 
bravery  of  the  foe  was  now  turned  to  cowardice. 
Before  long  the  Spaniards  had  penetrated  through 
the  plaza  and  occupied  once  more  the  temple  court. 
Once  more  their  looks  were  upward  toward  the 
summit  of  the  lofty  pyramid  consecrated  during  their 
former  occupation  to  the  holy  virgin;  and  while  the 
main  portion  of  the  troops  fought  the  now  rallying 
Mexicans,  a sturdy  handful  undertook  the  capture  of 
the  sanctuary.  A dozen  chiefs  held  possession,  but 
naught  could  stay  the  fury  of  the  soldiers,  and  in  a 
few  moments  the  last  defender  had  yielded  his  spirit 
in  defense  of  his  faith. 

The  Spaniards  looked  in  vain  for  any  trace  of 
their  own  altar  and  symbols,  round  which  they  had 
so  oft  congregated  in  prayer.  In  their  stead  rose  a 
new  idol  glittering  with  ornaments  and  hideous  with 
devices,  while  fresh  stains  of  blood  spread  horror 
over  all.  The  gleam  of  gold  proved  all  absorbing, 
however,  and  hastily  the  jewels  and  the  golden  mask 

2!  Only  three,  says  Cortes  and  others. 


634 


INVESTMENT  OF  MEXICO. 


were  torn  away,  and  then  the  head  of  the  idol  was 
struck  off  and  sent  clattering  below.28 

There  was  time  for  nothing  more,  for  on  finding  so 
few  horsemen  present,  the  Quauhtin  knights  had  again 
made  an  effective  rally,  pressing  the  troops  closely. 
Fortunately  a larger  force  of  cavalry  came  up  again 
to  turn  the  tide  of  battle  and  inflict  a severe  lesson. 
As  it  was  late  by  this  time,  there  remained  no  choice 
but  that  of  returning  to  camp.  This  movement  gave 
fresh  confidence  to  the  Mexicans,  who  followed  in 
swarms,  harassing  from  roofs  and  lanes,  on  front  and 
flanks,  rushing  forward  with  renewed  fur}?-  after  every 
charge  by  the  cavalry  which  covered  the  rear.  But 
for  the  horses  the  soldiers  would  have  suffered  severely; 
as  it  was,  the  retreat  proceeded  in  good  order,  and  as 
many  houses  as  possible  were  fired  with  a view  to 
make  the  next  entry  safer.  On  approaching  the  cause- 
way the  canoe  crews,  composed  of  selected  warriors, 
fell  on  the  flanks  and  created  no  little  confusion  before 
they  were  driven  back.  After  this  no  difficulty  was 
experienced  in  reaching  camp,  thanks  to  the  foresight 
of  Cortes,  who  had  ordered  the  channels  filled.29  The 
other  captains,  Alvarado  and  Sandoval,  had  performed 
their  share  in  the  day’s  work,  and  although  they  do 
not  appear  to  have  reached  even  the  suburb,  detained 
by  the  many  breaches  and  other  obstacles  on  the 
causeways,  yet  the  diversion  created  by  their  attacks 


28  Ixtlilxochitl  allows  his  namesake  and  Cortes  to  figure  in  this  scene,  the 
former  cutting  off  the  idol’s  head  while  the  general  secured  the  mask.  He 
states  that  the  temple  was  captured  during  the  first  entry  into  the  court. 
When  the  Mexicans  rallied,  Ixtlilxochitl  managed  to  kill  their  general,  which 
so  enraged  them  that  they  rushed  madly  on  and  drove  back  the  Spaniards  till 
the  horse  arrived.  Id  or.  Crueldades,  29-30.  His  version  is  adopted  in  the  main 
by  Prescott  and  others ; but  there  are  several  discrepancies.  The  death  of  a 
general  as  a rule  discouraged  native  armies.  Cortes,  who  would  not  have 
failed  to  claim  the  overthrow  of  the  idol,  states  that  it  was  effected  by  four  or 
five  Spaniards,  after  the  second  capture  of  the  court.  Cartas , 218.  His  presence 
was  needed  below  to  direct  operations.  Gomara’s  text  must  have  misled  Ix- 
tlilxochitl and  others.  Hist.  Alex.,  197-8.  Herrera  and  Torquemada  adhere 
better  to  Cortes. 

29  Cortes  speaks  of  an  ambuscade  by  the  horsemen  wherein  30  Mexicans 
fell.  Cartas,  218.  How  many  of  his  own  were  lost  he  prudently  abstains  from 
mentioning,  though  admitting  many  wounded.  ‘Dexaron  perdido  los  Es- 
pauoles  esta  vez  el  tiro  grueso,  ’ says  Torquemada,  i.  548,  but  this  is  unlikely. 


THE  RETREAT. 


635 


proved  of  great  service  to  Cortes.  One  reason  for 
their  slower  advance  was  the  want  of  cooperation  from 
the  vessels,  which  had  been  of  such  great  assistance 
on  the  Iztapalapan  road.  This  was  at  once  remedied 
by  the  detachment  of  three  brigantines  each  for  the 
Tlacopan  and  Tepeyacac  camps.33 


30  Cor  Ms,  Cartas,  221.  Bernal  Diaz  states  that  Alvarado  received  four  and 
Sandoval  only  two.  Hist.  Verdad.,  141. 


CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

CONTINUATION  OF  THE  SIEGE. 

June— July,  1521. 

Something  about  Quauhtemotzin — Infamous  Pretensions  of  European 
Civilization  and  Christianity — Prompt  Action  of  the  Mexican 
Emperor — Repetitions  of  the  Entry  Assault — Submission  of  the 
Surrounding  Nations — Dire  Condition  of  the  Mexicans— Spanish 
Defeat  and  Disaffection — Resolution  to  Raze  the  City. 


In  their  present  position,  with  the  advantages  of 
superior  civilization,  there  was  equal  glory  accruing 
to  the  Spaniards  in  winning  Mexico,  and  to  the  Mex- 
icans in  manfully  losing  their  city.  Quauhtemotzin 
as  a patriot  and  a skilful  general  was  fully  alive  to  the 
perils  of  his  position,  but  he  was  prepared  to  use  to 
best  advantage  all  the  resources  at  his  command,  and 
that  is  all  any  one  can  do.  Stern  as  Saturnius,  and 
passionately  patient,  from  the  day  of  the  capture 
of  Montezuma  his  nature  had  been  proof  against  all 
pleasure.  Of  an  imperious  temper,  haughty  and  over- 
bearing as  Coriolanus,  yet  was  he  as  faithful  to  defend 
the  city  as  any  Hector  or  Horatius.  I hold  that 
Spaniards  of  the  sixteenth  century  were  no  worse 
than  their  neighbors.  It  was  a bigoted  and  cruel  age; 
though  for  that  matter  enough  of  bigotry  }mt  remains, 
and  there  is  sufficient  cruelty  in  our  latter-day  fightings 
to  keep  us  humble.  And  while  we  see  much  to  con- 
demn in  the  motives  that  brought  hither  these  for- 
eigners, and  much  in  their  conduct  that  was  cruel  and 
unjust,  yet  we  are  constrained  to  admit  that  the  work 
which  they  accomplished  was  in  the  pathway  of  destiny. 

(630) 


REENFORCEMENTS. 


637 


The  conquest  of  the  country,  the  destruction  of  its 
barbarous  and  inhuman  rites,  and  the  establishment 
of  the  religion  of  Christ  in  their  place  were  the  inevi- 
table consequences  of  the  discovery  of  America.  Once 
brought  face  to  face  with  the  sacrificial  stone,  and  other 
brutal  atrocities  of  the  Aztecs,  and  Christianity  had 
no  alternative  but  to  eradicate  these  evils  or  be  itself 
overthrown. 

The  victorious  advance  into  the  heart  of  the  city 
had  been  a pleasant  surprise  to  the  Spaniards,  while 
to  the  Mexicans  it  was  incomprehensible.  If  such 
were  the  results  of  the  first  day’s  doings,  what  would 
the  da}Ts  following  bring  forth?  Quauhtemotzin  im- 
mediately issued  orders  to  reopen  the  channels  and 
construct  fresh  intrenchments  and  pitfalls.  Such 
were  the  forces  employed,  and  such  their  zeal,  that 
when  the  morning  dawned  the  causeways  and  streets 
presented  even  greater  difficulties  than  before.  The 
allies  of  the  Mexicans  were  not  so  easily  reassured, 
however,  and  several  began  to  waver,  among  them 
the  Xochimilcans,  to  the  rear  of  Olid’s  camp,  who 
sent  in  their  submission  to  Cortes,  promising  not  only 
active  aid  but  much  needed  supplies.  The  same  offer 
came  from  the  more  numerous  Otomfs,  occupying  the 
western  mountain  border  of  the  valley,  followed  by 
the  substantial  reinforcement  of  twenty  thousand  of 
their  sturdy  warriors,  with  large  supplies.1  Still  larger 
reinforcements  arrived  just  before  these  from  Tezcuco, 
where  ever  since  Cortes’  departure  the  young  king 
and  his  brothers  had  been  busily  engaged  in  for- 
warding supplies2  and  fitting  out  troops.  Fifty  thou- 
sand were  raised  and  placed  under  the  command  of 
the  energetic  Ixtlilxochitl,  who  had  great  military 
reputation  and  possessed  far  more  influence  than  his 
ruling  brother.  He  joined  Cortes  with  thirty  thou- 
sand, and  distributed  the  rest  among  the  other  cap- 

1 ‘Eran  esclavos  del  sefior  de  Tenuxtitan,’  is  Cortes’  definition  of  their 
vassalage  to  Mexico.  Cartas,  220. 

‘ A service  which  employed  20.000  carriers,  1000  canoes,  and  32,000  convoy 

"riors,  all  at  the  expense  of  Tezcuco,  says  Ixtlilxochitl,  Retaciones , 314. 


C33 


CONTINUATION  OF  THE  SIEGE. 


tains.  Cortes  praises  him  for  liis  bravery  and  good 
traits,  a eulogy  which  serves  only  to  embitter  Mexi- 
can writers  against  one  who  favored  aliens  against  his 
own  race,  and  aided  to  overthrow  their  liberty  and 
religion.  During  the  campaign  he  was  frequently 
taunted  as  a renegade,  traitor,  and  fratricide,  but  he 
never  swerved  in  his  allegiance,  and  found  ready  re- 
torts and  excuses,  the  strongest  being  that  he  favored 
the  Christians  for  introducing  the  true  faith.  Yet 
this  strange  religion  he  was  in  no  haste,  personally, 
to  adopt.  “Curses  on  his  odious  memory  1”  exclaims 
the  rabid  Bustamante.3 

Three  days  after  the  last  assault  a second  was  made, 
supported  by  more  allies  than  ever.  Cortes’  Spanish 
forces  consisted  of  twenty  horses,  three  hundred  in- 
fantry, with  three  guns.  Although  he  had  noticed 
the  operations  of  the  Mexicans,  he  was  hardly  pre- 
pared to  find  his  work  so  completely  undone.  As 
before,  each  channel  with  its  intrenchments  had  to  be 
captured  anew,  and  while  the  causeway  was  readily 
gained  with  the  aid  of  brigantines,  the  advance  along 
the  street  was  slower,  although  the  soldiers  were  some- 
what less  exposed  to  roof  volleys  since  the  burning  of 
so  many  of  the  buildings  during  the  previous  entry. 
The  breaches  and  channels  were  filled  up  as  they  ad- 
vanced. In  the  plaza  the  houses  were  yet  intact  and  the 
missile  showers  severe,  so  much  so  that  Cortes  found 


3 His  biographer  admits  to  a certain  extent  the  truth  of  the  invectives,  but 
eager  to  please  his  Spanish  masters  he  seeks  rather  to  extol  the  self-sacrifice 
and  loyalty  of  his  kinsman.  He  claims  that  with  this  reenforcement  the 
Tezcucan  auxiliaries  reached  the  improbable  number  of  230,000  men,  of  whom 
5000  wounded  were  now  sent  home.  ‘ Next  to  God,  Cort6s  owed  to  Tezcucan 
aid  the  conquest  and  the  planting  of  the  faith.’  lie  further  assumes  that  Ixtlil- 
xochitl  was  already  king,  and  had  been  with  Cortds  since  the  fleet  set  sail, 
while  his  brother  Ahuaxpictzoctzin  remained  at  Tezcuco  to  provide  supplies. 
llor.  Cruc.ldailes,  21-33.  He  contradicts  himself  on  several  points  in  his  Rc- 
lacioncs,  314  et  seq.  Duran  also,  as  may  be  expected  from  a compiler  of 
native  records,  extols  the  hero,  ‘ii  quien  diduna  espada  dorada  que  Don  Her- 
nando Cortes  traiayuna  rodela.’  Hint.  Ind.,  MS.,ii.  493.  With  Ixtlilxocliitl 
came  half  a dozen  out  of  his  hundred  brothers.  Gomartt,  Hid.  Max.,  198; 
C/rimalpain,  Hist.  Conq.,  ii.  55.  Torquemada,  i.  548,  sends  Cohuanacoch  as 
general  of  the  forces,  while  Clavigero  allows  King  Fernando  Ixtlilxocliitl  to 
send  his  brother  Carlos  Ixtlilxocliitl.  Storia  Mess.,  iii.  202.  He  is  evidently 
confused  with  respect  to  the  surname. 


SPOILING  THE  CITY. 


639 


it  necessary  to  slpply  the.  torch,  among  others  to  the 
Axayacatl  palace,  his  former  head-quarters,  wherein  he 
had  sustained  so  fierce  a siege,  and  to  the  House 
of  Birds,  which  formed  so  prominent  and  admired  a 
feature  in  the  city.  It  was  of  vast  extent,  and  de- 
voted almost  wholly  to  the  maintenance  of  beasts  and 
birds  of  every  species,  some  kept  in  the  gardens, 
some  in  courts,  others  in  galleries,  rooms,  and  cages; 
altogether  a collection  which  must  tend  to  cast  a 
favorable  light  on  the  culture  of  the  race.  Both 
palaces  were  splendid  specimens  of  Nahua  archi- 
tecture, adorned  with  marble  galleries  supported  on 
monolith  pillars,  with  elaborate  cornices  and  stucco 
work,  and  surmounted  by  turrets  and  battlements, 
while  within  and  around  rose  groves  of  rare  trees, 
choice  shrubbery,  and  flowers,  refreshed  by  ever 
sparkling  fountains.  Cortes  had  rightly  concluded 
that  the  destruction  of  such  monuments,  cherished 
not  alone  for  their  beauty  and  contents  but  for  their 
hallowed  associations,  would  be  a more  severe  lesson 
than  the  loss  of  numerous  lives;  and  as  the  flames 
rose  over  all  that  vast  area,  fed  by  the  roofs,  interior 
wood-work,  and  other  combustible  material,  lamenta- 
tions mingled  with  the  maddened  cries  of  burning 
animals.  Around  in  the  suburbs,  also,  could  be  seen 
column  after  column  of  dense  smoke  started  by  the 
torches  of  the  cruisers,  and  settling  in  dense  masses 
over  the  city  as  if  threatening  to  bury  her  forever 
from  sight.  Fortunately  for  the  inhabitants,  the 
houses  thereabout  were  too  wide  apart  to  allow  the 
flames  to  spread  far.  Even  at  this  juncture  the  work 
of  destruction  might  have  been  stopped  for  the  reason 
that  Cyrus  stopped  the  sack  of  Sardis  when  Croesus 
said  to  him:  “These  are  not  my  goods,  but  thine, 
O Cyrus,  that  thou  art  spoiling!” 

All  this  time  waged  the  conflict  of  arms,  the  Mex- 
icans seeking  by  repeated  charges  and  sallies  to  check 
the  advance  of  the  Spaniards  and  to  harass  them. 
The  native  chronicles  relate  that  during  one  of  the 


640 


CONTINUATION  OF  THE  SIEGE. 


countercharges  by  the  cavalry  a horseman  pierced  a 
warrior  with  such  force  that  the  lance  remained  fast 
in  the  ground.  Regarding  it  as  a disgrace  to  aban- 
don his  weapon  he  rashly  dismounted  to  unfasten  it, 
only  to  be  surrounded  by  the  foe  and  cut  in  pieces. 
His  comrades  hastened  to  the  rescue,  but  could  re- 
cover only  the  mangled  remains.4 

When  evening  came  and  the  signal  was  given  for 
return  to  camp,  the  Mexicans  fell  upon  the  rear  with 
renewed  ardor.  It  seems  as  if  courage  came  to  them 

O 

in  proportion  to  their  misfortunes.  For  their  fury 
broke  forth  anew,  fed  by  the  dire  conditions  round 
them,  by  the  sight  of  lately  enslaved  Otomls,  Xochi- 
milcans,  and  Chalcans,  now  fighting  against  them 
under  the  sheltering  wings  of  the  invaders,  and  ex- 
ulting over  their  misfortunes  with  bitter  taunts.  “ Be- 
hold!”  they  cried,  displaying  dismembered  limbs  of 
Aztecs,  “we  shall  fill  our  bellies  with  your  braves, 
and  have  enough  over  wherewith  to  feed  the  beasts. 
Do  not  starve  yourselves,  for  to-morrow  we  will  return 
for  more.”  “And  in  truth  they  both  supped  and 
breakfasted  on  the  limbs,”  says  Cortes.6  Camp  was 
regained  without  serious  trouble. 

The  following  day  the  entry  was  repeated,  and  early 
as  it  was,  the  channels  had  been  nearly  all  reopened 
and  provided  with  the  usual  intrenchments.  This  in- 
volved a repetition  of  the  previous  day’s  manoeuvres, 
but  the  Mexicans  fought  with  greater  obstinacy,  partly 
because  they  had  become  accustomed  to  the  Spanish 
tactics,  and  it  was  one  o’clock  before  the  plaza  was 
reached,  by  which  time  the  archers  and  arquebusiers 
had  exhausted  their  quivers  and  ammunition-pouches. 
Cortes  now  advanced  beyond  the  temple  along  the 
Tlacopan  road,  well  known  to  the  veterans  from  the 
hard  fighting  there  met  during  the  previous  siege,  and 
captured  two  canal  crossings,  which  were  filled  up, 

*Sahagun,  Hist.  Conq.  (ed.  1840),  177-8.  Torquemada  places  the  incident 
earlier,  i.  547.  Cort6s  admits  no  losses  of  Spaniards  this  day. 

5 Carlas,  222-3.  ‘Los  combidauan  a <;ena,  mostrando  les  piemas  y bm.ijos.  ’ 
Oomara,  llist.  Max. , 199. 


THE  TREACHEROUS  CHINAMPANECS. 


641 


while  to  the  buildings  on  either  side  the  torch  was 
applied.  The  object  of  the  movement  was  partly  to 
open  intercourse  with  Alvarado’s  forces,  which  were 
advancing  less  rapidly,  owing  to  the  number  of  in- 
trenched channels.  Progress  was  slowly  increased 
during  the  succeeding  entries,  when  Andres  de  Tapia 
and  Avila  pushed  along  adjoining  streets  with  detach- 
ments.6 

One  result  of  the  Spanish  successes  was  the  sub- 
mission of  all  the  threatening  and  neutral  lake  and 
island  towns  to  the  south  and  south-west  of  Mexico, 
from  Iztapalapan  and  Culhuacan  to  Cuitlahuac.  To 
this  step  they  had  been  partly  impelled  by  the  re- 
peated raids  of  the  Clialcan  confederates,  and  since 
their  submission  was  so  tardy  they  were  employed 
cniefly  as  laborers  and  purveyors.  Gomara  now  esti- 
mates the  native  auxiliaries  at  two  hundred  thousand 
men,  “some  engaged  intent  on  fighting,  some  on  eating, 
some  on  stealing,  and  many  on  gazing.”7  These  lake 
peoples,  known  as  Chinampanecs,  from  their  floating 
gardens  and  aquatic  life,  possessed  canoes  in  abundance, 
and  Cortes  availed  himself  of  this  to  reenforce  the 
blockading  fleet  with  a boat  flotilla,  three  thousand  in 
all,  which  harassed  the  city  on  every  side,  entering 
into  the  canals  to  burn  and  pillage,  and  landing  sallying 
parties  to  carry  desolation  all  through  the  suburbs. 

Allured  by  the  prospect  of  spoils,  the  Chinampanec 
crews  arranged  a plan  whereby  a still  richer  draught 
might  be  made.  Before  their  adhesion  to  the  Span- 
ish cause,  or  knowledge  of  it  had  yet  come  to 
Quaulitemotzin,  they  sent  to  offer  him  their  services 
against  the  invaders,  with  whom  they  proposed  to 
deal  treacherously.  They  were  assigned  a post  and 
played  their  part  well.  No  sooner  were  the  Mexicans 
occupied  with  the  Spanish  forces  than  they  rushed 

6 Bernal  Diaz  speaks  of  a bridge  attack  which  cost  the  lives  of  four 
Spaniards,  besides  numerous  wounded.  Hist.  Verdad.,  145. 

7 He  enumerates  also  the  cities  of  Mexiealcinco  and  Vitzilopuchtli.  Hist. 
Mex.,  202.  Herrera  adds  Mizquic.  dec.  iii.  lib.  i.  cap.  xix. 

Hist.  ILex.,  Vol.  I.  41 


642 


CONTINUATION  OF  THE  SIEGE. 


into  the  dwellings  of  their  pretended  allies  and  began 
to  rob,  slay,  and  carry  off  women  and  children.  An 
alarm  was  given  and  reinforcements  hurried  up  which 
speedily  overwhelmed  the  traitorous  crews,  killing  a 
number,  capturing  others,  and  recovering  nearly  all 
the  booty.  The  captives  were  condemned  to  the  stone 
of  sacrifice,  those  of  Cuitlahuac  by  one  of  their  own 
caciques,  May ehuatzin,  a companion  of  Quauhtemotzin. 
The  incident  cost  many  lives  on  both  sides,  greatly 
to  the  delight  of  the  Spaniards,  to  whom  this  mutual 
throat-cutting  was  the  economy  of  war.8 

With  so  large  a hostile  fleet  upon  the  lake  the 
Mexican  crews  never  ventured  abroad  by  day,  but 
when  darkness  set  in,  their  canoes  sped  across,  im- 
pelled by  the  demand  for  food.  Informed  of  this, 
Cortes  detached  two  brigantines,  under  Portillo  and 
Pedro  Barba,  to  cruise  all  night.  This  proved  a se- 
vere blow  to  the  poor  Mexicans,  although  a number 
of  canoes  still  ran  the  blockade  successfully,  and  it  was 
resolved  to  entrap  the  vessels,  since  open  battle  could 
not  avail  against  them.  Thirty  of  the  largest  canoes, 
or  piraguas,  were  accordingly  manned  with  stout  war- 
riors and  strong  boatmen,  and  hidden  amongst  the 
rushes  near  a heavily  staked  channel,  into  which 
some  swift  canoes  were  to  decoy  the  brigantines. 
This  succeeded,  and  no  sooner  were  they  fast  on  the 
stakes  than  the  canoes  attacked  them  with  such 
spirit  that  every  Spaniard  was  wounded,  while  Por- 
tillo fell,  and  Barba  died  within  three  days.9  The 
brigantines  managed  to  escape.  Encouraged  by  this 
attempt  the  Mexicans  became  more  brisk  in  their 
blockade-running,  and  stationed  forty  piraguas  to  re- 

8 Mazeoatzi,  as  Sahagun  calls  the  cacique,  sacrificed  four  chiefs,  Quauhte- 
motzin four  more;  the  rest  fell  by  the  hands  of  priests.  Hist.  Conq.  (ed.  1840), 
187.  He  does  not  speak  of  a premeditated  plan  like  Torquemada,  i.  551-2,  and 
since  the  account  comes  from  native  sources  it  may  be  merely  an  exaggerated 
version  of  a flotilla  raid. 

9 This  was  the  lieutenant  of  Velazquez  at  Habana,  who  joined  Cortes 
during  the  Tepeaca  campaign.  Portillo  was  a soldier  from  the  Italian  wars. 
Bernal  Diaz  adds  that  one  brig  was  captured,  but  this  is  doubtful.  Ilkt, 
Verdcul.,  143;  Claviyero,  Storia  Mess.,  iii.  214;  Sahagun,  Ilist.  Conq.,  46. 


FAMINE  THREATENED. 


C43 


peat  the  decoy  surprise.  Advised  of  this  by  two  cap- 
tives, Cortes  sent  six  brigantines  by  night  to  hide 
near  the  spot,  leaving  one  to  cruise  about  for  canoes. 
Some  of  these  soon  appeared,  and  the  sailer  pursued 
them  for  a distance  toward  the  hiding-place  of  the 
Mexicans.  Suddenly  she  turned  about  as  if  afraid  of 
stakes.  Observing  this,  the  forty  piraguas  ventured 
forth  and  were  allured  toward  the  Spanish  ambus- 
cade. At  the  proper  moment  the  six  vessels  came 
down  upon  the  pursuers,  overturning  and  sinking  a 
number,  and  capturing  others,  together  with  many 
warriors.  The  Mexicans  attempted  no  further  naval 
surprises.10 

By  the  night  cruisers  and  the  Chinampanecs,  sup- 
plies were  nearly  all  cut  off,  and  gaunt  hunger  began 
to  stalk  the  streets  of  the  fated  capital.  The  ravages 
of  the  fleet  and  the  flotilla  along  the  eastern  suburbs 
had  rendered  these  wholly  untenable,  and  the  south- 
eastern district  had  been  desolated  by  Cortes’  divis- 
ions, compelling  the  inhabitants  to  abandon  the  greater 
part  of  Tenoclititlan  and  concentrate  chiefly  in  Tlate- 
lulco.  These  two  main  divisions  of  the  city  had  been 
rivals  ever  since  its  foundation,  with  frequent  dis- 
putes to  sustain  the  flame  of  discord.  Gradually  the 
Tenochtitlans  had  assumed  the  sway,  honored  by  im- 
perial presence,  while  the  other  division  had  assumed 
a plebeian  stamp,  patronized  by  the  former.  During 
this  common  misfortune,  however,  rivalry  was  for- 
gotten, and  the  more  warlike  Tlatelulcans  unhesi- 
tatingly aided  the  others  and  now  welcomed  them 
into  their  quarter.11 

Every  loss  of  allies  to  the  Mexicans  w'as  a corre 
"^ponding  gain  to  the  Spaniards,  less  in  regard  to  fresh 
auxiliaries  than  to  the  relief  from  hostile  attitude  and 
to  supplies.  The  Chinampanecs,  for  instance,  were 
ordered  to  bring  material  and  construct  barracks  along 

10  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  144-5. 

11  Cort(5s  exultantly  claims  that  three  fourths  of  the  city  is  now  captured. 
Cartas,  227 ; Sa/iagun,  Hist.  Cong.  (ed.  1840),  181 ; Torquemada,  i.  550. 


044 


CONTINUATION  OF  THE  SIEGE. 


the  causeway  on  either  side  of  Fort  Xoloc.  These 
afforded  shelter  for  all  the  Spaniards  and  two  thousand 
servants,  and  proved  most  welcome,  for  the  rainy  season 
had  already  set  in.  The  same  natives  were  obliged  to 
provide  supplies,  such  as  fish  and  a species  of  cherry, 
which  together  with  maize  formed  the  chief  sustenance 
of  the  army.  Frijoles,or  beans,  cacao,  quilite  herbs,  and 
nochtli,  afforded  variety.  The  maize  was  ground  by 
hand  and  made  into  tortillas,  or  pancakes,  by  the  slave 
women  and  mistresses  of  the  soldiers,  either  for  their 
individual  lords  or  for  the  mess  to  which  they  be- 
longed. These  duties  were  also  assumed  by  some  of 
the  few  Spanish  and  mulatto  women  who  had  accom- 
panied their  husbands.  Although  there  was  little  fear 
of  starvation  in  the  Spanish  camps,  yet  the  fare  was 
at  times  not  of  the  best.12  The  less  fastidious  auxili- 
aries were  content  with  a range  of  eatables  which  the 
soldiers  would  not  touch ; human  meat  with  them  was 
a bonne-bouche  for  which  they  were  prepared  to  risk 
even  their  own  flesh.13  Alvarado’s  men  enjoyed  per- 
haps the  least  comfort,  for  they  had  moved  their  camp 
to  a point  on  the  causeway,  leaving  the  auxiliaries  at 
Tlacopan,  together  with  the  slaves  and  tortilla-makers. 
Nor  were  their  barracks  properly  constructed,  so  that 
exposure  to  wind  and  rain  was  added  to  poor  fare 
and  miry  roads,  while  the  situation  of  the  camp  added 
to  danger  and  guard  duty. 

The  camp  had  been  formed  round  a temple  square 
on  the  causeway,  quite  close  to  Mexico,  or  rather  to 
Tlatelulco,  for  Alvarado  had  tired  of  having  his  day’s 
work  destroyed  every  night,  and  he  resolved  at  least 
to  protect  the  approach  to  the  suburb.  One  deep 
channel  yet  intervened,  beyond  which  the  camp  could 
not  well  be  moved,  but  a large  force  was  stationed  to* 
guard  it  at  night,  so  that  the  crossing  should  be  as- 

12 ‘No  ses  hartauan  de  pescado,  que  tuuiero  pocos  dios:  y demas  de  la 
hambre  con  q peleauan,  el  sol,  y el  frio  no  les  dio  pequeno  trabajo.’  Herrera, 
dec.  iii.  lib.  i.  cap.  xix. 

13  ‘ Soliti  sunt  liostes  in  prselio  cadentes  intra  suos  ventres  sepelire,  ’ explains 
Peter  Martyr,  dec.  v.  cap.  via.,  and  with  some  truth. 


ENT  ALVARADO’S  QUARTER. 


04  o 

surcd  for  the  morning’s  attack.14  On  the  other  side 
gleamed  the  watch-fires  of  the  Mexicans,  behind  and 
between  which  might  be  seen  the  flitting  figures  of 
their  warriors,  signalling  to  one  another  by  whistling. 
This  and  other  operations  were  forced  upon  them  to 
a great  extent  by  Spanish  tactics,  from  which  they 
had  copied  many  features  with  no  little  effect. 

From  Alvarado’s  camp  to  the  Tlatelulco  market,  the 
heart  of  the  enemy’s  stronghold,  the  distance  was  less 
than  from  the  camp  of  Cortes,  though  the  first  part 
of  the  way  was  more  difficult  than  the  Iztapalapan 
road.  The  immense  stride  of  the  Fort  Xoloc  party 
had  wholly  eclipsed  the  progress  of  the  others,  and 
Alvarado’s  men  began  to  fear  that,  near  as  they  were 
to  the  enemy’s  centre,  the  more  distant  comrades 
might  reach  it  before  them.  It  was  therefore  resolved 
to  make  strenuous  efforts  to  penetrate  into  the  suburb. 
The  assault  being  on  Tlatelulco  itself,  the  Mexicans 
found  no  difficulty  in  offering  so  strong  a resistance 
that  hardly  any  advance  could  be  made.  Several  ves- 
sels were  thereupon  directed  against  the  suburb  to 
cooperate  with  a brisk  fire,  and  to  divert  attention  by 
landing  sallying  parties.  This  succeeded  for  a while, 
but  inspired  by  the  prowess  of  two  Tlatelulcans  named 
Tzoyetzin  and  Temoctzin,  the  warriors  rallied  and 
drove  back  the  invaders.  Another  brave  who  distin- 
guished himself  during  the  repulse  was  Tzilacatzin. 
In  the  guise  of  an  Otomf  warrior,  and  protected  by 
cotton  armor  and  shield,  he  rushed  toward  the  Span- 
iards as  if  bewildered,  in  advance  of  his  comrades, 
and  threw  his  stone,  knocking  down  an  opponent  at 
each  throw.  This  man  appeared  in  different  guise 
on  different  days,  and  did  no  little  to  encourage  his 
companions.15 

14  Forty  soldiers  watched  till  midnight,  when  a similar  number  relieved 
them,  and  they  again  were  relieved  two  hours  before  dawn ; all  three  divisions 
camping  on  the  spot.  Often  every  man  was  kept  awake  by  alarms.  Bernal 
Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  142-3.  The  old  soldier  waxes  eloquent  over  the  hard- 
ships, for  he  served  at  this  camp. 

15  The  Spaniards  tried  in  vain  to  despatch  him.  Sahagun  states  that 
during  these  attacks  fifteen  soldiers  were  captured,  and  shortly  after  eighteen 


G46 


CONTINUATION  OF  THE  SIEGE. 


Notwithstanding  these  rebuffs  Alvarado  persevered, 
and  the  Mexicans  resolved  to  take  advantage  of  his 

O 

zeal  to  entrap  him.  Two  or  three  wide  channels  in- 
tervened between  the  end  of  the  causeway  and  the 
great  market,  and  the  first  of  these  was  now  the  point 
of  contention,  a chasm  of  sixty  feet  in  width  and  over 
ten  feet  in  depth.  By  great  effort  a crossing  had 
here  been  formed  with  debris.  This  the  Mexicans 
undermined  one  night  and  covered  a part  with  a false 
ground.  In  the  morning  they  attacked  the  Spanish 
outpost  with  great  demonstration,  but  retired  as  soon 
as  the  horsemen  charged.  Flushed  with  success,  the 
Spaniards  followed  in  divided  parties,  and  one  of  fifty 
with  a number  of  allies  pursued  across  the  channel. 
No  sooner  were  they  over  than  the  boatmen  below 
tore  away  the  support,  while  the  warriors  turned  with 
overwhelming  force  upon  the  band.  Resistance  was 
impossible,  and  they  retreated  only  to  fall  into  the 
opening,  where  crews  were  at  hand  to  pounce  upon 
them.  Indescribable  confusion  ensued.  Thick  fell 
the  blows  off  the  despairing  men,  as  they  sought  to 
beat  back  the  triumphant  foe.  Bernal  Diaz,  who  was 
among  the  number  trapped,  felt  himself  seized  by 
stout  arms,  but  although  badly  wounded  he  managed 
to  cast  off'  the  assailant  and  spring  to  the  bank,  where 
he  fell  exhausted.  Fortunately  Alvarado  came  up  at 
this  moment,  after  driving  back  a division  in  another 
direction,  and  so  startled  the  assailants  that  they  re- 
treated, though  with  four  captive  Spaniards,  one  or 
two  more  being  killed,  besides  a horse  and  a number 
of  allies.16 


more,  who  were  sacrificed  in  a temple  of  Tlacuchcalco  ward,  ‘donde  agora 
es  la  iglesia  de  Santa  Ana.’  Hist.  Conq.,  183,  ed.  1840,  188-9.  One  repulse 
took  place  in  Coyonacazco  ward.  Torquemada , i.  550-2.  Spanish  versions  in- 
dicate no  such  losses,  and  they  may  probably  belong  to  the  later  great  defeat. 

10 Such  is  in  main  the  version  of  Bernal  Diaz;  the  other  accounts  differ 
greatly.  This  author  states  that  five  Spaniards  were  captured,  nearly  all  the 
men  wounded,  and  two  rowers  killed,  for  the  brigantines  in  seeking  to  aid  had 
become  fast  on  stakes  and  exposed  to  attack.  Had  the  Mexicans  not  been  so 
frightened  by  the  horsemen  the  loss  would  have  been  very  great.  Hist.  Verdad., 
143-4.  Cortds  allows  three  or  four  captured.  Cartas,  228;  Clavigero,  Storia 
Mess.,  iii.  196.  Duran  places  the  scene  where  rose  afterward  the  San 


IX  TELE  CAMP  OF  CORTfiS. 


647 


"When  Cortes  heard  of  the  affair  he  came  over  to 
administer  a reprimand,  but  on  learning  the  particu- 
lars he  could  not  withhold  his  admiration  for  the 
valiant  deeds  performed,  and  merely  exhorted  his 
lieutenant  to  be  more  cautious.17  Great  was  the  ex- 
ultation of  the  Mexicans  over  their  success,  and 
tauntingly  they  hovered  round  the  camp,  imitating 
the  cries  of  the  entrapped  soldiers.  So  encouraged  did 
they  feel  as  to  make  several  determined  night  attacks 
on  the  different  camps  or  their  advance  posts.  Al- 
varado’s being  nearest  and  most  exposed  had  to  sus- 
tain quite  a severe  fight,  losing»several  men  18 

Although  Alvarado  had  made  little  advance  into 
the  city,  the  planting  of  his  camp  so  near  it  saved 
much  fighting  and  enabled  him  to  direct  daily  opera- 
tions almost  at  once  against  the  main  points.  In 
this  he  possessed  an  advantage  over  Cortes,  who  was 
compelled  daily  to  recapture  a number  of  positions 
already  gained.  He  himself  remarks  on  this  loss  of 
time  and  work.  “Your  Majesty  may  blame  me  for 
retreating  instead  of  holding  what  is  gained,”  he 
writes,  but  guards  at  the  bridges,  which  must  be  large, 
would  be  so  harassed  as  to  unfit  them  for  the  next 
day’s  work,  while  to  take  up  a position  within  the 
city  would  draw*  the  whole  of  the  large  population 
upon  them,  and  might  lead  to  the  cutting  off  of  com- 
munication and  supplies,  and  probably  to  a repetition 
of  the  great  disaster  of  the  previous  year.  Such  a 
position  would  besides  render  it  possible  for  the  Mexi- 
cans to  obtain  supplies  from  the  mainland,  for  the 
Spanish  allies  could  not  be  relied  on  to  watch  them. 

Hipolito  hermitage.  1 list.  Ind.,  MS.,  ii.  500.  But  for  Quauhtlizcatzin,  the 
prince  who  led  the  Tezcucan  auxiliaries,  all  the  Spaniards  would  have  been 
lost,  exclaims  Ixtlilxochitl,  Ilor.  Crueldades,  36.  Herrera  assumes  that  the 
fault  lay  with  Alvarado  for  neglecting  to  fill  the  channel,  dec.  iii.  lib.  i.  cap.  xx. 

17  ‘ No  solo  no  le  culpo,  mas  loole.  ’ Gomara,  Hist.  Mex. , 203. 

18  The  most  serious  attacks  took  place  on  June  24th  and  25th,  as  if  oracles 
had  impelled  the  Mexicans  to  seek  the  destruction  of  the  Spaniards  on  the 
anniversary  of  their  reentry  into  the  city  after  the  Alvarado  massacre. 
The  Tlacopan  camp  lost  ten  soldiers  and  had  a dozen  severely  wounded,  in- 
cluding Alvarado.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  142,  145. 


C48 


CONTINUATION  OF  THE  SIEGE. 


Cortes’  own  officers,  however,  could  not  fail  to  observe 
that  Alvarado’s  course  might  have  been  followed  with 
some  advantage.  They  began  to  tire  of  the  slow 
progress,  attended  as  it  was  with  so  much  fighting 
for  so  little  gain;  so  much  exposure  to  alternate  rain 
and  heat;  so  much  discomfort  in  rude  camps  with 
poor  diet  and  want  of  proper  care  for  wounded  or 
sick  men.  This  was  represented  to  Cortes,  with  the 
request  that  a general  storming  be  attempted  with  a 
view  to  abbreviate  the  siege.  He  represented  the 
danger  of  advancing  over  so  many  channels,  along 
streets  lined  with  houses,  against  hosts  of  determined 
warriors,  with  the  prospect  of  being  caught  in  the  rear. 
Still  he  was  as  eager  as  any  one  to  end  the  siege,  and 
would  call  a council  to  deliberate  on  the  matter.  The 
result  was  a decided  majority  for  the  proposition  to 
attempt  the  capture  of  Tlatelulco  market  and  there 
establish  a permanent  camp.19 

Since  Sandoval  will  not  be  able  to  render  efficient 
service  on  his  route  for  an  attack  on  Tlatelulco,  he  is 
ordered  to  join  Alvarado  with  the  weightiest  part  of 
his  forces,  and  to  take  advantage  of  the  movement 
to  entrap  the  Mexicans.  He  will  pretend  to  make  a 
general  evacuation  of  his  camp,  and  thus  allure  the 
foe  to  an  attack  on  the  baggage-train,  during  which 
the  ambuscaded  cavalry  can  inflict  a lesson  which 
shall  also  serve  to  secure  the  camp  against  later  at- 
tack. Sandoval  sends  another  portion  of  his  forces 
to  Cortes,  who  has  more  points  to  cover,  and  receives 
instructions  to  attend  in  particular  to  the  capture  of 
the  channels  and  their  filling,  and  otherwise  to  secure 
the  safety  of  the  more  impetuous  Alvarado. 

On  the  day  appointed,  the  brigantines  with  their 
flotillas  are  sent  early  to  aid  in  clearing  the  causeways 
and  approaches.  The  troops  find  little  trouble  in 

19  Bernal  Diaz  seeks  to  convey  the  idea  that  he  or  his  camp  were  opposed 
to  the  attempt,  id.,  146,  but  had  it  succeeded,  he  would  probably  have  de- 
clared the  truth,  that  Cortes  was  urged  on  all  sides  to  make  the  efl'ort,  as 
stated  in  Gomara,  Hint.  Hex.,  203,  Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  i.  cap.  xx.,  and  Cor- 
tes, Cartas,  228-9.  Perhaps  the  general  made  objections  chiefly  to  cover  his 
responsibility  in  case  of  failure. 


DETERMINED  ASSAULT. 


640 


reaching  the  Tlacopan  avenue,  from  which  three  long 
roads  give  access  to  the  market.  It  is  advantageous 
to  push  the  advance  on  each  of  these,  and  three 
divisions  are  accordingly  formed,  one  to  follow  the 
main  street  under  command  of  the  comptroller  and 
treasurer,  Julian  de  Alderete,  who  has  been  among 
the  foremost  to  urge  the  assault;  another  under 
Andres  de  Tdpia  and  Jorge  de  Alvarado,  brother  of 
the  Tlacopan  leader,  both  dashing  and  able  men;  the 
third  and  somewhat  larger  body,  swelled  particularly 
by  auxiliaries,  Cortes  himself  directs  along  the  most 
dangerous  approach,  a sort  of  causeway,  lined  with 
houses  but  bordered  with  water.20  Two  cannon  are 
placed  on  the  Tlacopan. road,  guarded  by  eight  horse- 
men, and  Cortes  leaves  his  horse  at  the  entrance  of 
the  road  taken  by  him,  and  gives  strict  orders  to  all 
captains  for  filling  every  channel  behind  them. 

Cortes  at  first  leads  his  men  on  foot,  and  with  the 
aid  of  a field-piece  readily  gains  the  first  bridge  and 
barricade,  carrying  all  before  him,  while  the  auxiliaries 
swarm  into  the  houses  and  drive  slirmers  and  archers 

o 

from  the  roofs.  The  determination  of  the  assaulting 
party  seems  to  have  disheartened  the  Mexicans,  for 
the  advance  is  quite  rapid,  so  much  so  that  the  captain 
who  has  taken  Cortes’  place  at  the  head  of  his  division 
soon  reports  that  he  is  approaching  the  market  and 
can  hear  the  operations  of  Alvarado  and  Sandoval. 
Mgty  he  advance?  This  message  reaches  Cortes  on  a 
section  of  his  causeway  to  the  rear,  where  he  has 
remained  to  gain  a contested  point,  and  to  oppose 
assaults  from  the  cross-streets.  He  replies  that  the 
captain  must  first  secure  his  rear  and  flanks,  and  look 


20Alderete’s  party  consisted  of  70  infantry,  7 or  8 horsemen,  and  15,000  to 
20,000  allies,  besides  a force  of  laborers  to  tear  down  and  to  fill  up:  Tapia’s  of 
80  men  and  over  10,000  allies,  and  Cortes’  of  8 horsemen,  100  infantry,  and  an 
immense  number  of  allies.  Cortes,  Cartas,  230-1*  Gomara  and  Herrera  differ 
slightly.  Ixtlilxochitl  says  that  his  namesake  followed  Cortes  with  8000 
Tezcucans.  Hot.  Cnieldades,  37.  This  insignificant  number  makes  it  difficult 
to  account  for  the  250,000  Tezcucans  which  he  lately  introduced  into  the 
camps.  Chimalpain  names  the  three  streets  Cuahuecatitlan,  Tecontlana- 
macoya,  and  the  later  Santa  Ana.  Hist.  Conq.,  ii.  02. 


650 


CONTINUATION  OF  THE  SIEGE. 


particularly  to  the  channels,  of  which  there  are  three  in 
that  causeway.  “ They  are  filled,”  was  the  answer, 
made  without  a thought  as  to  its  accuracy,  for  flushed 
with  the  success  of  the  advance,  soldiers  and  cavaliers 
alike  cast  prudence  to  the  winds,  and  disregarding 
common  ditches  bend  their  eyes  alone  upon  the  goal. 
Immediately  after  comes  the  doleful  sound  of  the 
teponastli,  and  a shrill  trumpet  blast,  the  alarm  signal 
of  Paynalton,  the  mythic  page  of  the  war-god.  Struck 
on  the  summit  of  Tlatelulco  temple,  the  sounds  float 
over  the  contestants,  sending  a chill  into  the  heart  of 
the  Spaniards  and  allies  as  they  rush  onward  filled 
with  visions  of  success.  To  the  Mexicans,  on  the 
other  hand,  it  comes  as  a magic  appeal  from  Huitzilo- 
pochtli,  stirring  their  spirit  with  fresh  energy:  a re- 
sistless appeal  to  make  a supreme  effort  for  imperilled 
home,  and  faith,  and  liberty.21 

Cortes  also  hears  the  warning,  only  too  deeply 
impressed  since  that  Sorrowful  Night,  and  with 
anxious  heart  he  hastens  forward  to  see  how  matters 
stand.  His  anxiety  is  increased  as  the  jubilant  cries 
of  his  own  men  appear  to  change,  while  high  above 
them  rise  the  unmistakably  triumphant  shouts  of  the 
Aztecs.  Just  then  he  comes  to  one  of  the  cross- 
ings formed  by  his  party  at  a channel  ten  to  twelve 
paces  wide,  and  over  ten  feet  deep.  It  seems  inse- 
cure, and  on  looking  he  finds  it  constructed  of  some 
loosely  thrown  pieces  of  wood  and  reed,  covered  with 
a little  earth.  He  at  once  orders  the  auxiliaries  in 
his  following  to  rebuild  the  structure.  Scarcely  is 
the  order  uttered  before  he  sees  his  forces  coming 
down  the  causeway  in  disorderly  flight,  led  by 
the  allies.  Cortes  makes  frantic  efforts  to  stay  the 
current.  None  heed  him.  Fears  lend  wings  and 
drown  all  appeal.  On  come  the  pressing  throng,  on 
to  the  frail  bridge,  which  sinks  with  its  living  freight 
into  the  deep  water.  Still  onward  rush  the  mass  be- 
hind, impelled  by  their  mad  momentum,  tumbling 

21  See  Native  Races,  ii.  303 ; iii.  203  et  seq. 


C0HT2S’  desperate  stand. 


G51 


on  tlie  heads  of  these,  scrambling  and  wading,  adding 
their  cries  for  help  to  the  shrieks  of  despair  beneath, 
while  from  the  rear  roll  the  terrifying  shouts  of  hot 
pursuers.  Already  the  house-tops  teem  with  slingers 
and  archers ; the  lanes  pour  forth  their  warriors 
with  swords  and  long  pikes  to  pierce  the  flanks,  and 
the  canals  are  alive  with  canoes  whose  crews  se- 
cure the  struggling  fugitives  for  sacrifice,  or  deal  the 
more  grateful  coup  de  grace.  The  Spanish  soldiers 
are  among  the  last  to  come  up,  and  a terrible  gauntlet 
they  have  had  to  run.  Regardless  of  the  showering 
missiles  or  the  pressing  foe,  Cortes  stands  on  the 
brink  to  strike  back  the  hungry  crew  and  lend  a 
helping  hand  to  his  floundering  men.  “I  was  deter- 
mined to  remain  there  and  die  fighting,”  he  writes. 
But  so  many  are  beyond  his  reach,  and  there  he  must 
stand  helpless  to  watch  the  struggle;  to  behold  now 
this  soldier  felled,  now  the  other  carried  off;  and  more, 
to  see  the  banner  torn  from  the  hands  of  his  alferez. 
Tlcipanccatl  is  the  name  given  by  the  records  to  the 
doughty  captor  of  so  esteemed  a prize. 

Standing  there  conspicuously  on  the  brink,  Cortes 
becomes  the  target  for  hundreds  of  missiles,  though 
protected  by  his  mail ; but  soon  the  foe  begin  to  press 
round  him,  and  even  in  his  rear,  separating  him  from 
the  men.22  The  next  moment  more  than  one  pair  of 
arms  had  coiled  round  his  body,  and,  with  triumphant 
shouts  of  “Malinche!  Malinche!”  they  seek  to  drag 
him  into  the  water  to  the  canoes.  Alarmed  by  the 
outcry,  his  body- soldier,  Cristobal  de  Olea,  hastens 
to  his  side,  and  with  a sabre-blow  severs  the  arm 
which  was  well  nigh  pulling  over  the  bent  form  of  his 
master.  The  next  instant  he  himself  falls  beneath 
the  furious  onslaught  roused  by  the  magnitude  of  the 
prize,  “a  glorious  death  in  so  good  a cause!”  exclaims 
Herrera.  Another  soldier,  named  Lerma,  rushes  to 
the  spot  and  is  nearly  overpowered;  while  a stout 

22  He  crossed  the  channel  with  fifteen  soldiers  to  sustain  the  fugitives, 
says  Torquemuda,  i.  554;  but  this  seems  incorrect. 


652 


CONTINUATION  OF  THE  SIEGE. 


Tlascaltec,  Temacatzin,  plants  liimself  in  front  of  the 
leader,  half  prostrate  with  exhaustion  and  wounds, 
and  wards  off  the  blows  till  Antonio  de  Quinones, 
captain  of  the  guard,  manages  to  force  his  way  for- 
ward and  sustains  him,  followed  by  a number  of  men 
whom  the  report  of  their  general’s  danger  has  stirred 
to  fierceness.23  “Away  from  here,  your  worship,  and 
save  your  person,”  cries  the  captain,  “for  without  you 
all  will  be  lost  I”  Cortes  refuses,  “for  I desired  rather 
death  than  life,”  he  writes;  but  finally  by  dint  of 
pleading  and  main  force  he  is  induced  slowly  to  re- 
tire, seeking  to  cover  the  rear  of  the  fleeing.  And 
well  it  was,  for  a longer  stay  would  have  proved 
fatal.  But  for  the  eagerness  of  the  Mexicans  to  se- 
cure as  prisoner  so  magnificent  a prizfe,  they  could 
easily  have  despatched  him.  Aztecs  made  it  a point 
to  obtain  as  many  prisoners  as  possible,  particularly 
chiefs  and  nobles,  and  white  men,  who  ranked  even 
above  these,  in  order  to  do  honor  to  the  war-god. 
This  effort  was  prompted  by  a deep  religious  obliga- 
tion as  well  as  by  warrior  spirit. 

Not  far  from  the  disastrous  channel  a horse  was 


23  The  claims  to  the  honor  of  rescuing  the  general  are  conflicting. 
Gomara,  followed  by  Herrera  and  Torquemada,  names  ‘Francisco’  de  Olca. 
Bernal  Diaz,  who  states  that  this  soldier  slew  four  of  the  captains  holding 
Cortes,  lets  Lerma  dispose  of  the  remainder.  After  this  came  other  sol- 
diers and  Quinones.  Cristobal  de  Olea  was  quite  young,  20  years  of  age,  a 
native  of  Medina  del  Campo,  muscular,  and  skilled  in  arms,  and  a general 
favorite.  Bernal  Diaz  adds  other  particulars.  Hist.  Verdad.,  146,  240.  Ix- 
tlilxochitl,  on  the  other  hand,  claims  for  his  namesake  the  credit  of  having 
done  what  Spaniards  claim  for  Olea,  aided  by  his  Tezcucans,  who  kept  the 
enemy  at  bay.  This,  he  adds,  is  proved  by  a painting  on  the  gate  of  the 
monastery  of  Santiago  Tlatelulco.  Ilor.  Crueldades,  38-9.  Herrera  briefly 
alludes  to  Ixtlilxochitl  as  coming  up  after  Olea,  and  then  relates  with  some 
detail  that  at  the  same  time  came  the  Tlascaltec,  Tamaxautzin  he  calls  him, 
a native  of  Hueyotlipan.  He  was  afterward  baptized  as  Antonio  or  Bautista, 
and  became  a good  Christian,  the  first  native  to  receive  extreme  unction, 
dec.  iii.  lib.  i.  cap.  xx.  Torquemada,  i.  555,  copies,  but  calls  the  man 
Teamacatzin.  Both  evidently  prefer  Tlascaltec  to  Tezcucan  records.  In 
fact,  Ixtlilxochitl  adds  certain  incredible  particulars  about  the  prowess  of  his 
wounded  hero  in  pursuing  the  Mexican  general  into  a temple,  although  such 
pursuit  could  not  have  taken  place  under  the  circumstances.  See  also  Duran, 
Hist.  IiuL,  MS.,  ii.  503,  and  Camargo,  Hist.  Tlax.,  130.  Cortds  writes  that 
he  would  have  been  lost  but  for  Quinones,  and  one  of  his  men  who  lost  his 
life  to  save  him.  Cartas,  233.  A small  chapel  was  erected  in  the  convent 
de  la  Concepcion  to  commemorate  the  escape.  See  tiaavedra,  Indio  Peregriuo, 
canto  20. 


TACTICS  OF  THE  BESIEGED. 


G53 


brought,  upon  which  Cortes  was  mounted,  though 
wounded  in  the  leg.  Shortly  before,  his  chamberlain, 
Cristobal  de  Guzman,  a great  favorite,  had  ridden  up 
with  a charger  to  the  relief  of  his  master,  only  to  be 
surrounded  with  warriors  and  cut  down,  together  with 
the  animal,24  while  another  rider  was  obliged  to  retreat 
with  a lance-thrust  in  the  throat.  On  retiring  from 
the  section  of  causeway  assigned  to  the  horse,  another 
animal  was  killed  and  a third  narrowly  escaped. 
Finally  the  troops  reached  the  broader  Tlacopan  road, 
and  now  Cortes,  with  the  nine  horsemen  left  in  his 
division,  was  able  to  take  a firm  stand  against  the 
enemy.  Checked  in  their  pursuit,  and  made  timid  in 
their  charges  by  the  presence  of  the  bold  line  of  horses 
and  lances,  they  flung  their  missiles  and  insults  with 
increased  energy.  Suddenly  two  or  three  Spanish 
heads  were  cast  before  the  horsemen,  with  the  cry: 
“Tonatiuh!”  “Sandoval!”  The  meaning  could  not  be 
misunderstood,  and  as  the  Spaniards  gazed  on  the  gory 
and  disfigured  faces  a sickening  fear  crept  over  them. 
Could  it  be  that  these  beloved  leaders  had  fallen! 
There  was  no  time  for  deliberation.  Finding  his  own 
party  now  comparatively  secure,  Cortes  hurriedly  sent 
messengers  to  recall  the  other  divisions  under  Alderete 
and  Tapia. 

There  was  hardly  need  for  this  message.  The  tri- 
umphant shouts  of  the  Mexicans  in  pursuit  of  the 
troops  of  Cortes  and  the  increased  attack  on  their 
own  had  already  warned  these  leaders.  Still  they 
persevered,  although  their  men  manifested  some  dis- 
couragement. It  was  not  long,  however,  before  two 
or  three  mutilated,  bearded  heads  were  cast  before 
them  with  the  cry,  “Malinche  is  dead!”  “Tonatiuh 
and  all  their  men  have  fallen !”  The  leaders  saw  that 
farther  advance  was  useless,  especially  since  the  Mex- 
icans now  attacked  with  great  fury.  The  leaders  kept 
their  men  in  good  order,  and  were  already  retiring 

24  Bernal  Diaz  assumes  that  Guzman  rode  up  after  Corttfs  was  mounted, 
and  'til  captive  into  Aztec  hands.  Hist.  Verdad,  147. 


654  CONTINUATION  OF  TIIE  SIEGE. 

when  the  order  of  recall  reached  them.  The  streets 
there  being  wider  and  easier,  and  the  channels  all 
filled,  they  found  no  trouble  in  rejoining  their  general. 
Now  jointly  they  retreated  through  the  plaza  and 
down  the  Iztapalapan  road,  furiously  pursued  by  the 
warriors,  who  showed  themselves  more  reckless  than 
usual  on  seeing  their  prey  escape.  The  central  temple 
was  filling  with  a vast  throng  to  watch  the  onslaught, 
and  on  the  summit  the  priests  were  already  burning 
incense  and  chanting  in  honor  of  victory,  while  the 
rabble  railed  at  the  humiliated  children  of  the  sun. 

Alvarado  had  meanwhile  advanced  along  the  road 
to  Tlatelulco  from  his  causeway,  leaving  Sandoval  to 
cooperate  along  the  flank  and  to  direct  the  movements 
of  the  brigantines  and  the  filling  of  the  channels.  The 
advance  was  fiercely  resisted  by  the  Mexicans  from 
roofs,  cross- lanes,  and  barricades,  and  hundreds  had 
been  severely  wounded,  chiefly  Tlascaltecs,  only  too 
many  fatally,  yet  he  persevered.  He  was  already 
near  the  market,  the  aim  of  all  efforts,  when  the  drum 
and  trumpet  came  to  startle  his  men  and  to  encourage 
the  Mexicans  to  greater  resistance.  Progress  was 
now  almost  checked,  and  soon  came  the  cry,  “Malinche 
is  dead  1”  “Sandoval  and  the  other  captains  are  dead !” 
“Behold  their  faces!”  And  therewith  several  heads 
with  gory  beards  were  cast  before  them.  “This  shall 
be  your  fate!” 

Alvarado’s  men  were  white  with  dismay,  and  but 
for  the  intrepid  courage  of  their  leader  the  rout  of 
Cortes’  party  might  have  been  repeated.  Making  a 
bold  stand  with  his  Spaniards,  he  ordered  the  Tlascal- 
tecs to  fall  back  and  leave  the  retreat  open.  They 
needed  no  second  instructions  to  this  end,  for  the 
bleeding  heads  lent  wings  to  their  haste.  Then  grew 
the  onslaught  fiercer  than  ever,  for  the  retreat  of 
Cortes’  forces  enabled  a larger  number  of  enemies  to 
turn  against  Alvarado  and  Sandoval.  The  latter  also 
received  his  cast  of  bloody  heads  with  a new  string 
of  prominent  names,  all  calculated  to  inspire  terror. 


THE  BATTLE  UPON  THE  WATER.  055 

“ By  this  time  they  had  us  all  killed,”  adds  Bernal 
Diaz,  “but,  in  truth,  we  were  all  wounded,  and  filled 
with  anguish  concerning  the  fate  of  our  chief.  With- 
out  God’s  aid  we  could  never  have  escaped  from  the 
swords  and  clutches  of  the  Mexicans.”  Some  pious 
chroniclers,  indeed,  assert  as  usual  that  the  virgin 
appeared  in  person,  together  with  perennial  Santiago, 
to  save  the  Spaniards  from  their  greatest  peril.25 

Encouraged  by  the  victories  on  land,  the  Mexicans 
had  ventured  forth  also  in  their  canoes  to  harass  the 
vessels  which  were  occupied  in  protecting  the  retreat 
of  the  armies.  Unable  in  some  instances  to  leave 
their  position,  or  impeded  in  their  movement  by 
stakes  and  other  obstacles,  many  of  the  brigantines 
were  severely  pressed,  and  one,  commanded  by  Briones, 
in  Alvarado’s  division,  was  actually  captured,  with 
the  loss  of  four  men,  one  being  taken  alive.  Jara- 
millo  came  to  the  relief  of  the  vessel,  however,  drove 
forth  the  enemy,  and  kept  them  at  bay.26  By  this 
time  both  the  forces  of  Alvarado  and  Sandoval  had 
reached  the  causeway,  pursued  by  a great  host,  reck- 
less in  their  endeavor  to  inflict  all  the  injury  possible 
ere  the  Spaniards  escaped.  Some  delay  occurred  in 
crossing  the  only  partly  filled  channel  to  the  cause- 
way, and  a number  of  soldiers  were  detained  waist- 
deep  in  water,  seeking  to  lift  a brigantine  over  the 
stakes,  for  the  auxiliaries  were  already  away  from  the 
front;  and  all  this  time  the  cavalry  were  compelled  to 
remain  before  the  causeway  to  cover  the  infantry  and 
bear  the  brunt  of  the  terrible  onslaught.  Charge 

O O 

25 ‘Como  lo  hallar&n  pintado  en  la  Yglesia  de  Tlatilulco,  los  cuales  Indios 
confiesan  haberle  visto.’  Duran,  Hist.  Iiul. , MS.,  ii.  512.  Why  these  patrons 
did  not  give  their  aid  before  is  a question  to  which  Bernal  Diaz  answers 
‘porque  Nuestro  Senor  Iesu  Christo  lo  permitio.’  Hist.  Verdad.,  146. 

26  Herrera  relates  how  two  captains,  Flores  and  Mota,  advanced  with  their 
vessels  up  a narrow  channel.  Flores  was  severely  pressed  at  one  time,  and  the 
latter  had  to  sally  on  the  street  to  relieve  him  and  enable  the  brigantines  to 
gain  more  open  water.  Flores  died  within  a week  of  his  wounds,  dec.  iii. 
lib.  i.  cap.  xx.  Torquemada  says  that  Briones’  vessel  was  lifted  through  a 
breach  in  the  causeway,  i.  555.  Bernal  Diaz  speaks  of  several  such  narrow 
escapes,  loc.  cit. 


CONTINUATION  OF  THE  SIEGE. 


6.3G 

after  charge  they  made  to  keep  back  the  advancing 
foe,  through  the  shower  of  blinding  missiles,  against 
the  line  of  bristling  lances,  amidst  the  whirling  swords 
and  clubs,  until  not  a rider  but  felt  his  arm  droop  and 
his  body  grow  faint  "with  loss  of  blood.  Sandoval 
himself  had  a number  of  wounds.  “For  God’s  sake 
make  haste  and  retire,”  he  cried  to  his  foot-soldiers, 
“or  we  shall  all  be  lost!” 

Finally  the  passage  was  clear,  and  they  fell  back 
along  the  causeway,  still  fighting,  and  now  exposed  to 
the  canoe  sallies.  On  reaching  his  quarters,  Alvarado 
turned  two  cannon  against  the  swarm  which  sought 
to  scale  the  camp,  and  this  with  the  fusillade  procured 
a much  needed  respite.27  It  was  time,  for  the  in- 
creasing darkness  would  soon  have  added  fresh  dan- 
gers to  the  retreat.  Sandoval  had  already  hurried 
away  with  a solitary  companion  to  seek  the  camp  of 
Cortes  and  calm  his  fears.28  With  a similar  object 
Andres  de  Tapia  had  been  sent  with  three  horsemen 
from  Fort  Xoloc  to  Alvarado’s  camp,  where  he 
arrived  with  some  scars  from  marauding  stragglers. 
Not  wishing  to  discourage  the  soldiers,  he  reduced  the 
losses  of  his  party  to  quite  a small  number,  and  made 
light  of  the  matter. 

By  this  time  the  enemy  had  retired,  but  from  the 
city  rose  their  shouts  of  triumph,  and  every  temple 
was  ablaze  with  fires  to  celebrate  the  victory.  The 
summit  of  the  Tlatelulco  pyramid,  the  highest  of 
them  all,  was  the  scene  of  great  commotion,  and  soon 
the  sombre  notes  of  the  melancholy  drum  called  to  it 
attention.  A number  of  instruments  now  added  their 
discordant  notes,  in  clash  and  blast,  and  a procession 

27  The  artillerists  being  all  disabled  or  dead,  Pedro  Moreno  de  Medrano, 
afterward  a settler  at  Puebla,  took  their  place.  Id. 

28  Bernal  Diaz  writes  as  if  Sandoval  gained  the  camp  at  an  early  hour, 
rode  over  to  Fort  Xoloc,  and  came  back  in  time  to  aid  in  Alvarado’s  retreat. 
But  he  would  never  have  ventured  to  leave  his  command  and  his  comrade  in 
their  danger ; nor  does  it  seem  likely  that  he  could  have  ridden  the  long  dis- 
tance to  Xoloc  and  back  in  time  to  join  in  Alvarado’s  conflict,  even  if  Cortes’ 
defeat  took  place  before  ‘ misa  mayor,’ as  he  assumes.  Hist.  Verdad.,  146-8. 
This  author  is  here  very  confused,  assuming,  for  instance,  that  Sandoval  was 
fighting  from  his  own  camp  instead  of  cooperating  near  Alvarado. 


THE  HORRIBLE  SCENE  OF  SACRIFICE. 


657 


with  torches,  swinging  censers,  and  religious  parapher- 
nalia circled  round  with  imposing  ceremony.  Then  a 
space  was  cleared,  and  a long  file  of  naked  men  stood 
revealed.  A Qry  of  horror  burst  from  the  gazing 
soldiers.  There  could  be  no  mistake.  Distant  as  was 
the  temple,  the  glare  of  fire  clearly  revealed  the  white 
hue  and  bearded  faces  of  their  comrades,  bound  for 
sacrifice,  and  plumed.  Now  they  were  made  to  march 
forward,  and  with  blows  to  dance  before  the  idol  to 
whom  they  had  been  consecrated.  Ah,  to  be  a help- 
less looker-on  at  such  a time  I Again  they  formed  in 
line  exhausted,  and  then  one  was  seized  by  several 
priests  and  borne  struggling  to  the  stone  of  sacrifice. 
He  was  thrown  on  his  back  and  held  down  by  the 
limbs  while  the  high-priest  with  ceremonious  flourish 
raised  the  glittering  blade.  The  gazing  soldiers  clutched 
each  other’s  hands  in  agony,  as  their  eyes  followed  the 
instrument  and  saw  it  plunged  into  the  breast  of  the 
victim.  They  seemed  to  hear  his  stifled  cry',  to  feel 
the  knife  in  their  own  heart,  and  realizing  that  they 
were  still  safe  they  thanked  heaven  for  their  escape.29 

Victim  after  victim  was  carried  to  the  stone,  some 
with  frantic  struggles,  others  resigned,  and  still  others 
weighed  down  in  helpless  fear  of  what  they  had  be- 
held. Heart  after  heart  was  torn  from  the  gaping 
breasts  and  held  before  the  idol,  while  the  bodies  were 
cast  down  the  steps.  The  skin,  particularly  of  the 
head  and  upper  body,  was  removed  and  used  as  a dress 
for  festive  occasion,  and  the  flesh  was  hacked  to  pieces, 
the  limbs  for  the  banquet  table,  the  trunk  for  the 
beasts.  After  a while  came  darker-hued  victims,  and 
now  the  Tlascaltecs  and  other  allies  shuddered.  To 
them  the  sacrifices  were  not  so  terrifying  as  to  the 

29  So  deeply  affected  was  Bernal  Diaz,  among  others,  by  the  sight,  and  by 
the  fear  of  himself  falling  captive — twice  had  he  narrowly  escaped — that  he 
ever  after  had  an  oppressive  feeling  before  battle.  He  then  had  recourse  to 
prayer,  and  this  invariably  fortified  him  for  the  fight,  so  that  he  always  main- 
tained his  reputation  as  a good  soldier.  He  enumerates  several  incidents  to 
prove  that  he  was  esteemed  a brave  man.  Hist.  Verdacl.,  157.  Oviedo,  re- 
ferring to  human  sacrifices  among  the  Romans,  observes  that  they  could  not 
have  been  half  so  fearful,  iii.  515. 

Hist.  Mbs.  Vol.  I.  42 


C5S 


CONTINUATION  OF  THE  SIEGE. 


Spaniards,  but  they  could  not  unmoved  behold  the 
cruel  death  of  their  countrymen.  Then  came  more 
processions,  music,  and  idolatrous  rites,  followed  by 
fresh  companies  for  the  sacrifice,  white  and  dark; 
and  so  passed  the  night,  until  the  horror  palled  on 
the  gazers,  and  many  expressed  the  opinion  that  the 
priests  were  pretending  sacrifice  by  producing  the 
same  bodies  upon  the  stone  several  times  so  as  to  in- 
spire greater  fear.  This  belief  was  strengthened  when 
they  observed  similar  ceremonies  take  place  on  other 
minor  temples,  and  by  the  continuance  of  the  sacrifices 
for  several  days.  The  offering  at  the  minor  temples 
consisted  chiefly  of  the  lower  class  of  allies.  All  the 
pyramids,  however,  received  a quota  of  heads  from 
Spanish,  leading  native,  and  equine  victims,  where- 
with to  decorate  their  summits.30 

Aware  that  the  sight  of  the  sacrifice,  purposely 
intensified  for  Spanish  edification,  must  have  stirred 
deeply  the  breasts  of  the  survivors,  the  Mexicans  took 
advantage  of  this  to  attack  the  camp  of  Alvarado 
during  the  night.  “Behold  the  fate  in  store  for  you 
all!”  they  cried,  casting  in  half- roasted  pieces  of  flesh 
from  white  and  dusky  bodies.  “Eat,  for  we  are  sa- 
tiated!” The  Spaniards  were  too  well  prepared  to 
suffer  from  the  assault,  but  it  added  to  their  sorrows. 
The  lesson  had  been  costly,  for  about  sixty  men  were 
lost,  with  six  horses,  one  gun,  and  a number  of  small- 
arms,  while  the  ranks  of  the  allies  had  been  dimin- 
ished by  from  one  to  two  thousand,  and  this  without 
reckoning  the  vast  number  of  wounded.31 

30  ‘ Sacrificados  los  Nuestros,  en  el  Momoztli,  y Templo  de  su  Maior  Dios,’ 
observes  Torquemada,  i.  553,  among  other  points,  though  all  are  not  exactly 
true.  Huitzilopoehtli’s  image  had  been  brought  with  the  retreating  Mexicans 
to  Tlatelulco.  ‘ Immediatamente  sacrificati,’  says Clavigero,  Sturia  Mess.,  iii. 
212,  pi-obably  on  authority  of  Qomara;  but  Bernal  Diaz  states  that  the  sacri- 
fices lasted  ten  days,  Hist.  Verdi  id. , 150;  others  write  eight;  one  victim  is 
said  to  have  been  kept  eighteen  days.  See  also  Sahagun,  Hist.  Conq.,  192. 
Ixtiilxochitl  states  that  three  victims  were  burned.  Hor.  Urueldades,  39. 

31 A count  revealed  the  loss  of  62  men  and  G horses,  says  Bernal  Diaz, 
Hist.  Verdad.,  146,  152,  241,  though  he  in  one  place  leaves  the  impression 
that  the  men  were  all  captured  alive.  This  could  hardly  be  the  case,  for  a 
‘count’  would  reveal  only  the  missing;  none  could  tell  how  many  fell  cap- 
tive. Yet  Prescott  boldly  assumes  this  number  to  have  been  taken,  besides 


SANDOVAL’S  REBUKE. 


639 


When  Sandoval  reached  Camp  Xoloc  and  learned 
the  news  he  burst  forth,  “Senor  Capitan,  what  is  this? 
Where  are  the  fine  counsels  and  warlike  skill  which  you 
are  wont  to  exhibit?”  With  tears  springing  to  his  eyes, 
Cortes  replied:  “Sandoval,  my  son,  my  sins  I admit, 
but  I am  not  so  guilty  in  this  matter  as  I appear. 
The  officer  whom  I charged  to  fill  the  channel  failed 
to  obey.”  He  further  intimated  that  Alvarado  might 
be  led  by  his  daring  into  difficulties,  and  bade  Sando- 
val watch  carefully  over  the  safety  of  the  western  and 
northern  camps,  particularly  for  the  present,  while 
Cortes  was  restrained  by  his  wounds.32  The  injunction 


those  who  fell.  Vetancurt  divides  the  figures  into  40  captives  and  20  dead, 
Teatro  Mex.,  pt.  iii.  102,  and  Clavigero  also  includes  dead  and  captive  in  that 
number,  while  raising  the  dead  horses  to  7.  Storia  Hess.,  iii.  212.  Solis 
writes  that  over  40  Spaniards  were  carried  off  alive,  and  that  Alvarado  and 
Sandoval  lost  20.  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  410.  Bernal  Diaz  acknowledges  only  a 
third  of  such  loss  between  these  two  captains.  Gomara  gives  40  captives, 
several  killed,  3 or  4 horses  lost,  and  over  30  wounded.  Hist.  Mex.,  205-0. 
Ixtlilxochitl  raises  the  allied  loss  to  over  2000.  I/or.  Crueldades.  37-9. 
Fifty -three  Spaniards,  says  Sahagun,  llist.  Conq.,  192.  In  the  cedilla  of 
March  7,  1325,  granting  a coat-of-arms  to  Cortds,  50  are  mentioned,  but  in  his 
letter  to  the  sovereign  the  general  acknowledges  only  35  to  40  and  over  1 000 
allies.  Herrera  and  Torquemada  adopt  these  figures.  Oviedo,  iii.  510,  lowers 
the  number  to  30.  Duran,  who  confounds  the  late  repulse  of  Alvarado  with 
the  Sorrowful  Night  and  this  defeat,  allows  4 banners  to  be  captured.  Hist, 
hid.,  MS.,  ii.  501-4,  508. 

32  Bernal  Diaz  gives  this  conversation  with  some  detail,  and  names 
Treasurer  Alderete  as  the  guilty  officer  who  neglected  to  fill  the  channel,  in- 
timating that  Cort6s  had  been  heedlessly  allured  onward  by  the  Mexicans, 
leaving  Alderete  to  attend  to  the  filling.  Ho  even  allows  the  treasurer  to 
retort  to  the  charge,  in  Sandoval’s  presence,  that  Cortds’  eagerness  had  been 
the  cause  of  the  neglect.  This  is  probably  an  invented  account,  based  on 
Gomara’s  statement  that  the  ‘ treasurer,  ’ no  name  being  given,  neglected  to 
fill  a channel  on  his  route.  Informed  of  this,  Cortes  hastened  thuher  to 
remedy  the  fault,  only  to  meet  the  fleeing.  Herrera  adopts  this  version,  as  do 
most  writers,  including  Prescott ; but  it  is  evidently  wrong,  for  Cortes  writes 
clearly  that  the  misfortune  occurred  on  his  own  route,  some  distance  above 
its  junction  with  the  Tlacopan  road,  to  which  they  soon  retreated.  On  reach- 
ing this  road  he  sent  to  recall  the  ‘ treasurer  and  comptroller,’  who  were 
leading  their  division  victoriously  at  the  farther  end  of  it.  Owing  to  their 
care  in  filling  channels  ‘ they  received  no  injury  in  retreating.’  Cartas,  233-4. 
There  can  be  little  doubt  about  this  statement,  since  Cortes  would  have  been 
only  too  glad  to  cast  the  blame  on  any  other  division  than  his  own.  He  does 
not  even  claim  to  have  been  at  the  front,  but  in  the  rear,  and  near  the  spot 
where  the  neglect  occurred.  The  only  question  then  is,  who  was  the  guilty 
officer?  The  ‘treasurer’  commanded  the  centre  division,  and  although  there 
were  several  treasurers,  the  royal,  late  and  new,  and  he  who  acted  for  the 
army,  yet  the  new  royal  treasurer  is  undoubtedly  meant,  and  this  ap>pears 
to  have  been  Alderete,  according  to  the  statement  of  several  authorities. 
Hence  the  accusation  against  Alderete  must  be  wrong ; anything  besides  this 
must  be  conjecture. 


66o 


CONTINUATION'  OF  THE  SIEGE. 


was  needful  in  view  of  the  reoccupation  by  the  Mex- 
icans of  the  channels  from  which  they  had  lately  been 
driven,  and  their  harassing  attacks,  chiefly  by  night, 
against  the  camps  and  fleets.  Alvarado’s  camp,  as  the 
nearest  to  the  city,  was  the  most  exposed,  and  San- 
doval with  his  tried  prudence  could  be  best  relied  on 
to  counteract  the  recklessness  of  its  commander  in 
repelling  these  attacks.  Knowing  the  signal  for  the 
sallies,  usually  a shot,  the  enemy  were  warned  in 
time  to  retire,  or  to  form  some  trap  or  combination, 
so  that  the  charge  of  the  soldiers  carried  little  ad- 
vantage. • 

On  one  occasion,  it  is  related,  a shield-bearer  named 
Peinado  stepped  outside  the  camp  gate  and  found  him- 
self surrounded  by  a horde  of  marauders.  Escape 
was  cut  off.  In  this  dilemma  he  began  to  rattle  his 
shield  and  sword,  and  shout,  looking  at  the  same  time 
toward  the  camp.  The  enemy  assumed  at  once  that 
he  was  signalling  to  some  party  in  ambush,  and  beat 
a hasty  retreat.33  For  several  days34  the  Spaniards 
remained  inactive.  During  this  time  the  Mexicans 
continued  their  daily  sacrifice  of  captives,  with  con- 
spicuous rites  and  loud  demonstrations. 

As  usual  amidst  trying  scenes,  there  were  here 
examples  of  the  devotedness  of  woman.  In  one  of 
the  encounters  on  the  causeway  to  drive  back  the 
prowling  Mexicans,  Beatriz  Bermudez  de  Velasco, 
wife  of  Francisco  de  Olmos,  accompanied  the  soldiers, 
in  cotton  armor,  and  with  sword  and  shield.  Such 
was  the  pressure  of  the  enemy  that  the  troops  were 
thrown  into  disorder  and  began  to  turn  in  flight. 
With  raised  sword  she  planted  herself  in  their  path 
and  cried,  “Shame  upon  you,  Castilians!  turn  at  once 
against  this  vile  rabble,  for  I will  kill  any  man  who 
attempts  to  pass  this  way.”  So  abashed  were  the 
men  by  this  resolute  demeanor  that  they  again  fell 

33  ‘Bolvib  k la  grita,  Andrbs  de  Tapia  [the  captain  of  his  party]  math  mas 
de  sesenta  Mexicanos,  ’ adds  Torquemada,  i.  558-9. 

34  ‘Esto  no  fue  sino  cinco  dias.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad .,  149. 


THE  DIVINE  PROCLAMATION. 


6G1 


upon  the  Mexicans  and  defeated  them.35  Other 
women  of  less  valor  did  equally  good  service  as  sisters 
of  mercy,  to  tend  and  cheer  the  many  disabled.  One, 
named  Isabel  de  Rodriguez,  attained  quite  a reputa- 
tion in  curing  wounds,'  a success  attributed  chiefly  to 
her  holy  invocation,  for  in  applying  the  bandage  she 
invariably  uttered  the  formula,  “In  the  name  of  the 
father,  the  son,  and  the  holy  ghost,  one  true  God; 
may  he  cure  and  restore  thee!”36 

Cortds  found  it  absolutely  necessary  to  resume 
operations  in  order  to  prevent  the  utter  demoraliza- 
tion of  his  men,  although  they  could  advance  no 
farther  than  the  last  canal  on  the  Iztapalapan  road, 
which  was  strongly  fortified  to  protect  the  plaza.  On 
the  Tlatelulco  side  the  channel  separating  the  city 
from  the  causeway  had  been  reopened  as  a barrier. 
No  serious  effort  was  made  to  pass  these  points,  and 
the  movements  were  effected  with  the  greatest  pru- 
dence possible. 

For  this  caution  several  reasons  existed,  based  on 
momentous  consequences  of  the  late  defeat.  In  tlio’r 
exultation  the  Mexicans  had  imprudently  published 
the  oracular  utterance  that  within  eight  days  (fie 
Spaniards  would  be  destroyed,  though  many  Artecs 
would  also  perish.37  Care  was  taken  that  this  divine 
proclamation  should  be  known  in  the  Spanish  camps, 
with  the  intent  of  disheartening  the  allies  and  pro- 
curing their  desertion.  This  main  object  accomplished, 

35  Similar  women  of  courage  were  Maria  de  Estrada,  the  heroine  of  Otumba, 
Beatriz  de  Escobar,  Juana  Martin,  and  Beatriz  de  Palacios.  Iierrtra,  dec.  iii. 
lib.  ii.  cap.  i. 

30  Oil  was  the  chief  remedy.  Torquemada,  i.  558-60.  Bernal  Diaz  speaks 
of  a soldier  named  Juan  Catalan  who  performed  cures  with  the  sign  of  the 
cross  and  psalm-singing.  The  Tlascaltecs  also  besieged  the  man  for  his 
attentions.  ‘Y  verdaderamente  digo,  que  hallauamos  que  Nuestro  Sefior 
Iesu  Christo  era  servido  de  darnos  esfuerijo,  ..y  de  presto  sanauan.’  Not 
twenty  of  Alvarado’s  men  were  free  from  wounds  at  this  time.  Hist.  Verdad., 
142.  Solis  allows  this  wonderful  healing  power  to  be  attributed  to  no  woman. 
Hist.  Mex. , ii.  412.  But  then  he  was  a strict  priest,  who  saw  woman  chiefly 
as  a feeble  and  adoring  supplicant. 

37  ‘Que  de  ai  a ocho  dias  no  auia  de  quedar  ninguno  de  nosotros  a vida, 
porque  assi  le  lo  auian  prometido  la  noche  antes  sus  Dioses.’  Bernal  Diaz., 
Hist.  Verdad.,  149. 


6G2 


CONTINUATION  OF  THE  SIEGE. 


it  was  hoped  that  neighboring  districts  might  be  again 
persuaded  to  join'  in  hostile  operations,  or  at  least 
assume  a neutral  attitude  against  the  isolated  Span- 
iards. Severely  harassed  by  all  the  strength  of  the 
capital  and  its  allies,  the  Spaniards  would  be  unable 
to  maintain  the  siege  or  even  to  sustain  their  own 
position,  particularly  if  supplies  were  cut  off,  and  so 
be  obliged  to  retreat.  Many  indeed  looked  upon  the 
Spaniards  as  doomed,  and  tired  besides  of  the  long 
siege,  so  contrary  to  native  ideas  of  warfare,  corps 
after  corps  of  their  allies  disappeared,  in  secret  retreat 
to  their  homes.  Others  were  sufficiently  shaken  in 
their  belief  to  lose  all  ardor,  the  more  so  when  they 
recalled  the  prophecy  of  disaster  uttered  by  the 
hanged  Xicotencatl.  Cortds  and  his  officers  did  all 
they  could  to  counteract  this  influence  by  referring  to 
previous  failures  of  oracles,  to  the  comparatively 
small  percentage  of  the  late  losses,  the  critical  condi- 
tion of  the  besieged,  and  their  efforts  to  gain  advan- 
tages by  spreading  lies.  Let  the  allies  but  abide  till 
the  end  of  the  term  mentioned  by  the  oracle  and  they 
would  be  convinced  of  its  falsity.  The  last  argument 
was  perhaps  the  strongest  that  could  be  offered  under 
the  circumstances,  and  it  was  decided  to  take  no  risks 
that  might  imperil  the  proof.38 

These  precautions  were  imperative  in  view  of  the 
effect  of  Aztec  machinations  in  the  lake  districts  and 
outlying  provinces.  The  lake  towns  last  to  join  the 
Spaniards  relapsed  into  a frigid  neutrality,  and  might 
have  risen  but  for  the  imposing  proximity  of  the  fleet 
and  army.  Remoter  districts  assumed  a more  decided 
attitude,  and  from  Quauhnahuac  came  an  urgent  ap- 
peal for  help  against  the  attacks  of  the  Malinalcas 
and  Cohuixcas,  prompted  by  Mexico.  Immediately 

38  Solis,  Hist.  Mex.,\\.  415,  states,  and  Prescott  hastily  affirms,  that  nearly 
all  the  allies  deserted,  and  Bernal  Diaz  enumerates  the  mere  handful  that  re- 
mained ; but  this  must  be  erroneous,  as  shown  by  the  course  of  the  narratives 
in  general.  Two  expeditions  were  sent  forth  about  this  time,  and  the  large 
number  of  allies  which  joined  therein  may  account  in  part  for  the  gaps  which 
gave  rise  to  the  above  exaggeration.  Cortes,  indeed,  alludes  very  indirectly 
to  any  defection. 


TAPIA'S  ASSAULT. 


C63 


after  the  late  victory  Quauhtemotzin  had  sent  envoys 
to  these  and  other  provinces,  in  every  direction,  bear- 
ing heads  or  flayed  skins  of  Spaniards  and  horses,  and 
other  tokens,  wherewith  to  impress  their  story  that 
more  than  half  of  the  white  besiegers  were  slain,  and 
that  the  remainder  would  soon  perish,  as  declared  by 
the  oracle.  It  behooved  them,  therefore,  to  decide 
at  once  whether  they  would  join  for  a share  in  the 
spoils,  or  be  forever  excluded  from  all  favor  at  the 
hands  of  victorious  Mexico.  Thus,  while  many  were 
frightened  into  severing  their  connection  with  the  in- 

o o 

vaders,  secretly  or  openly,  more  aggressive  provinces 
like  Malinalco  hastened  to  profit  by  the  state  of  affairs. 

To  detach  troops  under  the  circumstances  was  not 
agreeable,  and  many  officers  objected,  but  Cortes  con- 
sidered that  it  would  be  far  more  dangerous  to  Spanish 
prestige  and  prospects  to  encourage  such  hostile  move- 
ments by  a passive  demeanor.  “It  was  now  more 
necessary  than  ever,”  he  writes,  “ to  exhibit  prowess 
and  spirit,  so  as  to  hide  our  weakness  both  from 
friends  and  foes.”  Andres  de  Tapia  was  accordingly 
despatched  with  ten  horse  and  eighty  foot,  together 
with  a considerable  force  of  allies.39  In  order  to  calm 
the  many  remonstrances  against  the  expedition,  he 
was  instructed  to  return  within  ten  days.  Tapia 
found  the  enemy  awaiting  him  in  large  force  near  a 
hamlet  not  far  from  Malinalco,  and  at  once  prepared 
to  attack,  assisted  by  the  Quauhnahuacs.  The  ground 
being  level,  the  horses  proved  of  great  service,  and 
the  hostile  army  was  presently  in  flight  toward  Mali- 
nalco. This  place  was  strongly  situated  on  a height, 
well  supplied  with  water,  so  that  Tapia  considered  it 
useless  to  attempt  an  assault,  much  less  a siege  when 
so  short  a term  had  been  allowed  him,  and  he  accord- 
ingly returned. 

39  Forty  thousand,  says  Ixtlilxochitl,  obtained  chiefly  from  Quauhnahuac 
and  other  towns  subject  to  Tczcuco.  I lor.  Crueldade*,  40.  Herrera  and  others 
mention  no  auxiliaries  from  the  camp.  Bemal  Diaz  is  confused. 


664 


CONTINUATION  OF  THE  SIEGE. 


The  complaint  from  Quauhnaliuac  was  followed  by 
a deeper  wail  from  Toluca  and  adjoining  Otorm  settle- 
ments in  the  mountain  region  west  of  the  lake.  The 
Matlalzincas,  devoted  adherents  of  Quauhtemotzin, 
had  been  induced  to  openly  declare  for  him  and  to 
invade  their  districts,  preparatory  to  advancing  against 
the  Spaniards.  This  intention  had  been  already  vaunt- 
ingly  proclaimed  by  the  Aztecs,  and  since  the  Matlalt- 
zincas  were  both  powerful  and  warlike,  the  necessit}r 
for  prompt  measures  became  even  more  apparent  in 
this  case.  The  tried  Sandoval  was  intrusted  with  the 
expedition,  composed  of  eighteen  cavalry,  one  hundred 
infantry,  and  a large  force  of  allies  chiefly  Otomls, 
which  soon  grew  to  about  seventy  thousand.  After 
a quick  march  he  came  to  the  smoking  ruins  of  some 
settlements  and  startled  into  flight  a band  of  maraud- 
ers, who  left  behind  them  a quantity  of  plunder  and 
provisions,  including  some  tender  children  still  roast- 
ing on  the  spit.  He  pursued  the  raiders,  and  after 
crossing  a river40  came  upon  a larger  force,  which 
turned  as  he  approached,  to  seek  safety  within  the 
town  of  Matlaltzinco,  over  two  leagues  distant.  The 
cavalry  made  terrible  havoc  among  them,  and  the  in- 
fantry following  in  their  wake,  killed  more  than  two 
thousand.  Those  who  escaped  made  a stand  at  the 
town  to  cover  the  conveyance  of  families  and  effects  to 
a fortified  hill  close  by.  This  was  pretty  well  accom- 
plished before  the  infantry  came  up  to  assist  in  cap- 
turing the  town.  The  defenders  now  fled,  and  the 
place  was  entered  and  burned,  after  being  rifled  of 
what  remained  to  take.  Since  it  was  late,  the  assault 
on  the  hill  was  deferred  till  the  morning.  There  the 
natives  maintained  a loud  uproar  until  some  time  after 
midnight,  when  all  became  quiet.  With  early  dawn 
the  Spaniards  prepared  to  storm  the  hill  only  to  learn 
that  it  had  been  abandoned.  A number  of  people 
were  seen  in  the  field,  however,  and  eagerly  the  sol- 
diers revived  the  fading  expectation  for  a fray.  In  a 

40  The  Chicuknauhtla.  Ixtlilxochitl  calls  it. 


THE  OMINOUS  EIGHTH  DAY. 


6G5 


twinkling  they  were  among  the  rabble,  and  a number 
were  slain  before  the  explanation  gained  ears  that 
these  people  belonged  to  the  friendly  Otomfs.  San- 
doval now  advanced  on  another  fortified  town,  whose 
cacique  threw  open  the  gates  on  beholding  the  hosts 
before  him,  and  not  only  offered  his  own  submission, 
but  promised  to  effect  the  submission  of  the  allied 
caciques  and  those  of  Malinalco  and  Cohuixco.  Re- 
gardless of  the  insinuations  of  the  Otomfs  that  such 
promises  could  not  be  relied  on,  Sandoval  returned  to 
Mexico,  and  four  days  later  appeared  there  the 
caciques  of  all  these  provinces  to  tender  allegiance 
and  aid  for  the  siege.41 

Meanwhile  the  portentous  eighth  day  had  dawned 
on  the  Spanish  camps.  Hardly  less  concerned  than 
the  natives,  the  soldiers  could  not  control  their  trepi- 
dation as  they  thought  of  the  oracle,  although  striving 
to  appear  indifferent.  Nor  were  they  without  tangible 
reasons  for  their  fears.  With  a daily  growing  deser- 
tion among  the  much  needed  allies,  and  fading  enthu- 
siasm among  those  who  remained ; with  supplies  greatly 
reduced  owing  to  the  neutral  attitude  assumed  by  sur- 
rounding districts;  with  fresh  wars  upon  their  hands, 
which  demanded  not  only  more  hardships  but  a di- 
vision of  their  weakened  forces;  with  constant  vigils 
and  alarms  amid  the  harassing  attacks  of  a triumphant 
foe;  with  a large  number  of  wounded  deprived  of  need- 
ful care  and  comforts,  and  above  all  the  ghastly  spec- 
tacle of  a daily  sacrifice  of  late  comrades,  attended  by 
wild  and  imposing  celebrations — with  all  this  gloom 
and  distress  it  required  stout  hearts  indeed  to  remain 
steadfast.  Yet  they  were  firm;  they  believed  in  the 
strength  and  justice  of  their  cause,  and  in  their  ulti- 
mate triumph,  though  momentarily  dismayed,  prayer 

41  ‘ Y ellos  le  siruieron  muy  bie  en  el  cerco.’  Gomara,  Hist.  M ex.,  207. 
Ixtlilxochitl  claims  of  course  that  his  Tezcucans  formed  the  chief  auxiliaries 
of  Sandoval.  Hemal  Diaz  wrongly  gives  Tapia  this  expedition,  which  Cortes 
intimates  to  have  been  sent  about  three  days  after  the  return  of  the  Quauh- 
nahuac  party.  Cartas,  237. 


6CG 


CONTINUATION  OF  THE  SIEGE. 


afforded  them  relief.  It  dissipated  fear  and  infused 
fresh  courage. 

Thus  passed  the  day,  amidst  fear  and  hope,  and  the 
Spaniards  still  existed.  The  Mexicans  do  not  appear 
to  have  made  any  special  effort  to  support  the  oracle 
by  a determined  attack.  Nor  had  they  been  able  to 
open  any  effective  communication  with  the  mainland; 
for  although  the  lake  towns  had  withdrawn  their 
canoe  fleet,  they  offered  no  aid  to  the  besieged,  while 
the  brigantines  maintained  too  strict  a guard  to  per- 
mit many  boats  to  gain  the  capital  with  supplies. 

The  ninth  day  came,  and  now  it  was  the  turn  of  the 
Spaniards  to  exult,  for  not  only  did  they  feel  inspired 
with  the  belief  that  providence  was  protecting  them — 
and  nobly  the  friars  helped  Cortes  to  impart  that 
stirring  idea — but  they  were  cheered  with  revived 
•animation  among  the  allies  and  the  early  return  of 
most  of  the  deserters.  From  Tezcuco,  indeed,  came 
additional  troops  under  the  command  of  some  Span- 
iards there  stationed.42  Cortes  greeted  the  returning 
corps  with  rather  cold  forgiveness.  He  showed  them 
that  besides  carrying  on  the  siege  without  their  aid 
he  had  undertaken  victorious  campaigns,  and  needed 
not  their  assistance.  Nevertheless,  since  they  had 
served  so  zealously  before,  he  would  not  only  over- 
look the  grave  crime  of  desertion,  due  partly  to  igno- 
rance of  Spanish  laws,  but  let  them  again  share  in 
the  final  reduction  of  the  city,  and  thus  gain  both 
revenge  and  riches.  Cortes  could  adopt  no  other 
course,  for  the  siege  could  not  be  carried  on  without 
the  allies. 

Under  Spanish  training  the  latter  had  besides  grown 
very  efficient,  as  the  following  instance  will  illustrate: 
No  sooner  had  the  eight  portentous  days  passed  by 
than  Chichimecatl,  the  leading  Tlascaltec  captain 
serving  under  Alvarado,  disgusted  with  the  idle  fears 
which  had  unmanned  his  people,  and  eager  to  retrieve 

42Farfan  and  Villareal  came,  says  Bernal  Diaz,  and  Tecapaneca,  cacique 
of  Topeyanco,  led  the  returning  Tlascaltecs.  Hist.  Verdad.,  151. 


ADVENTURE  OF  CHICHIMECATL. 


667 


them  in  the  eyes  of  the  Spaniards,  resolved  to  show 
both  them  and  the  Aztecs  what  he  could  do.  With 
the  aid  of  the  soldiers  the  first  fortified  channel  was 
captured,  and  the  chief  advanced  into  the  city  with 
his  own  people  only,  the  flower  of  his  warriors,  after 
leaving  several  hundred  archers  near  the  passage  to 
keep  the  route  clear  for  retreat.  With  unwavering 
columns  he  advanced  along  the  main  street  and  cap- 
tured the  next  canal  passage  after  a fierce  struggle. 
Then  he  passed  onward  to  the  next,  maintaining  a 
sharp  contest  all  the  day.  Finally  came  the  hour  for 
returning,  and  the  Aztecs  bore  down  with  doubled 
fury  on  his  flank  and  rear.  The  retreat  was  per- 
formed in  good  order,  partly  owing  to  the  foresight 
of  leaving  a rear  body;  and  Chichimecatl  came  back 
a lauded  hero.43 

Messengers  had  been  sent  to  the  allies  far  and 

O 

wide  to  encourage  them  with  the  news  of  the  non-ful- 
filment of  the  oracle.  Ojeda  and  Marquez  went  in 
person  to  Tlascala,  partly  also  with  the  object  of  pro- 
curing certain  supplies.  They  left  Alvarado’s  camp 
at  midnight  with  only  a few  natives,  and  when  about 
half-way  to  Tepeyacac  they  perceived  a train  of  men 
descending  from  the  hills  with  heavy  burdens,  which 
they  deposited  in  a number  of  canoes.  Information 
was  at  once  sent  to  Alvarado,  who  placed  a guard 
along  the  shore  to  check  this  smuggling  that  had 
evidently  escaped  the  cruisers.44  Ojeda’s  party  pro- 
ceeded to  Tlascala  and  brought  a large  train  of  provis- 
ions.45 In  addition  to  this  the  camps  were  cheered 
by  the  arrival  of  a party  of  recruits  with  quite  a mass 
of  war  material,  chiefly  powder  and  cross-bows,  relics 

43  Cortes  leaves  the  impression  that  this  incident  took  place  during  the 
days  when  the  Spaniards  were  making  desultory  entries  into  the  city;  but 
since  he  docs  not  speak  of  the  oracle  or  the  defection  the  affair  is  undecided. 
Torquemada,  i.  557,  intimates  that  Chichimecatl  served  under  Sandoval,  but 
this  is  wrong. 

41  Ojeda  magnifies  the  train  of  men  to  4000  and  the  canoes  to  3000.  Herrera , 
dec.  iii.  lib.  i.  cap.  xxii. 

40  Fifteen  hundred  loads  maize,  1000  loads  fowl,  300  sides  venison,  besides 
other  effects,  including  Xicotencatl’s  confiscated  property  and  women.  Id. 


668 


CONTINUATION  OF  THE  SIEGE. 


of  Ponce  de  Leon’s  Florida  expedition.46  The  war 
stores  were  particularly  valuable;  so  low  had  run  the 
actual  stock  that  Cortes  was  preparing  more  Chi- 
nantec  pikes  to  cover  the  deficiency  in  weapons. 

Everything  was  again  ready  for  a serious  revival  of 
hostilities.  Over  six  weeks  had  passed  since  the  siege 
began,  and  the  end  seemed  little  nearer  than  before. 
On  the  day  of  the  defeat  three  fourths  of  the  city 
might  be  said  to  have  been  reduced;  but  nearly  all 
this  advantage  had  been  lost,  owing  chiefly  to  the 
narrow  streets,  encompassed  by  houses  which  served 
both  for  attack  and  retreat,  and  the  numerous  traps  in 
the  form  of  canals  and  channels.  So  long  as  these 
obstacles  remained  the  progress  must  not  only  be 
slow,  ever  slower  as  advance  was  made,  but  the  troops 
would  be  constantly  exposed  to  fresh  disaster.  One 
more  defeat  might  ruin  all,  and  Cortes  resolved  to 
avoid  risks.  He  would  tear  down  every  building  as 
he  advanced  on  both  sides  of  the  streets,  and  fill  up 
every  channel;  “not  take  one  step  in  advance  without 
leaving  all  desolated  behind,  and  convert  water  into 
firm  land,  regardless  of  the  delay.”  So  writes  the 
general,  and  yet  he  expresses  regret  for  this  destruc- 
tion of  the  city,  “the  most  beautiful  in  the  world.”47 
In  pursuance  of  this  plan  he  asked  the  allied  chiefs  to 
summon  additional  forces  of  laborers  with  the  neces- 
sary implements.  They  eagerly  consented,  and  within 
a few  days  the  men  stood  prepared. 

46  Herrera  intimates  that  the  material  may  have  been  a consignment  to 
Leon,  for  which  the  disappointed  owner  sought  a market.  A vessel  of  Aillon’s 
fleet,  says  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  V cr dad.  ^ 153. 

47  Some  time  before  he  had  expressed  the  same  intention,  and  the  fear  that 
little  or  no  treasure  would  be  recovered.  Cartas,  222,  241.  Ixtlilxochitl 
claims  that  his  namesake  provided  100,000  men  for  the  task,  I/or.  Crueldades, 
42,  and  Bernal  Diaz  states  that  this  prince  proposed  purely  a strict  blockade 
as  a safe  and  sure  plan.  Hist.  Verdad.,  150.  The  result  proves  that  this 
would  have  been  the  best  and  as  speedy  as  the  one  adopted,  while  the  city 
would  have  been  saved  from  destruction.  That  the  plan  was  ever  seriously 
suggested  among  this  impatient  crew  is  affirmed  by  no  other  authority. 


CHAPTER  XXXIY. 


THE  CONQUEST  ACHIEVED. 

July-August,  1521. 

The  Destroyers  Advance — Fierce  Fighting  in  the  Plaza — Dismal 
Situation  of  the  Mexicans — The  Work  of  Demolition — Move- 
ments of  Alvarado — The  Emperor  Refuses  to  Parley — Misery 
of  the  Aztecs  Unbearable — Horrible  Massacre  of  Women  and 
Children — The  Tender-hearted  Cortes  Mourns  over  his  own 
Work — Capture  of  the  Emperor — The  Conquest  Completed — Ban- 
quets and  Thanksgivings— Dispersion  of  the  Allies  to  their 
Homes — Reflections. 


With  a force  of  over  one  hundred  and  fifty  thou- 
sand men  the  Spaniards  now  advanced  on  the  city,  a 
large  proportion  destined  wholly  to  raze  buildings,  fill 
channels,  and  remove  obstacles,  while  the  rest  were  to 
drive  back  the  enemy  and  keep  them  at  bay.  At  the 
channel  near  the  plaza  the  Mexicans  detained  the 
forces  for  an  hour  with  a peace  proposal,  in  order  to 
gain  time  for  some  operation,  and  then  suddenly  they 
began  to  ply  their  missiles.  Cortes  was  not  slow  to 
accept  the  challenge,  and  led  the  attack  with  a reck- 
lessness that  caused  his  followers  to  remonstrate  with 
him  for  exposing  so  valuable  a life.  It  had  the  effect, 
however,  of  so  encouraging  the  charging  party  that 
the  channel  with  its  intrenchments  was  quickly  cap- 
tured. On  reaching  the  plaza  they  found  it  covered 
with  loose  stones,  which  prevented  the  horses  from 
running.  Several  streets  leading  to  it  were  blocked 
with  stone  barricades.  The  main  effort  for  this  day 
was  directed  toward  opening  the  approach  to  the 
plaza,  which  was  to  serve  as  the  starting-point  for 

( 669  ) 


CTO 


THE  CONQUEST  ACHIEVED. 


subsequent  movements.  The  work  was  slow,  owing 
to  the  massive  character  of  the  buildings  along  the 
leading  avenue,  and  in  this  imperial  centre  of  the  city ; 
but  myriads  swarmed  thereat,  and  structure  after 
structure  was  levelled,  opening  wide  access  to  the 
southern  causeway. 

The  Mexicans  made  repeated  efforts  to  stay  such 
ruthless  destruction.  But  their  onslaught  was  futile, 
for  thundering  cannon  and  fiery  chargers  protected 
every  point.  “ Burn  and  raze,  you  slaves,”  they 
shouted  to  the  auxiliaries  in  their  impotent  fury;  “you 
will  have  to  rebuild  it  all,  either  for  us  if  we  win,  or 
for  your  present  masters  if  they  conquer !”  And  so  it 
happened.  With  dreary  tasks  did  they  pay  for  the 
momentary  triumph  over  their  enemy.  During  the 
withdrawal  of  the  troops  to  camp  in  the  evening  the 
Mexicans  were  able  to  make  a forcible  demonstration, 
more  so  than  usual  on  these  occasions,  if  we  may  credit 
the  native  records.  They  pushed  in  front  of  their 
lines  a fine -looking  Spanish  cross-bowman,  reserved 
from  the  late  captives,  and  sought  to  make  him  direct 
his  arrows  against  his  countrymen.  This  he  refused 
to  do,  always  shooting  too  high,  and  finally  the  enraged 
Aztecs  cut  him  down.  His  presence  naturally  inter- 
fered with  the  free  operations  of  the  soldiers,  as  the 
enemy  had  expected. 

On  the  following  days  Cortds  ascended  the  com- 
manding temple  pyramid  in  the  plaza,  and  thence 
directed  more  effectively  the  operations  for  razing 
buildings  and  driving  back  the  Mexicans,  who  fought 
with  desperation  for  every  foot  of  ground,  so  much  so 
that  on  one  day  alone  fell  twenty  thousand  it  is  said. 
On  one  occasion  a corps  of  Tlascaltccs  crossed  a 
canal  and  were  thrown  into  disorder  by  the  enemy. 
The  Aztecs  began  to  exult,  and  one  of  their  num- 
ber, a muscular  warrior  with  enormous  bejewelled 
plumage,  armed  with  a Spanish  sword  and  shield, 
shouted  a challenge  to  any  Spaniard.  Several  were 
ready,  among  them  Hernando  dc  Osma,  who  had  just 


SINGLE  COMBATS. 


671 


swum  across  the  canal  to  sustain  the  wavering  allies. 
Dripping  wet  he  rushed  upon  the  warrior,  but  received 
a blow  which  cleft  his  shield.  Recovering  himself,  he 
dealt  the  Mexican  a thrust  from  below  and  stretched 
him  dead,  whereupon  he  snatched  the  sword  and 
plumage  and  sprang  back  in  time  to  escape  the  pursuing 
friends  of  the  fallen  man.  He  afterward  offered  the 
trophy  to  Cortes,  who  accepted,  but  returned  it  at 
once  with  the  remark  that  none  was  so  worthy  there- 
of as  he  who  had  won  it.  The  deed  served  also  to 
reanimate  the  Tlascaltecs,  and  they  sustained  their 
position. 

Not  long  after,  another  powerful  warrior,  similarly 
plumed,  came  forth  brandishing  a Spanish  sword  and 
announcing  that  he  sought  the  glory  of  either  dying 
by  the  hand  of  a brave  Spaniard  or  defeating  him. 
Cortds,  who  was  present,  told  him  that  ten  more  men 
like  himself  were  needed  to  match  one  soldier.  The 
warrior  insisted.  “Very  well,”  said  the  general,  “this 
beardless  page  of  mine  shall  despatch  you,  and  de- 
monstrate the  mettle  of  our  Castilian  boys.”  Juan 
Nuiiez  de  Mercado,  as  the  youth  was  called,  thereupon 
stepped  forward,  and  bravely  as  this  Goliah  fought, 
a few  passes  from  the  skilled  arm  of  the  youngster 
soon  sufficed  to  lay  him  low.  This  feat  served  not 
alone  to  discourage  duels  with  Spaniards,  but  was  re- 
garded by  many  Mexicans  as  a bad  omen.1 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  reverses  of  the  enemy, 
they  usually  rallied  in  the  evening  to  pursue  the 
troops  as  they  returned  to  camp,  the  allies  being  al- 
ways sent  back  first  so  as  to  leave  the  road  clear  for 
the  soldiers,  covered  by  the  cavalry.  One  day  the 
pursuit  was  not  made  for  some  reason,  and  a few 
horsemen  ventured  to  look  into  it,  but  only  to  be 
driven  back  with  two  animals  badly  wounded.  Cortes 
resolved  to  be  avenged.  He  ordered  Sandoval  to  re- 
enforce him  so  as  to  increase  the  number  of  horse  to 

1 Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  ii.  cap.  ii. , lib.  i.  cap.  xx.,  places  this  incident  on 
the  third  day  of  entry  into  the  city. 


672 


THE  CONQUEST  ACHIEVED. 


forty.  Thirty  of  these  were  posted  early  in  the  day 
in  a hiding-place  near  the  plaza,  and  close  by  a hun- 
dred select  soldiers  and  a corps  of  Tlascaltecs.  When 
the  hour  came  to  return  to  camp,  the  Mexicans,  as 
expected,  fell  upon  the  retreating  lines  in  stronger 
force  than  ever,  encouraged  by  the  achievement  of 
the  previous  evening  and  by  the  pretended  timidity 
of  the  ten  horsemen  who  covered  the  rear.  When 
the  first  columns  of  pursuers  had  well  passed  the 
hiding-place,  the  signal  was  given,  and  with  ringing 
Santiagos  the  parties  in  ambush  rushed  upon  the 
startled  warriors.  Finding  their  retreat  cut  off,  the 
severed  section  lost  presence  of  mind,  and  permitted 
themselves  to  be  butchered  like  cattle.  When  the 
massacre  was  over,  fully  five  hundred  of  the  flower  of 
the  Aztec  armies  covered  the  ground.2  Never  again 
were  the  Spaniards  exposed  to  pursuit  near  or  beyond 
the  plaza,  or  indeed  to  any  such  fierce  charges,  and 
the  horses  became  again  an  object  of  awe.3 

The  captives  were  questioned  regarding  the  condi- 
tion of  the  city,  and  from  them  a revelation  was 
obtained  showing  that  the  majority  of  the  occupants 
were  in  favor  of  capitulation,  but  afraid  to  express 
their  views  in  face  of  the  firmness  of  Quauhtemotzin 
and  his  party,  who  were  resolved  to  defend  their  city 
to  the  end.  And  there  was  still  enthusiasm  among 
the  Mexican  people.  Women  and  cripples  could  be 
seen  preparing  and  bringing  war  material  for  stronger 
arms  to  use;  they  swept  dust  from  the  roofs  into  the 
faces  of  assailants,  while  children  threw  tiny  stones 
and  lisped  an  echo  of  the  curse  that  fell  from  the  lips 


2 ‘Todos  los  mas  principales  y esforzados  y valientes.’  Cortts , Cartas,  244. 
And  2000  captives.  Ixtlilxochitl,  I/or.  Crueldades,  43.  ‘Tuuieron  bien  q cenar 
aquella  noche  los  Indios  nuestros  amigos,’  observes  Gomara,  unctuously.  Hist. 
Mex. , 209.  Bernal  Diaz,  who  claims  to  have  been  among  the  100  select,  in- 
timates that  Alvarado  also  formed  an  ambuscade  that  day,  though  less 
effective.  I/ist.  Verdad.,  153-4.  In  rushing  from  the  hiding-place,  says 
Cortes,  two  horses  collided,  one  of  them  throwing  its  rider  and  charging 
alone  amid  the  foe.  After  receiving  several  wounds  it  sought  refuge  among 
the  soldiers  and  was  conducted  to  camp,  where  it  died. 

3 ‘ Fue  bien  principal  causa  para  que  la  ciudad  mas  presto  se  ganase,’ 
Cortes,  Cartas,  245,  but  this  must  be  regarded  as  an  exaggerated  estimate. 


HORRORS  OF  FAMINE. 


C73 


of  their  parents.  But  all  this  manifest  spirit  was 
slowly  but  surely  subsiding,  and  deep  and  dismal 
woe  was  settling  down  upon  them.4  Alas  for  Mexico, 
pride  of  the  grand  plateau!  Alas  for  thine  ancient 
grandeur!  Blotted  out  forever  must  be  thy  culture, 
crushed  thy  budding  progress ! The  days  of  thy  glory 
are  ended ; and  so  are  thy  bloody  ceremonies  and  sac- 
rificial stones! 

Long  sieges  had  never  suited  the  native  ideas  of 
warfare,  and  experience  could  therefore  teach  little 
in  the  preparation  for  the  event.  Vast  supplies  had 
been  accumulated  by  the  Mexicans,  but  a large  influx 
of  fugitives  from  the  lake  towns  had  swelled  the  num- 
ber of  non-combatants  and  had  helped  to  diminish  the 
food  supply,  which  had  received  but  scanty  additions, 
owing  to  the  close  watch  of  the  cruisers.  Nor  had 
any  restrictions  been  placed  on  consumption,  since  the 
provisions  were  chiefly  in  private  hands.  Now  famine 
was  raging  with  rapidly  increasing  horrors,  and  jewels 
were  offered  by  the  handful  for  an  equal  quantity  of 
food.5  Excluded  from  such  competition,  the  poorer 
classes  sought  in  holes  and  canals  for  snails,  lizards, 
and  rats,  skimmed  • the  surface  of  the  water  for  its 
mucilaginous  scum,  or  tore  up  the  earth  for  roots  and 
weeds,  glad  even  to  chew  the  bark  of  trees,  and  anx- 
iously waiting  for  the  scanty  allowance  of  brackish 
water.  Disease  was  marching  hand-in-hand  with  hun- 
ger,  and  weakened  by  their  sufferings  hundreds  were 
left  to  linger  in  torment  till  welcome  death  relieved 
them.  The  frequency  of  these  incidents  made  the 
people  callous,  and  the  sufferings  even  of  near  friends 

4 Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  ii.  cap.  ii.  Torquemada,  i.  560,  564,  wavers,  inti- 
mating in  one  place  that  all  were  determined  to  die.  When  the  people  at  last 
inclined  to  peace,  says  Gomara,  Quauhtemotzin  opposed  it  on  the  ground  that 
they  had  once  decided  for  war,  ‘contra  su  voluntad  y consejo.  ’ Hist.  Mux., 
213.  Most  of  the  revelation  was  made  by  a woman  of  rank,  it  appears.  Car- 
ried away  by  his  love  for  hero-painting,  Prescott  has  either  missed  or  ignored 
the  facts  which  now  reveal  his  false  coloring. 

5‘ Y asi  escondidas  huvo  algimos  Principales  de  las  Provincias  cercanas  que 
acudieron  con  algun  inaiz  para  sola  Uevar  joy  as.’  That  is,  where  the  cruisers 
allowed  such  smuggling.  Duran , Hist,  hid.,  MS.,  ii.  4D7. 

Hist.  Mex.  Von.  I.  43 


674 


THE  CONQUEST  ACHIEVED. 


were  looked  on  with  indifference  by  the  gaunt  and 
hollow-eyed,  who  were  themselves  marked  for  death. 

Regardless  of  the  consequences,  many  crept  at 
night  close  to  the  Spanish  camps  in  search  of  roots 
and  refuse  which  could  no  longer  be  found  within 
their  precincts.  Advised  of  such  movements,  a body 
of  soldiers  and  allies  was  sent  out  before  sunrise  one 
day  and  fell  on  a large  number,  slaughtering  many  of 
them  before  discovering  them  to  be  starving  women 
and  children.6  It  was  necessar}7  to  take  increased 
measures  even  against  these  surreptitious  attempts  to 
sustain  the  defence,  and  to  keep  in  the  useless  popula- 
tion, though  there  was  little  prospect  of  any  important 
exodus,  since  the  fear  of  the  savage  and  cannibal 
auxiliaries  who  surrounded  the  city  made  its  very 
pest-holes  appear  attractive  places  of  refuge.  The 
vessels  were  particularly  efficient  for  this  purpose,  the 
more  so  since  the  crews  had  found  a ready  means  to 
render  the  submerged  stakes  and  palisades  of  little 
hindrance.7  They  were  thus  enabled  to  ravage  the 
suburbs,  and  to  cooperate  with  the  other  forces  by 
landing  and  driving  the  inhabitants  toward  the 
narrow  quarter  in  which  they  were  now  confined. 
They  had  not  always  an  easy  task,  however,  for 
the  Mexicans  wrere  growing  more  reckless,  and 
would  sometimes  venture  to  meet  even  the  ‘ winged 
houses.’ 

On  one  occasion  a portion  of  the  fleet  was  closely 
beset  in  a confined  place,  and  the  flag-ship  happening 
to  strand  on  some  timbers  the  crew  became  panic- 
stricken  and  sought  to  abandon  her.  Martin  Lopez, 
the  builder,  who  was  the  chief  pilot,  at  once  turned 
against  the  deserters,  and  being  a large  and  powerful 
man  he  pitched  two  into  the  water,  beat  and  bruised 
half  a dozen  others,  and  soon  compelled  their  return 
to  duty.  He  thereupon  led  them  against  the  enemy 

6 About  1000  were  killed,  says  Ixtlilxockitl,  Hor.  Crueldades,  44 ; but  Cortes 
puts  the  killed  and  captured  at  more  than  800.  Cartas,  245. 

7 ‘ Osauan  nuestros  vergantines  romper  las  estacadas . . . remauan  con  gran 
fuei^a  y. . .a  todas  velas.’  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  150. 


THE  IMPALED  HEADS 


C75 


and  drove  them  off,  killing  the  leader,  who  was  a 
prominent  officer.  For  this  important  service  the 
brave  Lopez  was  rewarded  with  a captaincy.8 

Cortes  made  quite  rapid  advance  in  the  work  of 
demolition,  considering  the  immensity  of  it.  The 
Tlacopan  road  had  been  levelled,  rendering  communi- 
cation easy  with  the  camp  of  Alvarado,  and  on  the  eve 
of  Santiago’s  day9  the  greater  part  of  the  main  street 
to  the  market  was  gained.  This  thoroughfare  bore 
afterward  the  name  of  Guatemotzin,10  because  this  em- 
peror’s palace  was  here  situated.  Strongly  fortified, 
its  capture  was  not  effected  without  a severe  struggle, 
wherein  many  a brave  fellow  met  his  fate.  During 
the  fio-ht  Alderete’s  horse  became  unmanageable  from 
a thrust,  and  rushed  amid  the  enemy  in  mad  fury, 
creating  more  disorder  by  his  pawing  and  biting  than 
a squad  of  soldiers  could  have  done.11 

Equally  severe  was  the  struggle  on  the  following 
days  in  entering  and  fillina:  a street  with  a wide 
canal,  adjoining  the  main  road.  At  the  same  time 
was  taken  a temple,12  wherein  a number  of  impaled 
bearded  heads  stared  the  horrified  Spaniards  in  the 
face.  Tears  filled  the  eyes  of  the  beholders,  and  rev- 

8 ‘ De  la  Capitana,  que  61  havia  salvado,’  says  Herrera,  while  asserting  that 
the  captain  Villafuerte  abandoned  her;  but  this  hardly  agrees  with  his  own 
later  statements  that  Villafuerte  remained  in  charge  of  the  fleet,  dec.  iii. 
lib.  i.  cap.  xxi. ; lib.  ii.  cap.  viii.  The  slain  leader  is  called  the  lieutenant- 
general  of  Quauhtemotzin,  and  his  death  ‘fue  causa,  que  mas  presto  se  ganase 
la  Ciudad,’  Torquemada,  i.  558,  all  of  which  is  doubtful.  A similar  reward 
to  that  of  Lopez  was  accorded  on  another  occasion  to  a soldier  named  Andres 
Nunez,  who  after  the  captain  had  abandoned  his  vessel  led  her  to  the  rescue 
of  two  consorts.  When  the  commander  came  to  resume  his  post  Nunez  re- 
fused to  admit  him,  saying  that  he  had  forfeited  it.  On  being  appealed  to, 
Cortes  sustained  the  brave  fellow  and  gave  him  the  command,  in  which 
capacity  he  rendered  important  service.  Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  ii.  cap.  i. 

9 July  25th,  according  to  Clavigero,  while  Torquemada  less  correctly  makes 
it  August  5th. 

10 The  Spanish  corruption  of  Quauhtemotzin.  ‘La  calle  q°  ba  al  tianguiz 
de  Tlatelulco  qe  se  llama  de  Guatimosa.’  Libra  de  Cabildo,  MS.,  88. 

11  Herrera  names  Magallanes  as  one  of  those  who  succumbed  under  the 
onslaught  of  a chief,  but  his  death  was  avenged  by  Diego  Castellanos,  a noted 
marksman,  dec.  iii.  lib.  i.  cap.  xx.  On  this  occasion  Ixtlilxochitl  intimates 
that  his  namesake  captured  his  brother,  the  usurper  king  of  Tezcuco,  and  sur- 
rendering him  to  Cortes,  he  was  at  once  secured  with  shackles.  Hor.  Cruel  dadcs, 
42-3.  ‘ De  manera  que  de  cuatro  partes  de  la  ciudad,  las  tres  estaban  ya  por 

nosotros.’  Cortes,  Carlas,  246. 

12 At  the  comer  of  the  street  leading  to  Sandoval’s  quarter.  Id.,  247. 


676 


THE  CONQUEST  ACHIEVED. 


erently  the  ghastly  remains  were  taken  down  to  re- 
ceive Christian  rites.13 

The  progress  of  Cortds’  party  in  the  direction  of 
Tlatelulco  market,  the  objective  point  of  all  the 
movements,  had  impelled  Alvarado  to  almost  super- 
human efforts  to  gain  before  them  a spot  lying  much 
nearer  to  his  camp.  Once  within,  he  hoped  to  keep 
his  ground,  for  it  was  large  and  level,  twice  the  size 
of  the  market-place  in  Salamanca,  says  Cortds,  and 
capable  of  accommodating  sixty  thousand  persons.  It 
was  lined  with  porticos,  wherein  more  substantial 
traders  had  their  shops,  while  the  open  square  was 
covered  with  booths,  between  which  the  Spaniards 
had  so  often  wandered  to  gaze  on  products  of  every 
variety,  from  field  and  forest,  from  river  and  mountain, 
as  well  as  from  the  workshop  of  artisan  and  artist.11 
Thus  it  was  formerly;  but  now  were  to  be  displayed 
only  the  worst  phases  of  human  selfishness,  cunning, 
and  brutality;  blood  and  corpses  in  lieu  of  fabrics  and 
provisions;  fierce  war-cries  and  the  clash  of  arms  in 
place  of  merry  traffickings  and  the  clink  of  coin. 
By  the  day  following  Santiago’s  day  Alvarado  had 
levelled  a wide  approach,  and  now  he  resolved  to  direct 
his  whole  strength  against  this  plaza,  leaving  merely 
a portion  of  his  auxiliaries  to  attend  to  further  razing 
operations.  Before  dawn  the  next  morning  he  ad- 
vanced with  all  his  force  and  took  the  Aztecs  by 
surprise.  He  effected  an  entrance  with  little  trouble, 
and  was  able  to  meet  in  good  order  the  bands  which 
came  to  retrieve  their  neglect  by  fierce  charges.  They 
were  led  by  the  renowned  orders  of  Tigers  and  Eagles, 
conspicuous  in  their  corresponding  gear,  and  eager  to 
maintain  the  reputation  which  had  gained  for  them 
their  insignia.  Mayeliuatzin,  lord  of  Cuitlahuac,  was 
also  among  the  prominent  leaders,  but  the  cavalry 
soon  obliged  him  to  turn  in  flight,  and  enabled  the 


13 1 knew  three  of  them,  writes  Bernal  Diaz.  ‘ Las  enterramos  en  vna 
Iglesia,  que  se  dize  aora  los  Martires.’  / list.  Verdcut..,  153. 

14  For  a full  description  see  Native  Races,  ii.  3S2  et  seq. 


UPON  A TEMPLE  SUMMIT. 


677 


infantry  to  capture  a number  of  tlie  shops  which 
lined  the  market,  and  begin  to  pillage.  Much  more 
determined  proved  the  division  under  the  Tiger  cap- 
tain, Coyohuehuetzin,  who  fell  back  and  maintained 
himself  on  the  Momuztli  edifice. 

While  the  main  portion  of  the  Spanish  forces  thus 
fought  at  different  points  in  the  plaza  with  varying  ad- 
vantage, Captain  Gutierre  de  Badajoz  was  ordered  to 
capture  the  great  temple  which  overlooked  the  market. 
It  was  held  by  Temilotzin  and  Tlacatecatl,  who  fiercely 
disputed  his  advance.  Time  and  again  were  his  men 
driven  back,  or  sent  tumbling  down  the  steps,  bruised 
and  bleeding,  many  a one  never  to  rise.  But  Badajoz 
persevered,  and  step  by  step  he  climbed  upward, 
sustained  by  reenforcements,  till  after  two  hours  of 
hard  contest  the  summit  was  gained,  first  by  Alferez 
Montano.  Woe  now  to  the  defenders  remaining:!  Not 
a Spaniard  there  but  had  wounds  to  show,  and  not 
one  who  did  not  strive  to  exact  blood  for  blood.  It 
was  a repetition  of  the  aerial  combat  of  the  year  before 
on  the  summit  of  the  central  temple.  The  Mexicans 
neither  expected  mercy  nor  asked  it;  rather  longed 
they  to  dedicate  their  last  breath  to  the  gods,  and 
gain  by  glorious  death  admission  into  the  abode  of 
the  blessed.  By  nine  o’clock  in  the  forenoon  the 
two  wooden  towers  holding:  the  altars  and  idols  were 
gained,  and  the  next  moment  dense  smoke  columns 
rose  to  announce  the  victory  of  the  Spaniards.15  Loud 
rose  the  wail  of  the  natives  as  they  witnessed  the 
portentous  result,  and  with  the  recklessness  of  despair 
they  renewed  their  onslaught,  led  by  Axoquentzin 
and  the  Eagle  captain,  Quachic.  So  severely  pressed 

13  Cortes  saw  the  smoke  from  his  camp,  from  which  he  was  preparing  to 
start.  Cartas , 247.  Herrera  leaves  the  impression  that  Alf6rez  Montano 
captured  the  temple,  dec.  iii.  lib.  ii.  cap.  i.,  but  he  was  probably  only  the  first 
to  step  on  the  summit.  Bernal  Diaz,  who  fought  under  Alvarado,  states  dis- 
tinctly that  Badajoz  led  the  party,  but  he  is  no  doubt  incorrect  in  adding  that 
the  fight  on  the  top  continued  till  night.  Hist.  Vt  rdad.,  153.  Torquemada,  i. 
5G5,  refers  to  the  temple  as  the  Acatliyacapan.  Duran  makes  Cortes  appeal 
to  the  Chalcans,  and  they  ‘tomando  la  delantera  del  Ej<3rcito,  y con  ellos 
Yxtlilxacliitl. . .ganaron  cl  Cue  grande.’  Hist.  Ind.,  MS.,  ii.  506.  This  must 
be  a Chalcan  version. 


678 


THE  CONQUEST  ACHIEVED; 


was  Alvarado  that  he  was  obliged  to  call  down  Bada- 
joz  and  to  concentrate  his  forces,  abandoning  the 
several  temples  which  surrounded  the  large  pyramid. 
Encouraged  by  this  success  the  Mexicans  pushed 
their  advantage  from  all  sides,  and  unable  to  hold 
their  position  the  Spaniards  retired  with  considerable 
loss,  including  three  horses.10 

Nothing  daunted,.  Alvarado  repeated  his  entry  on 
the  following  day,  and  met  with  comparatively  little 
opposition,  the  enemy  being  evidently  discouraged  by 
the  fall  of  the  temple  and  the  resolute  bearing  of  the 
Spaniards.  He  now  passed  through  and  came  up  to 
Cortes’  party,  by  whom  he  was  received  with  ringing 
and  repeated  cheers.  The  latter  had  just  captured 
the  last  canal  and  intrcnchments  near  the  market- 
place, after  a sharp  struggle,  and  now  the  general  and 
his  doughty  lieutenant  entered  the  market  and 
ascended  the  lofty  pyramid,  on  which  the  royal 
banner  waved  a proud  welcome,  while  beside  it  the 
still  impaled  heads  of  white  and  dusky  victims  re- 
called the  bitter  vengeance  yet  to  be  exacted.  Sur- 
veying the  city  beneath  him  on  all  sides,  Cortes  says: 
“It  seemed  undoubted  that  of  eight  parts  we  had  gained 
seven.”  The  late  magnificent  metropolis,  the  finest 
and  largest  on  all  the  northern  continent,  displayed 
now  a mass  of  ruins,  through  which  the  broad  paths 
levelled  by  the  invaders  led  to  the  one  corner  which 
alone  remained  to  the  besieged,17  wherein,  amid  famine, 
pest,  and  putrefying  bodies,  they  huddled  in  packed 
masses,  sending  forth  from  their  midst  the  groans  of 
dying  and  loud  lamentations,  in  an  atmosphere  so  pes- 
tiferous that  the  soldiers  who  entered  the  lately  aban- 
doned lanes  were  almost  stifled.  People  were  found 

KGomara,  Hist.  Mex.r2\Q.  Cortds  calls  them  wounded  merely.  Sahagun’s 
native  version  of  the  plaza  fight  is  very  confusing,  and  mixed  with  that  of  the 
struggle  against  the  other  divisions,  ‘y  tomaron  los  bergantines  [two]  A los 
espanoles,  y llevardnlos  d una  laguna  que  llaman  Amanalco.’  Hist.  Conq.  (ed. 
1840),  202-3.  But  this  must  be  a mistake. 

17  ‘Que  se  llama  Atenantitech,  donde  aliora  esth.  edificada  la  Iglesia  de  la 
Concepcion,  junto  de  la  Albarrada.’  Torquemaila,  i.  553.  Tetenamitl  ward, 
says  Sahagun  in  one  edition,  hist.  C'o,.q.  (ed.  1340),  200. 


PEACE  PROPOSALS. 


CTO 


in  different  stages  of  liunsrer  and  disease,  meeting  the 
soldiers  with  passive  indifference  in  the  recklessness 
of  despair.  Beyond  on  the  roofs  stalked  the  warriors, 
gaunt  and  yellow,  like  caged  and  starving  beasts. 

Cortds  felt  painfully  oppressed  on  beholding  so 
much  misery,  and  at  once  ordering  a stay  of  hostili- 
ties he  sent  some  captive  chiefs  to  Quauhtemotzin  with 
peace  proposals,  showing  the  utter  futility  of  further 
resistance,  which  could  involve  only  a needless  inflic- 
tion of  suffering  and  slaughter,  and  embitter  against  him 
and  his  the  besieging  forces.  He  was  prepared  to  forget 
all  past  animosity,  and  respect  the  persons  and  prop- 
erty of  the  besieged,  and  his  rights  as  sovereign,  and 
demanded  in  return  only  the  renewal  of  allegiance 
already  offered  in  Montezuma’s  time.  Quauhtemotzin 
scarcely  gave  the  messengers  time  to  speak,  before  he 
answered  solemnly:  “Tell  Malinche  that  I and  mine 
elect  to  die.  We  will  intrust  ourselves  neither  to  the 
men  who  commit,  nor  to  the  God  who  permits,  such 
atrocities  I” 

Struck  by  the  lofty  bearing  of  the  doomed,  and 
desirous  of  securing  the  treasure  which  the  besieged 
assured  him  would  all  be  cast  into  the  water  before 
his  fingers  should  touch  it,  Cortes  again  sent  a 
proposal,  formally  attested  by  notary  and  witnesses, 
declaring  that  the  responsibility  for  the  terrible  con- 
sequences which  must  follow  the  rejection  of  his  offer 
would  fall  wholly  on  the  besieged.  But  all  without 
avail.  And  when  the  priests  came  and  declared  the 
oracle,  “Appeased  by  sacrifice  the  gods  have  prom- 
ised victory  after  three  days,”  Quauhtemotzin  made 
answer,  his  council  being  present:  “It  is  well.  And 
since  it  is  so,  let  us  have  a care  of  the  provisions,  and 
if  need  be  die  fighting  like  men.  Let  no  one  hence- 
forth speak  of  peace  under  pain  of  death!” 

Preparations  were  accordingly  made  to  renew  hos- 
tilities at  the  designated  time,  on  which  occasion 
sacred  relics  were  to  be  brought  into  service  from  the 
paraphernalia  of  Huitsilopochtli,  one  a twisted  snake 


6S0 


THE  CONQUEST  ACHIEVED. 


sceptre  set  with  mosaic,  called  the  Xiuhcoatl,  which 
was  said  to  become  alive  when  launched  against  the 

o 

foe  and  terrify  them  to  flight;  the  other  a war- dress 
of  feathers  tipped  with  an  owl’s  head  of  fearful  aspect, 
an  aegis  to  scatter  the  enemy.18 

Cortes  on  his  side  was  not  impatient  to  break  the 
truce,  for  he  knew  that  hunger  and  disease  were  effi- 
ciently fighting  his  battle,  and  he  was  besides  busy  con- 
structing in  the  market-place  a catapult  which  was  to 
soon  end  his  labors  there  whatever  might  be  the  fur- 
ther decision  of  the  Mexicans.  The  idea  had  been 
suggested  by  a soldier  named  Sotelo,  who  boasted  of 
military  science  acquired  during  the  Italian  wars; 
and  since  powder  was  becoming  scarce  the  necessary 
carpenters  were  readily  furnished  to  construct  the 
machine.  “Behold!”  cried  the  Tlascaltecs,  pointing 
it  out  to  the  Mexicans,  “behold  a monster  mechanism 
which  will  quickly  annihilate  you!”  But  on  trial  it 
proved  a failure. 

Then  messengers  were  again  despatched  to  Quauh- 
temotzin  to  talk  of  peace,  and  were  told  that  they 
should  have  an  answer  soon.  Next  day  the  Span- 
ish sentinels  observed  a great  commotion  among  the 
Mexicans  and  a gathering  of  armed  masses.  They 
gave  due  notice  of  this,  but  before  the  troops  were 
fully  prepared  the  enemy  came  rushing  from  their  re- 
treats with  a suddenness  that  threw  the  first  opposing 
lines  in  disorder,  a number  being  wounded  and  several 
killed,  at  least  among  the  auxiliaries.19  The  troops 
quickly  rallied,  however,  under  cover  of  the  artillery, 
and  Cortes  resolved  to  inflict  chastisement.  Alvarado 

18  This  or  a third  relic  bore  the  name  of  Mamalhuazili.  Sahagun  also 
refers  to  a divine  bow  and  arrow.  Tlist.  Conq. , 53-4.  But  his  editions  vary 
in  text;  see  that  of  1S40,  210-12.  The  serpent  was  invoked  even  after  the 
conquest,  says  the  pious  friar,  and  he  heard  Father  Tembleque  relate  that  he 
one  day  opened  liis  window  during  a storm  and  had  his  left  eye  injured  by 
a ray  of  lightning,  which  damaged  the  house  and  adjoining  church.  This 
ray,  the  Mexicans  assured  him,  was  the  Xiuhcoatl,  conjured  up  by  the  sor- 
cerers, for  they  had  seen  it  issue  in  the  form  of  a big  snake  through  the  door. 
The  editor  Bustamante  tells  an  equally  impressive  story  in  connection  with 
an  attempt  to  account  for  the  snake  and  li  rhtning. 

lsOne  being  killed  and  two  horses  wounded.  Bernal  Diaz,  loc.  cit. 


MISERY  AND  DESPAIR. 


GSI 


was  ordered  to  attack  a large  ward  containing  over  a 
thousand  buildings,  while  the  remaining  forces  should 
turn  against  the  main  quarter.  Incited  by  the  presence 
of  the  mystic  owl  and  the  sacred  snake -bearer,  the 
Mexicans  fought  with  an  indifference  to  fate  that 
turned  the  war  into  a butchery.  When  the  survivors 
were  driven  back  it  was  ascertained  that  over  twelve 
thousand  Mexicans  had  been  killed  or  captured. 

The  promised  victory  had  proved  a disastrous  de- 
feat, and  even  the  most  hopeful  Mexican  sank  into  the 
depths  of  despair.  This  feeling  was  greatly  fostered 
V a strange  occurrence  about  this  time,  which  the 
native  records  describe  as  a fiery  whirlwind,  resolving 
into  flames  and  sparks.  It  rose  with  great  noise  in 
the  north,  after  sunset,  revolved  over  the  doomed 
quarter  and  disappeared  in  the  lake,  leaving  the  natives 
overwhelmed  with  apprehensions.20 

Their  eyes  were  fully  opened  to  the  situation.  And 
in  pondering  on  the  dreadful  past  and  present,  the 
dreadful  future  became  dim,  even  its  terrors  growing 
every  day  fainter.  They  had  been  passive  under  the 
pain  of  wounds  and  under  hardships  indescribable; 
but  when  at  last  frenzied  mothers  and  fathers  seized 
upon  their  own  offspring  to  still  the  pangs  of  hunger 
over  which  sane  minds  no  longer  had  control;  when 
others  began  furtively  to  look  about  for  less  closely 
allied  beings  whereon  to  feed,  then  indeed  a stranger 
and  more  terrible  fear  came  over  them.21 


When  Cortes  returned  with  full  force  on  the  follow- 
ing day  to  renew  the  fight,  crowds  of  miserable  beings 
came  forth,  repulsive  in  their  emaciated  and  haggard 
appearance,  careless  of  their  lives  yet  clamoring  for 

mSahagun,  Hist.  Conq.  (ed.  1S40),  213.  The  editor  Bustamante  speaks  of 
a similar  phenomenon  in  Michoacan  in  1829.  Id.  (ed.  1829),  G8. 

21  ‘ De  los  ninos  no  quedo  nadie,  que  las  mismas  madres  y padres  los  comian,  ’ 
is  the  statement  of  the  native  records.  Id.,  210.  Yet  Torquemada,  i.  572, 
assumes  that  the  Mexicans  would  not  eat  of  their  own  race.  Thousands  had 
already  died  of  starvation  without  touching  the  flesh  of  countrymen,  though 
priests  partook  of  children  sacrificed  during  ordinary  festivals ; but  at  last  the 
scruple  among  the  masses  was  overcome  by  despair.  See  Native  Races,  ii. 
passim. 


682 


THE  CONQUEST  ACHIEVED. 


mercy  and  for  bread.  Moved  by  the  appeal,  ne  ordered 
them  not  to  be  injured,  and  proceeded  to  answer 
certain  chiefs  who  had  summoned  him  to  a parley. 
“Son  of  heaven!”  they  cried,  “within  one  brief  day 
and  night  the  tireless  orb  returns.  Why  dost  not 
thou  also  finish  thy  task  as  quickly?  Kill  us,  so  that 
we  may  no  longer  suffer,  but  enter  paradise  and  join 
the  happy  throng  already  sent  thither  l”22  He  told 
them  that  in  their  hands  was  the  remedy.  They  had 
but  to  cease  their  insane  opposition,  and  their  suffering 
would  cease,  for  he  would  give  them  food  and  respect 
their  persons  and  property.  No  satisfactory  answer 
was  retur  ned.  They  were  evidently  afraid  to  speak  of 
peace,  though  eager  for  it.  Cortes  felt  convinced  that 
the  emperor  and  a few  leading  nobles  were  the  only 
persons  holding  back,  and  willing  to  spare  the  people 
he  again  resolved  on  an  appeal. 

A distinguished  captive  was  prevailed  on  to  carry 
this  message  in  order  to  give  it  more  weight,23  and  to 
use  his  influence  with  the  emperor.  On  appearing 
before  Quauhtemotzin  the  noble  began  to  speak  of 
the  kind  treatment  he  had  received  from  the  Span- 
iards. Praise  of  this  nature  hardly  accorded  with  the 
mood  of  the  ruler  or  with  the  views  he  wished  to 
impart,  and  no  sooner  did  the  envoy  allude  to  peace 
than  he  was  ordered  away  with  an  imperious  sign  to  the 
stone  of  sacrifice.24  Any  fate  for  ruler  and  people  was 
betterthanto  fall  intotheliands  of  Christian  civilization. 
At  the  same  time  the  warriors  faintly  threw  themselves 
against  the  Spaniards  with  shouts  of  “Death  or  liberty!” 
The  attack  cost  the  besiegers  a horse,  and  several  men 
were  wounded,  but  the  charge  was  easily  repelled,  and 
was  followed  up  by  further  slaughter.  That  night  the 
allies  encamped  within  the  city. 

22  ‘ Porque  no  acabas  co  el  que  nos  acabe?.  .Desseamos  la  muerte  por  yr  a 
.escansar  co  Quetcalcouatlli,’  adds  Gomara,  II  1st.  Mex.,  210-11. 

23  The  chroniclers  call  him  an  uncle  of  the  Tezcucan  king,  but  this  appears 
»o  be  a misinterpretation  of  Cortes’  text,  wherein  he  says  that  such  an  uncle 
.ad  captured  the  prisoner. 

2i( ' ortes , Cartas,  2.11.  This  was  partly  in  accordance  with  the  law  against 
siobles  who  returned  from  captivity,  as  already  instanced. 


FURTHER  ATTEMPTS  AT  NEGOTIATION. 


683 


The  following  day  Cortes  again  approached  some 
nobles  at  an  intrenchment  and  asked,  “Why  remains 
the  emperor  so  stubborn?  Why  will  he  not  come  and 
speak  with  me,  and  stay  the  useless  slaughter  of  his 
subjects?”  Bound  by  superstitious  loyalty  to  their 
ruler,  weepingly  they  replied,  “We  know  not;  we  will 
speak  with  him;  we  can  but  die!”  Presently  they 
returned  to  say  that  Quauhtemotzin  would  present 
himself  in  the  market-place  on  the  following  noon. 
Delighted,  Cortes  ordered  a dais  to  be  prepared  on 
the  raised  masonry  platform  recently  used  for  the 
catapult,  together  with  choice  viands.  At  the  ap- 
pointed hour  the  Spanish  general  appeared  in  state, 
with  the  soldiers  drawn  up  in  line,  ready  to  do  honor 
to  the  distinguished  guest.  After  waiting  impatiently 
for  some  time,  they  saw  five  personages  approach,  who 
proved  to  be  the  bearers  of  excuses.  Quauhtemotzin 
could  not  come,  but  desired  to  learn  the  wishes  of 
Malinche.25 

Concealing  his  chagrin,  Cortes  caused  the  nobles  to 
be  entertained,  and  then  he  sent  them  to  their  master 
with  assurance  of  good  treatment;  they  soon  returned 
with  presents,  and  said  the  emperor  would  not  come. 
Again  they  were  sent,  and  again  their  efforts  were 
unavailing.  The  truth  is,  Cortes  desired  with  the 
monarch  to  secure  his  treasure;  else  he  would  not 
long  have  stayed  his  bloody  hand.  On  the  other 
hand,  though  Quauhtemotzin’s  conduct  might  be  at- 
tributed to  selfish  obstinacy,  he  well  knew  that  even 
for  his  people  death  was  to  be  scarcely  more  feared 
than  capture;  now  they  might  at  once  enter  paradise, 
but  the  foreigners  sought  them  but  to  enslave. 

The  following  day  the  five  nobles  again  kept  Cortes 
waiting  with  a promise  that  the  emperor  would  meet 
him.  The  hour  having  passed  without  his  appearance, 
the  allies,  who  had  been  kept  in  the  background 

25  ‘ Tenia  mucho  miedo  de  parecer  ante  mi,  y tambien  estaba  malo.’  Cortfs, 
Cartas,  2J3.  ‘ Emp'cho,’  explains  Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  ii.  cap.  vii.  He 

feared  to  be  shot.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  104. 


684 


THE  CONQUEST  ACHIEVED. 


during  the  negotiations,  were  called  forward  and  the 
order  was  given  for  assault,  Sandoval  directing  the 
fleet  along  the  shore  and  up  the  canals  to  the  rear. 
“Since  they  will  not  have  peace,  they  shall  have 
war !”  cried  Cortes.  Then  the  carnage  became  fearful. 
Spaniards  and  auxiliaries  alike,  two  hundred  thousand 
strong  and  more,  so  it  was  said,  abandoned  themselves 
to  the  butchery,  while  Satan  smiled  approval.  In 
helpless  despair,  like  cooped  beasts  in  the  shambles, 
they  received  the  death-blow  as  a deliverance.'26  I 
will  not  paint  the  sickening  details  so  often  told  of 
chasms  filled,  and  narrow  streets  blockaded  high  with 
the  dead  bodies  of  the  unoffending,  while  down  upon 
the  living  settled  desolation.  It  must  indeed  have 
been  appalling  when  he  who  had  brought  to  pass  such 
horrors  writes : “ Such  was  the  cry  and  weeping  of 
children  and  women  that  not  one  amongst  us  but  was 
moved  to  the  heart.”  Then  he  attempts  to  throw 
upon  the  allies  the  blame  of  it.  “ Never,”  he  says, 
“was  such  cruelty  seen,  beyond  all  bounds  of  nature, 
as  among  these  natives.”  Already,  before  this  mas- 
sacre of  forty  thousand27  the  streets  and  houses  were 
filled  with  human  putridity,  so  that  now  the  Span- 
iards were  forced  to  burn  that  quarter  of  the  city  to 
save  themselves  from  infection. 

Another  morrow  engenders  fresh  horrors.  The 
three  heavy  guns  are  brought  forward  to  assist  in  dis- 
lodging the  besieged.  Fearful  lest  the  emperor  escape 
him  in  canoes,  Cortes  directs  Sandoval  to  place  ves- 
sels on  the  watch  for  fugitives,  particularly  at  the 
basin  of  Tlatelulco,23  into  which  it  is  proposed  to  drive 

26  ‘Ni  tenian  ni  hallaban  flcchas  ni  varas  ni  piedras  con  que  nos  ofender. . . 
No  tenian  paso  por  donde  andar  sino  por  eneinia  de  los  muertos  y por  las  azo- 
teas.’ Cortes,  Cartas,  254. 

2;  ‘ Mataron  y prendieron  mas  de  cuarenta  mil  Animas.  ’ Id.  Ixtlilxochitl, 
Jlor.  Crt/f.ldailes,  48,  raises  the  number  to  50,000,  while  Duran  states  that 
over  40,000  men  and  women  perished  while  fleeing.  Hist.  IiuL,  MS.,  ii.  510. 
What  pained  the  conquerors  most,  however,  was  the  sight  and  knowledge  of 
what  immense  quantity  of  booty  eluded  them  to  pass  into  the  hands  of  these 
marauders. 

28  ‘ Entre  la  Garita  del  Peralvillo,  la  place  de  Santiago  de  Tlatelolco  et  le 
pont  d'Amaxac.’  So  says  Pichardo.  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  i.  193.  1 Donde  se 


MASSACRE  UPON  MASSACRE. 


C85 


the  besieged,  there  to  catch  the  king  and  nobles  with 
their  gold  and  jewels.  Of  a truth  Cortes  does  not 
wish  to  kill  the  miserable  remnant  of  this  so  lately 
proud  race — particularly  if  thereby  he  loses  the  en- 
caged treasure.  So  he  again  appeals  to  them,  and 
the  Cihuacoatl,20  chief  adviser  of  the  emperor,  appears 
and  is  treated  with  great  courtesy.  After  a time  die 
takes  his  departure,  then  for  the  first  time  declaring 
that  Quauhtemotzin  will  on  no  account  present  him- 
self. “ Return  then,”  exclaims  Cortes  in  ill-suppressed 
anger,  “and  prepare  for  death,  invoked,  not  by  high 
and  holy  purpose,  but  by  obstinate  timidity!”30 

Five  hours  are  thus  gained  by  the  wily  monarch 
for  the  escape  of  the  women  and  children,  who  pour 
out  in  swarms,  the  fainting  supported  by  the  feeble, 
all  emaciated  and  haggard,  and  many  marked  by 
wounds  or  disease. , Seeing  which  the  allies  pounce 
upon  them,  all  stricken  and  defenceless  as  they  are, 
and  murder  them,  to  the  number  of  fifteen  thousand. 
And  the  same  number  perish  in  the  fall  of  broken 
bridges,  in  the  choked  canals,  and  from  the  tread  of 
their  fellow  fugitives.  How  glorious  is  war!  How 
noble  the  vocation!  How  truly  great  the  hero  of  such 
hellish  deeds!  Blush,  oh  sun!  for  making  such  to- 
morrows; for  lending  thy  light  to  human  intelligence 
by  which  to  do  such  diabolical  wfickedness! 

Observing  no  signs  of  surrender,  Cortes  openec  fire 
with  his  cannon  and  gave  the  signal  of  attack. 
Another  massacre  followed,  the  Mexicans  displaying 
the  same  apathy  and  sullen  indifference  to  death  as 
on  other  late  occasions.  At  some  points,  however, 
large  bodies  surrendered,  and  the  remaining  Mexican 

embarcaban  para  Atzlapotzalco,  ’ adds  Bustamante.  Ixtlilxochitl,  II or.  Cruel- 
dades,  50. 

23  Chimalpain  calls  him  Tlacotzin,  afterward  baptized  as  Juan  Velasquez. 
Hist.  Conq.,  ii.  71.  ‘Ciguacoacin,  y era  el  Capitan  y gobemador  de  todos  ellos, 
6 por  su  consejo  se  seguian  todas  las  cosas  de  la  guerra,  ’ says  Cortes,  Cartas , 255. 

30  ‘ Porque  les  queria  combatir  y acabar  de  matar.’  Cartas,  25G.  ‘ Pues  cran 
barbaros,  que  no  queria  doxar  hombre  vivo,  q se  fuessen.  ’ Ilerrera,  dec.  iii. 
lib.  ii.  cap  vii. 


css 


THE  CONQUEST  ACHIEVED. 


quarters  were  fast  falling  into  the  conqueror’s  hands 
Sandoval  on  his  side  was  closely  guarding  the  water 
front  and  preparing  to  cooperate.  Entering  the  har- 
bor basin  with  a portion  of  the  fleet,  he  bore  down  on 
the  canoes  with  a crash,  upsetting  the  greater  num- 
ber, filled  chiefly  with  nobles  and  their  families,  of 
whom  a large  portion  perished.  The  canoes  which 
escaped  scattered  in  different  directions,  into  canals  and 
corners,  most  of  them  however  turning  toward  a nook 
of  the  basin  with  the  brigantines  in  hot  pursuit.  At 
this  moment  a few  boats  of  larger  build  emerged  from 
a retreat  at  the  other  end  and  paddled  rapidly  toward 
the  open  lake. 

Warned  by  his  commander  to  watch  closely  for  the 
emperor,  Sandoval  had  not  failed  to  observe  the 
movement,  and  he  immediately  directed  Garcia  de 
Holguin,  captain  of  the  fastest  vessel,  to  overhaul  the 
fugitives,  who  might  be  persons  of  note.  Aided  both 
by  sails  and  oars,  Holguin  speedily  gained  on  them, 
and  they  began  to  scatter  in  different  directions,  evi- 
dent^ with  a view  to  confuse  him;  but  a captive  on 
board  indicated  one  as  most  likely  to  contain  the 
emperor.31  On  approaching  it  the  archers  levelled 
their  cross-bows,  whereupon  a sign  of  surrender  was 
made,  with  the  pleading  cry  that  Quauhtemotzin  was 
there.  As  the  overjoyed  Holguin  stepped  down  to 
secure  his  captives,  among  whom  were  the  young 
empress,  the  king  of  Tlacopan,  and  other  prominent 
personages,32  the  monarch  bade  him  respect  his  con- 


31  The  distinguished  captive  said:  ‘Capitan  sefior,  d&te  buena  mafia,  que 
aquellos  indios . . . son  esclavos  de  Guatimucin,  e podra  ser  qu6l  va  alii  huyendo, 
porque  su  bandera  ya  no  pares9e.’  Oviedo,  iii.  516.  A canoe  of  twenty  rowers 
and  bearing  a number  of  people.  Gomara,  Hist.  Conq.,  212.  See  also  Vetan- 
cvrt,  Teatro  HI  ex. , pt.  iii.  104 ; Clavijero,  Slorict,  Mess. , iii.  230.  A small  canoe, 
says  Duran. 

32  Torquemada,  i.  570-1,  followed  by  Clavigero,  mentions  besides  Tetle- 
panquetzaltzin,  king  of  Tlacopan,  the  fugitive  king  of  Tezcuco;  but  this  is 
doubtful,  as  we  have  seen.  He  enumerates  several  dignitaries.  Brassenr  de 
Bourbourg  names  Tlacaliuepan,  son  of  Montezuma,  while  his  authority, 
Ixtlilxochitl,  states  that  his  namesake  captured  him  and  Tetlepanquetzaltzin 
in  another  canoe,  and  in  a third  Papantzin  Oxomoc,  widow  of  Emperor  Cuit- 
lahuatzin.  Hor.  Crueldades,  50.  ‘Quahutimoc  se  puso  en  pie  on  la  popa  de  su 
canoa  para  pelear.  Mas  como  vio  ballestas . . .rindiose.’  Gomara,  Hist.Mex., 
213.  This  probably  assumed  fact  has  been  elaborated  by  some  writers  into  an 


CAPTIVE  AND  CONQUEROR.  687 

sort  and  his  retinue.  As  for  himself,  he  was  at  his 
disposal. 

Conducted  by  his  captor,  he  passed  along  the  streets 
to  the  presence  of  the  conqueror,  the  object  of  ten 
thousand  eyes,  for  rumor  had  preceded  him.  Men 
rested  from  the  slaughter  to  gaze  at  him.  In  the  dis- 
tance was  heard  the  din  of  battle,  but  along  the  cap- 
tive’s path  there  fell  a hush.  His  was  a striking 
figure.  The  grave,  careworn  face  betokened  suffering. 
He  wore  a dingy  blood-stained  robe,  and  the  pallor 
which  overspread  a naturally  fair  face  was  yet  more 
heightened  by  the  feverish  brilliancy  of  the  eyes,  now 
bent  dejectedly  on  the  ground,  now  looking  straight 
before  him.  He  walked  with  a firm  step,  and  young 
as  he  was,  the  majestic  dignity  of  the  prince  and 
leader  impressed  every  beholder.  “He  was  quite  a 
gentleman,”  graciously  affirms  Bernal  Diaz.  Cortes 
had  stationed  himself  on  the  roof  of  a high  building 
in  the  Amaxac  ward,33  thence  to  direct  operations, 
and  now  he  caused  a dais  to  be  prepared,  and  a table 
with  refreshments.  When  the  emperor  approached 
the  guard  drew  up  in  line,  and  the  general  advanced 
with  benign  dignity  and  led  him  to  a seat  by  his 
side.  “ Malinche,”  said  the  captive,  “I  have  done  all 
within  my  power  for  the  defence  of  my  people,  but 
the  gods  have  not  favored  me.  My  empire  is  gone, 
my  city  is  destroyed,  and  my  vassals  are  dead.  For 
what  have  I to  live?  Rid  me  therefore  of  worthless 
existence.”34  Saying  this,  with  his  hand  he  touched 


heroic  act.  The  incident  has  been  placed  by  tradition  as  occurring  near  the 
later  Puente  del  Clerigo.  But  this  can  hardly  be.  See  note  27.  According 
to  Bernal  Diaz,  Sandoval  came  up  shortly  after,  on  learning  the  news,  and 
demanded  the  surrender  of  the  captives  to  him  as  the  commander  of  the.  fleet, 
who  had  ordered  1 lolguin  to  pursue  the  canoes.  The  latter  refused,  and  a 
delay  occurred,  during  which  another  crew  hurried  to  bear  the  tidings  to  Cortes 
and  claim  the  reward  granted  for  first  reports.  Two  captains  were  now  sent 
to  summon  the  disputants  and  captives.  Hist.  Verdad.,  155.  Cortds,  while 
according  in  his  letter  the  credit  of  the  capture  to  Holguin,  promised  to  refer 
the  claim  to  the  king.  Holguin  figures  some  years  later  as  regidor  and  estate 
owner  in  the  city. 

33  ‘ Esta  casa  era  de  un  principal  tlatilulcano  que  se  llamaba  Aztaoatzin.’ 
Sah'tfmn,  IJist.  Conq.,  55. 

34  The  versions  of  this  remarkable  speech  vary  greatly.  ‘ Habia  hecho 
todo  lo  que  de  su  parte  era  obligado  para  defenderse  &.  si  y & los  suyos  hasta 


css 


THE  CONQUEST  ACHIEVED. 


a dagger  in  the  belt  of  Cortes.  The  general  sought 
to  reassure  him,  declaring  that  none  could  resist  the 
Christian’s  God.  He  had  j^erformed  his  duty  bravely, 
like  a good  prince,  and  should  be  treated  as  such. 

Although  the  great  end  was  thus  accomplished, 
slaughter  and  pillage  were  continued  until  long  after 
vespers.  Before  the  troops  withdrew  to  their  respec- 
tive camps,  the  prisoners,  including  the  pretty  em- 
press, Tecuichpo,  were  conducted  to  safe  quarters  in 
Coyuliuacan.  Shortly  afterward  a rain  set  in,  aiding 
the  efforts  of  the  Spaniards  to  check  the  auxiliaries 
in  their  maraudings,  and  this,  developing  toward  mid- 
night into  a furious  storm  with  lightning  and  thunder, 
seemed  to  the  homeless  Mexicans  to  be  the  xiulicoatl 
of  Huitzilopochtli  and  the  tumult  of  departing  deities. 
To  the  conquerors  this  flashing  and  thundering  of 
heaven’s  artillery  was  the  salvo  attending  victory, 
which  was  celebrated  in  feasting  and  merriment  till 
came  late  slumber  with  visions  of  gold,  and  lands,  and 
vassals. 

Thus  ended  Tuesday,  the  13th  of  August  1521, 
sacred  to  St  Hippolytus,  and  accordingly  adopted  by 
the  conquerors  as  patron  saint  of  the  city.  During 
colonial  regime  the  day  was  annually  celebrated  b}r  a 
solemn  festival,  wherein  the  leading  citizens  and  offi- 
cials rode  on  horseback  in  procession  round  the  city. 


venir  en  aquel  estado,  que  ahora  ficiese  ddl  lo  que  yo  quisiese.  ’ Cortis,  Cartels, 
257.  ‘ Diyieiidole  que  le  diesse  de  pufialadas  6 lo  matasse,  porque  no-  era 

ra<jon  que  viviesse  en  el  mundo  liombre  que  avia  perdido  lo  que’l  avia  per- 
dido,’  adds  Oviedo,  iii.  422.  ‘ Preguntdronle  por  los  chripstianos,  6 dixo: 

No  me  preguntds  esso;  <5  si  me  quereys  matar;  matadme  ya:  que  liarto  estoy 
de  vivir,’  says  another  version.  Id.,  517.  ‘ Iria  mui  consolado  adonde  sus 

dioses  estaban,  especialmente  haviendo  muerto  h manos  de  tal  Capitan.  ’ Her- 
rerra,  dec.  iii.  lib.  ii.  cap.  vii.  ‘ Why  so  stubborn  ?’  is  the  way  Duran  opens 
the  conversation  on  Coftds’  part.  Hist.  Ind.,  MS.,  ii.  509.  ‘Toglietemi  con 
questo  pugnale  una  vita,  che  non  perdei  nella  difesa  del  mio  Regno.  ’ Clavi- 
gero,  Storia  Mess. , iii.  230.  See  also  Ixtlilxocliitl  and  others.  Writers  gen- 
erally go  into  ecstacy  over  this  utterance.  ‘Magnanimo,’  exclaims  Peter 
Martyr,  dec.  v.  cap.  viii.  ‘Heroic,’  ejaculates  Bustamante  in  support  of 
Cliimalpain’s  encomium.  Hist.  Conq.,  ii.  75.  ‘C'e  trait  est  digne  du  plus  beau 
temps  de  la  Groce  et  de  Rome.’  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  i.  193.  ‘A  spirit 
worthy  of  an  ancient  Roman,’  echoes  Prescott,  Mex.,  iii.  203.  Bernal  Diaz 
says  the  emperor  wept,  and  with  him  his  chiefs,  hist.  1 erdad. , 155. 


THE  PEST-HOLES  EVACUATED. 


CSD 


headed  by  the  viceroy  and  the  alferez  mayor  bear- 
ing a banner  commemorative  of  the  conquest.35  For 
seventy-five  days  consecutively,  says  Cortes,36  the  siege 
had  been  wreathing  its  coils  midst  almost  hourly  scenes 
of  bloodshed,  wherein  nearly  one  thousand  Spaniards 
and  two  hundred  times  that  number  of  allies  had  taken 
part,  one  hundred  or  thereabout  of  the  former  falling, 
and  many  thousands  among  the  latter.37 

As  for  the  Mexicans,  most  of  the  early  authorities 
assert  that  fully  one  hundred  thousand  perished, 
besides  those  who  died  from  pest  and  famine. :w  At 
the  order  of  their  sovereign,  after  the  proclamation  of 
peace,  the  miserable  remnant  began  to  evacuate  their 


35  Made  a few  years  later  by  order  of  the  city  council.  It  was  not,  as 
many  suppose,  the  original  standard,  for  this  was  hidden  during  two  centu- 
ries among  rubbish  in  the  university,  as  stated  in  its  records.  It  now  exists 
in  the  museum,  forming  a piece  about  a yard  square,  which  shows  on  one  side 
the  Virgin  of  the  Immaculate  Conception  with  hands  joined  in  prayer,  and 
bearing  on  her  head  a crown  of  gold  surrounded  by  a halo  and  a circle  of 
stars ; on  the  other  are  the  royal  arms.  Boturini,  Idea,  157.  In  his  Catdlogo, 
75,  this  author  assumes  it  to  be  the  standard  given  to  the  Tlascaltecs,  but 
Carbajal  states  that  at  Tlascala  exists  another  standard  of  Cortes’,  with  royal 
arms,  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  637,  with  a picture  of  the  above  named  virgin.  See 
also  Beaumont,  Crdn.  Mich.,  ii.  345-6.  By  order  of  July  31,  1528,  the  city 
council  orders  bull-fights  and  other  entertainments  in  honor  of  the  day,  ‘e  q 
todos  cabalguen  los  q tovieren  bestias.’  Libra  de  Odbildo,  MS.,  127,  234.  Mex- 
icans are  never  seen  to  share  in  the  procession.  ‘Tan  profundo  estd,  en  sus 
dnirnos  la  herida.’  Cavo,  Tres.  Siglos,  i.  3;  Humboldt , Essai  Pol.,  i.  192.  A 
minute  account  of  the  ceremonies  on  the  occasion  is  given  in  Monumentos 
Hid.  Admin.  Colon.,  MS.,  365,  copied  from  the  Arckivo  General. 

36  Counting  from  May  30th,  Cartas,  257,  and  so  it  is  stated  in  the  grant  to 
Cortes  of  Escudo  de  Armas.  Duran  and  Ixtlilxochitl  extend  it  to  80  and 
and  Bernal  Diaz  to  93  days.  ‘Despues  de  muchos  combates,  y mas  de  sessenta 
peleas  peligrosisimas.  ’ A coda,  Hist.  Nat  Ind.,  525. 

31  Over  60  soldiers  were  lost  in  the  great  defeat,  and  small  numbers 
now  and  then,  while  the  auxiliaries,  less  skilled  in  fighting  and  chiefly  un- 
armored, succumbed  in  hordes.  Gomara  says  about  50  soldiers,  6 horses, 
and  not  many  Indians;  Herrera  modifies  to  ‘a  little  over’  50;  Torquemada 
advances  to  ‘less  than  100,’  and  Clavigero  to  ‘more  than  100  Spaniards.’ 
Hernandez,  in  his  Estadist.  Mij. , 232,  computes  such  curiously  exact  figures  as 
107  Spaniards,  18,915  Tlascaltecs,  and  33,240  Aztecs.  Ixtlilxochitl,  ever  eager 
to  enlarge  upon  the  services  of  his  race,  claims  that  30,000  Tezcucans  fell  out 
of  200,000  employed,  Hor.  Crueldades,  51;  but  this  is  evidently  exaggerated. 

38 ‘En  que  murieron  infinites.’  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  213;  Herrera,  dec. 
iii.  lib.  ii.  cap.  viii.;  Clavigero,  Storia  Mess.,  iii.  232-3.  Bustamante  raises 
the  number  killed  to  ‘150,000  at  least.’  Chimalpain,  Hist.  Conq.,  ii.  74; 
Ixtlilxochitl,  loc.  cit.,  to  240,000,  including  most  of  the  nobles ; while  Torque- 
mada, i.  577,  observes  ‘que  de  veinte  partes,  no  q uedo  vna,  aviendo  perecido, 
y muerto  las  diez  y nueve,’  he  and  several  others  allowing  the  estimate  of 
fully  300,000  inhabitants.  The  survivors  are  estimated  at  from  30,000  persons 
by  Torquemada  to  70,000  warriors  by  Oviedo,  iii.  516. 

Hist.  JIkx..  Vol.  1.  *4 


690 


THE  CONQUEST  ACHIEVED. 


pest-holes,  and  to  seek  the  fields  adjacent,  now  lustrous 
green  under  refreshing  rains.  Ah!  it  was  pitiful,  life 
to  them  now,  this  world  a great  charnel-house  filled 
with  the  bones  of  their  loved  ones,  and  their  hearts 
dead  though  still  bleeding.  What  were  their  sins 
more  than  those  of  others,  that  they  should  be  so 
stricken,  that  they  should  be  so  ground  to  the  dust 
while  the  conquerors  flushed  with  victory  were  exult- 
ing before  God  because  he  had  so  ordered  and  accom- 
plished? They  had  sacrificed  human  beings  on  the 
altars  of  their  gods,  sixty  thousand  in  one  year,  some 
said.  But  what  were  these  butcheries  of  the  Span- 
iards but  human  sacrifices,  of  more  than  six  times 
sixty  thousand  in  one  year!  Behold  them  as  they 
file  along  the  causeway,  the  very  sun  striking  black 
and  stifling  on  their  famine-stricken  forms  and  ago- 
nized  faces.  On  them,  then,  ye  conquerors!  Complete 
your  work ; for  in  its  swift  continuance  is  their  earliest 
rest  !39 

The  1 4th  of  August  the  troops  entered  the  surren- 
dered quarters  to  review  their  work  and  its  results.  “ I 
swear,”  writes  Bernal  Diaz,  “that  the  lake  and  houses 
and  abodes  were  so  full  of  bodies  and  heads  of  dead 
men  that  I am  unable  to  convey  an  idea  thereof;  for 
in  the  streets  and  courts  of  Tlatelulco  there  were  no 
other  things,  and  we  could  walk  only  amidst  dead 
bodies.”40  Many  became  sick  from  the  stench,  and 
Cortds  ordered  fires  to  be  lighted  to  purify  the  air. 
Natives  were  sent  to  bring  forth  the  dead,  and  with 
them  went  Spaniards  seeking  for  gold,  silver,  precious 

39  ‘Hi^o  herrar  algunos  Hombres,  y Mugeres  por  Esclavos;  h todos  los 
demks  dexb  en  libertad.’  Torquemada,  573.  ‘A.  muclios  indios  6 indias,  por- 
que  estaban  dados  por  traydores,’  says  Oviedo,  iii.  517.  Cortds  stayed  and 
punished  those  who  took  slaves,  ‘aunque  todavia  herraron  en  la  cara  a algunos 
mancebos  y mugeres.’  So  states  the  native  record  of  Sahagun,  Hist.  Conq. 
(ed.  1S40),  231.  But  if  he  punished  slave-takers  it  was  for  not  declaring  the 
capture  to  the  royal  official.  Duran  reduces  his  account  of  Spanish  liberality 
to  an  absurdity,  but  more  from  politic  reasons  than  because  he  had  not  at 
hand  better  evidence,  Hist.  Ind.,  MS.,  ii.  510. 

40  Hist.  Verdad,  156.  ‘Io  sospetto,  che  da’  Mcssicani  lasciati  fossero  a bella 
posta  insepolti  i cadaveri,  per  iscacciar  colla  puzza  gli  Assediatori.  ’ Clavigero, 
Storia  Mess.,  iii.  231.  But  this  is  unlikely.  A severe  siege  will  produce 
such  results. 


DISMISSAL  OF  THE  AUXILIARIES. 


691 


stones,  and  plumage,  leaving  textile  fabrics  and  other 
less  valued  effects  to  the  allies;  but  the  quantity 
known  to  have  been  obtained  fell  far  below  their 
extravagant  expectations,  and  in  their  disappointment 
the  soldiers  searched  the  persons  of  fugitives,  looking 
into  their  very  mouths  for  hidden  gold,  says  a native 
record.  Bernal  Diaz  complains  that  the  brigantine 
crews  had  already  plundered  the  wealthiest  persons, 
who  were  in  the  canoes,  and  had  sacked  the  treasure- 
houses  while  the  others  were  fighting.  They  in  their 
turn  affirmed  that  the  Mexicans  had  cast  their  treas- 
ures into  the  lake.  The  mysterious  depths  harbor 
many  secrets,  and  beneath  the  waters,  round  the 
famed  city  of  the  Aztecs,  tradition  still  places  glitter- 
ing deposits  of  untold  extent. 

Three  or  four  days  after  the  fall,  Cortes  passed  over 
to  Coyuhuacan  with  the  greater  part  of  his  forces, 
there  more  formally  to  celebrate  the  end  of  the  siege 
in  banqueting  and  thanksgiving.  A feature  of  the 
performance  was  a solemn  procession  by  all  the  sol- 
diers, bareheaded,  with  banners,  raising  their  voices 
in  praise  to  God,  who  had  given  them  the  victory, 
and  who  was  so  soon  to  be  worshipped  from  gulf  to 
southern  sea.41 

The  services  of  the  allies  being  at  present  no  longer 
needed,  Cortes  assembled  them  to  speak  farewell. 
He  dwelt  in  flattering  terms  on  their  brave  and 
effective  deeds.  He  promised  they  should  be  duly 
represented  to  his  majesty,  who  would  reward  them 
with  singular  privileges.  To  the  chiefs  were  then 
given  shields,  robes,  and  other  articles,  with  promises 
of  more  lands  and  vassals.  Then  they  went  their 
way,  happy  in  their  slaves  and  spoils,  happy  in  the 
thought  of  humbled  foe,  happy  in  the  promises  of  the 

41  Bernal  Diaz  relates  that  although  wine  and  provisions  from  Cuba  were 
abundantly  dispensed  at  the  banquet,  yet  there  was  not  room  for  one  third 
of  the  soldiers,  andunuch  discontent  grew  out  of  it,  partly  from  the  utterances 
of  drunken  men.  A dance  followed.  Father  Olmedo  complained  of  so  much 
revelry  before  the  rendering  of  due  thanks  to  God.  Cortes  pleaded  that  sol- 
diers must  be  allowed  some  license,  but  the  following  day  was  set  apart  for 
religious  services.  Hist.  Verdad.,  156. 


092 


THE  CONQUEST  ACHIEVED. 


Spaniards;  they  did  not  know,  poor  simpletons,  that 
all  along  the  days  and  nights  of  this  terrible  siege, 
with  sword  and  lance  on  Aztec  breast,  they  had  been 
forging  their  own  fetters,  which  they  and  their  children 
long  must  wear.12 

The  conquest  of  Mexico  was  less  a subjugation  by 
Spanish  soldiers  than  their  skilful  manoeuvring  of  New 
World  forces  against  one  another.  Had  Andhuac 
been  united  it  would  have  succumbed  less  readily, 
perhaps  never.  As  it  was,  while  the  native  nations 
were  slaying  each  other,  fighting  out  their  ancient 
feuds,  the  astute  Spaniards  laid  their  all -possessing 
hand  upon  the  country. 

Nor  was  any  apology  on  their  part  needed  before 
Christendom.  Mankind  to  this  day  have  not  become 
so  humane  and  just  as  not  to  find  excuse  for  any 
wrong  within  the  realms  of  strength  and  inclination. 
What  then  could  be  expected  of  an  age  and  nation 
wherein  it  was  not  uncommon  to  cloak  crime  under 
the  fair  garb  of  religion.  Hitherto  came  the  Span- 
iards to  murder  and  to  rob:  to  rob  and  murder  in 
the  name  of  charity  and  sweet  heaven.  No  excuses 
were  necessary,  however  convenient  to  that  end 
came  the  appeals  of  the  Cempoalans  groaning  under 
terrible  oppression  at  the  hand  of  a race  delighting 
in  blood  and  extortion;  a race  which  within  two  cen- 
turies had  risen  from  a degrading  servitude  largely 
bymeans  of  intrigue  and  treachery;  a race  stamped 
with  ignoble  characteristics  born  of  serfdom,  and 
eager  to  retaliate  on  others  for  their  past  humilia- 
tion, yet  energetic,  enterprising,  and  advancing  with 
rapid  strides  along  the  pathway  of  indigenous  culture. 

42  Bustamante  comments  on  the  non-fulfilment  of  the  promises  to  Tlascala, 
saying  that  the  republic  was  rightly  served  for  lending  herself  to  the  invaders. 
Sahagun,  Hist.  Conq.,  144.  On  their  way  home,  says  Ixtlilxochitl,  the  Tlas- 
caltecs  and  their  neighbors  plundered  Tezcuco  and  othei*  towns.  With  the 
slaves  carried  home  by  his  namesake,  he  adds  consolingly,  the  destroyed 
palaces  of  Tezcuco  were  rebuilt.  Hor.  Crucldadex,  52-3.  The  Tlascaltecs 
‘aun  lleuaron  hartas  cargas  de  tasa  jos  cecinados  de  Indios  Mexicanos,  que 
repartieron  eutre  sus  parientes. . .por  fiestas.’  Bernal  Diaz,  llist.  Verdad.,  lo7. 


NON  OMNE  LICITUM  HONESTUM. 


60S 


Ambitious  to  rule,  they  sent  their  armies  to  bring 
province  after  province  under  the  yoke.  Rapacious 
collectors  followed  to  press  the  substance  out  of  the 
people,  for  the  appetite  of  themselves  and  their 
masters.  Confiscation,  enslavement,  and  desolation 
marched  in  the  train,  and  the  fairest  hopes  of  the 
land  were  dragged  away  in  bondage,  and  to  bleed  on 
the  stone  of  sacrifice. 

To  all  these  appalling  evils  the  Totonacs,  among 
others,  were  exposed,  when  soldiers  appeared  on  their 
shores  bearing  aloft  the  symbol  of  charity,  of  deliver- 
ance. The  crushed  family  appealed  to  them,  also  the 
writhing  slaves,  for  from  the  altars  of  hideous  idols 
rose  the  dying  shrieks  of  youths  and  maidens.  But  a 
short  time  before  knights  of  different  orders  swarmed 
over  Europe, the  professed  champions  of  the  oppressed ; 
and  the  spirit  of  the  crusaders  still  lingered  in  Spain, 
in  form  if  nothing  more;  and  what  Christian  soldier 
could  unheedingly  view  such  outrages ! 

Montezuma  and  his  people  were  inhuman  monsters, 
and  Grotius,  Montesquieu,  and  others  who  should 
know,  say  that  war  in  behalf  of  humanity  is  a duty;43 
and  this  notwithstanding  the  remedy  be  tenfold  more 
inhuman  than  the  disease. 

Not  that  the  Spaniards  were  insincere  in  their 
proffers  of  such  excuses;  duty  comes  to  us  in  the  color 
of  our  desires.  Moreover,  they  were  fresh  from  the 
Moorish  wars;  they  were  imbued  with  a religious 
exaltation  and  chivalric  sentiment  that  placed  before 
them  in  varied  light  duty  to  their  God,  their  king,  and 
themselves.  For  centuries  they  had  been  trained  to 
devote  life  and  possessions  to  advance  the  interests  of 
sovereign  and  church.  Many  of  the  noblest  charac- 
teristics were  interwoven  in  the  nature  of  Cortes,  and 
also  with  admirable  distinctness  in  such  men  as  Juan 
Velazquez,  Sandoval,  and  Puertocarrero.  In  others 
we  find  the  dignity  of  the  hidalgo  upheld  without 

43 ‘Non  dubitamus  quin  justa  sint  bella. . .in  eos  qui  humanam  carnem 
epulantur,’  etc.  De  Jure  Belli,  lib.  ii.  cap.  xx. 


G94 


THE  CONQUEST  ACHIEVED. 


marked  stain,  and  this  notwithstanding  the  tendency 
to  intrigue,  the  disregard  for  truth  and  justice,  and  a 
yielding  to  certain  vices  on  the  part  of  leaders,  and 
the  greed  and  brutality  of  rank  and  file.  But  even 
among  the  common  soldiers,  in  fairness  we  cannot 
disregard  the  echo  of  noble  sentiment,  the  aspiration 
toward  high  emprise  there  present.  It  is  the  leader, 
however,  who  with  all  his  selfish  cruelties  and  un- 
principled trickeries  must  ever  remain  the  central 
figure  of  our  admiration.  If  ever  there  was  a hero, 
a genius  of  war  worthy  the  adoration  of  war  wor- 
shippers, if  ever  there  were  grand  conception  and 
achievement,  all  were  vividly  displayed  in  the  mind 
and  person  of  Hernan  Cortes. 

An  able  French  writer,  comparing  the  siege  of 
Mexico  with  that  of  Troy,  depicts  Cortes  as  an 
Achilles  in  whom  weie  combined  the  talents  of  Aga- 
memnon and  Ulysses.44 

In  some  respects,  and  as  compared  with  his  com- 
panions, he  indeed  approached  the  deity  the  Mexi- 
cans thought  him.  Behold  him  out  upon  this  venture, 
throwing  life  to  the  winds  that  waft  him  from  Cuba, 
sinking  his  ships  behind  him,  plunging  into  the  heart 
of  a hostile  country,  and  with  a handful  of  men  opposing 
powerful  armies,  quelling  insurrections,  capturing  his 
captors,  turning  enemies  into  allies,  balancing  upon 
his  finger  contending  powers,  and  after  the  grand  cata- 
clysm opened  by  him  on  the  central  plateau  has  spent 
itself,  he  quietly  pockets  the  prize.  No  Alexander, 
or  Scipio,  or  Csesar,  or  Napoleon  ever  achieved  results 
so  vast  with  means  so  insignificant.  It  was  indeed  a 
rare  piracy! 

Taken  as  a whole,  the  testimony  of  eye-witnesses  and  the  early  chroniclers 
on  the  conquest  may  be  considered  as  fully  up  to  the  average  of  historical 
evidence.  While  there  was  no  little  exaggeration,  and  some  downright 
mendacity,  such  were  the  number  of  the  witnesses,  the  time,  place,  and  cir- 
cumstances of  their  several  relations,  and  the  clearness  of  their  testimony, 
that  we  find  no  difficulty  with  regard  to  any  important  matters  in  determining 

41  Alvarado  was  Ajax  ; Maxixcatzin,  Nestor ; Quauhtemotzin,  Hector.  Che- 
valier, Alex.  Auden,  id‘2-41. 


TESTIMONY  ON  THE  CONQUEST. 


G95 


truth  and  falsehood.  When  in  addition  to  the  -writings  of  the  Spaniards  we 
have  native  records  and  architectural  remains  as  collateral  evidence,  every 
honest  searcher  after  truth  may  be  satisfied. 

In  regard  to  the  two  writers  by  the  name  of  Diaz  who  accompanied 
the  first  expedition  to  Mexico,  I have  spoken  of  the  Itinerario  de  Grijalva 
of  the  priest,  and  before  closing  this  volume  I will  review  the  Historia 
Verdadera  of  the  soldier.  Following  these  were  the  memorials  of  the  rela- 
tives of  Velazquez,  wholly  unreliable;  the  relation  of  the  Anonymous  Con- 
queror, whose  statements  were  for  the  most  part  true ; many  documents,  such 
as  the  Carta  del  Ejdrcito,  and  Probanza  de  Lejalde,  as  well  as  the  Cartas  de 
Cortis,  in  the  main  true,  but  which  may  properly  be  accepted  only  after  close 
scrutiny  and  careful  comparison ; the  reports  of  Zurita,  and  the  innumerable 
papers  and  documents  lately  brought  to  light  by  Navarrete,  Ramirez,  Icazbal- 
ceta,  Temaux-Compans,  and  others,  and  published  as  Coleccion  de  Documentos 
Incditos,  Coleccion  de  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  Mexico,  etc. ; native  and 
Spanish  historians,  Tezozomoc,  Camargo,  and  Ixtlilxochitl ; Duran,  Veytia, 
Sahagun,  Mendieta,  and  Las  Casas ; Oviedo,  Peter  Martyr,  and  Gomara ; Her- 
rera, Torquemada,  Solis,  and  Clavigero;  Bustamante,  Robertson,  Prescott, 
and  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg.  These  and  others  of  but  little  inferior  importance 
offer  ample  foundation  on  which  the  modern  historian  may  safely  rear  his 
superstructure. 

I say  that  it  is  easy  enough  to  determine  truth  from  falsehood  in  such  a 
study  as  this,  where  the  evidence  is  so  abundant  and  the  witnesses  are  so  widely 
separated.  When  Torquemada  enters  into  a long  argument  to  show  that  the 
misery  wrought  by  the  conquest  was  the  punishment  by  God  for  the  vices  of 
the  Mexicans,  I do  not  discuss  the  matter.  I willingly  admit  that  the  ancient 
historian  knew,  if  indeed  he  knew  anything  about  it,  more  concerning  the 
mind  of  the  deity  than  the  modern,  though  the  latter  might  ask  if  the  suffer- 
ings of  the  Spaniards  were  not  in  like  manner  on  account  of  their  vices. 

The  books  treating  of  Cortes’  achievements,  as  I have  said,  form  an  im- 
mense array,  as  may  be  expected  from  the  importance  and  interest  of  what 
Robertson  justly  terms  “the  most  memorable  event  in  the  conquest  of 
America,"  involving  the  subjugation  of  the  richest  and  most  advanced  conn 
try  therein,  the  fall  of  its  beautiful  and  renowned  city,  and  one  of  the  most 
daring  campaigns  ever  undertaken.  The  narrative  reads  indeed  like  a ro- 
mance rather  than  history  based  on  stem  facts,  and  it  is  not  strange  that 
men  have  arisen  who  seek  to  cast  doubt,  not  alone  on  certain  incidents,  but  on 
the  main  features  of  the  achievement  and  the  field. 

One  method  of  doubt  has  been  to  lower  the  estimate  of  native  culture 
and  resources;  to  sneer  at  the  large  cities,  magnificent  palaces,  regal  state, 
certain  industrial  and  fine  arts,  picture-writing,  and  other  evidences  of  a higher 
culture.  Such  statements  reveal  to  the  experienced  student  a lamentable  dis- 
regard or  ignorance  of  evidence  extant,  of  mins  with  their  massive  form, 
their  beautifully  designed  ornamentation,  their  admirable  sculptured  and 
plastic  delineation  of  the  human  figure,  both  far  in  advance  of  the  conven- 
tional specimens  of  Egypt,  and  the  former  equal  in  many  respects  to  the  pro- 
ductions of  the  higher  Greek  art.  The  picture-writing,  again,  reveals  the 
phonetic  element  so  developed  as  to  endow'  the  Mexicans  with  that  high  proof 


G96 


THE  CONQUEST  ACHIEVED. 


of  culture,  written  records,  applied  not  only  to  historic  incidents  and  common 
facts,  but  to  abstract  subjects  of  philosophic,  scientific,  and  poetic  nature,  as 
instanced  in  my  Native  Races. 

It  needed  not  the  official  investigation  instituted  by  the  Spanish  govern- 
ment to  confirm  the  mute  testimony  of  relics,  and  the  vivid  declaration  of 
chroniclers.  Native  records  exist  in  sufficient  abundance  to  speak  for  them- 
selves; records  written  by  and  for  the  people,  and  therefore  free  from  any 
suspicion  of  misrepresentation ; records  used  by  a number  of  writers  for  ob- 
taining that  insight  into  esoteric  features  of  Nahua  institutions  which  could 
not  well  be  acquired  by  Spaniards.  The  translation  of  these  records,  as  re- 
produced in  the  volumes  of  Sahagun,  Ixtlilxochitl,  Kingsborough,  and  others, 
with  copies  of  original  paintings,  have  been  carefully  used  both  for  the  Native 
Races  and  the  histories  of  Mexico  and  Guatemala,  and  introduced  indeed  more 
thoroughly  in  this  series  as  evidence  than  by  any  modern  writer  on  the  subject, 
not  excepting  the  learned  Abbe  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  though  unlike  this 
enthusiast  I have  not  allowed  myself  to  accept  this  evidence  with  the  same 
non-critical  bias.  I have  merely  used  it  for  what  it  is  worth,  after  applying 
severe  analytic  tests.  Certain  points  may  be  covered  by  merely  one  or  two 
authorities ; but  even  then  the  erudite  student  will  readily  determine  the  value 
of  the  testimony  from  internal  evidence,  while  in  the  generality  of  cases  he 
will  find  a number  of  versions  by  natives  and  Spaniards,  by  partisans  and 
rivals,  whose  contradictions  will  aid  him  in  determining  the  truth. 

In  a previous  bibliographic  note  I have  pointed  out  the  many  internal 
evidences  furnished  by  the  letters  of  Cortes,  of  undoubted  reliability  on  most 
points,  in  their  minuteness,  their  frank  soldierly  tone,  and  other  features. 
They  are  besides  confirmed  in  all  the  more  essential  points  by  the  contempo- 
raneous letters  from  the  municipality  if  Villa  Rica  and  the  army,  the  sworn 
depositions  before  the  royal  notary  by  leading  officers,  the  narratives  of  Andrds 
de  T&pia,  and  others.  Still  stronger  confirmation  is  given  in  the  complaints 
and  memorials  issued  by  enemies  and  rivals  of  the  great  captain,  who  in  theii 
e Sorts  to  detract  from  his  character  and  achievements  provide  the  historian 
with  material  that  enables  him  to  avoid  the  pitfalls  abounding  even  in  the 
honest  narratives  of  partisans,  either  from  sympathy,  from  lack  of  thorough 
knowledge,  or  from  hearsay.  Such  testimony  is  abundant  in  the  residencia 
investigations  of  Cortes,  Alvarado,  Guzman,  and  others,  all  which  contain 
voluminous  testimony  on  the  most  important  questions.  Prescott’s  oppor- 
tunities for  consulting  new  material  were  vastly  superior  to  those  of  his  pre- 
decessors. If  mine  have  been  correspondingly  greater,  it  may  perhaps  to  some 
extent  be  due  to  the  example  set  by  him  in  his  earnest  researches,  and  because 
since  the  publication  of  his  volumes,  private  individuals  and  learned  societies 
have  striven  with  increased  enthusiasm  to  bring  to  light  hidden  material, 
notably  from  the  rich  archives  of  Spain  and  certain  Latin- American  states. 

From  this  mass  of  what  may  be  termed  documentary  evidence  we  turn  to 
the  regular  historians  and  narrators,  beginning  with  Peter  Martyr  and  Oviedo, 
who  both  adhere  chiefly  to  Cortes,  though  the  latter  adds  other  versions  by 
different  eye-witnesses.  Sahagun’s  account  contains  a strange  admixture  of 
native  absurdities  and  vague  recollections  of  converted  soldiers.  A more  com- 


THE  STANDARD  CHRONICLERS. 


697 


plete  version  i3  given  by  Gomara,  the  biographer  of  the  great  captain,  who  had 
access  to  private  and  public  archives  and  individual  narratives  now  lost ; but 
he  frequently  colors  the  incidents  to  the  credit  of  his  hero  and  his  profession. 
Nevertheless  the  value  of  the  text  is  testified  to  by  his  Mexican  translator 
Chimalpain,  who  adds  some  interesting  facts  from  native  records  and  personal 
knowledge.  The  Tezcucan  writer  Ixtlilxochitl  also  follows  him  pretty  closely 
for  the  Spanish  side,  while  the  archives  left  him  by  his  royal  ancestors  and 
different  narratives  furnish  the  other  side,  frequently  absurd  and  highly 
colored.  Camargo  gives  a rather  brief  Tlascaltec  version.  Gomara ’s  coloring, 
which,  in  accordance  with  the  method  of  most  historians,  leaves  the  credit  for 
achievements  with  the  leader,  roused  the  feelings  of  more  than  one  of  the 
soldiers  who  had  shared  in  the  glories  of  that  period,  and  Bernal  Diaz 
promptly  began  to  write  his  celebrated  IHstoria  Verdadera,  which  professes 
to  tell  the  true  story  and  rectify  in  particular  the  so-called  blunders  of 
Gomara.  Although  this  profession  is  not  always  to  be  relied  on,  the  story  is 
most  valuable  from  its  exceeding  completeness,  its  many  new  facts,  and  its 
varied  version.  Not  long  after,  Herrera,  the  official  historiographer,  began 
his  decades,  wherein  for  the  conquest  he  uses  the  material  already  printed, 
with  a leaning  toward  Gomara,  yet  with  several  additional  narratives  to  per- 
fect his  own  revised  version,  notably  that  of  Ojeda,  a leading  officer  under 
Cortds,  and  also  no  small  mass  of  material  from  the  archives  of  Spain.  Tor- 
quemada  copies  him  for  the  most  part,  though  he  adds  much  native  testimony 
from  Sahagun,  from  a Tezcucan  writer,  and  others,  making  his  account  of  the 
conquest  the  most  complete  up  to  that  time.  Solis  elaborates  with  little 
critique,  and  with  a verboseness  and  grandiloquence  that  tire.  Vetancurt’s 
version  is  comparatively  brief,  with  few  additions,  and  Robertson’s  is  a brill- 
iant summary ; but  Clavigero,  while  adding  not  much  to  Torquemada’s  bulky 
account,  presents  it  in  quite  a new  form,  pruned  of  verboseness,  re-arranged 
in  a masterly  manner,  and  invested  with  a philosophic  spirit  altogether 
superior  to  anything  presented  till  Prescott’s  time.  On  the  above  historians 
and  some  of  Cortes’  letters  are  founded  the  immense  array  of  minor  accounts 
and  summaries  on  the  conquest,  both  in  separate  and  embodied  form,  some  of 
them  provided  with  occasional  observations,  but  for  the  great  part  they  con- 
tain nothing  of  any  value  to  the  student.  Those  after  Prescott’s  time  follow 
him  as  a rule.  Mexican  accounts  might  naturally  be  expected  to  present 
useful  features,  but  such  is  hardly  the  case.  Adaman,  Ramirez,  Icazbalceta, 
Orozco  y Berra,  Bustamante,  and  certain  writers  in  the  Boletin  of  the  Mexican 
Geographical  Society,  have  brought  to  light  several  documents  and  monographs 
bearing  on  particular  incidents  and  features ; but  no  complete  account  of  real 
value  has  been  written,  Carbajal’s  pretentious  version  being  almost  wholly  a 
plagiarism  from  Clavigero,  Mora’s  a hasty  compilation,  and  so  on.  As  for 
the  new  bulky  Spanish  version  by  Zamacois,  it  is  not  only  verbose  but  super- 
ficial and  narrow  in  its  research,  blundering  even  where  Prescott  points  the 
way,  and  representing  more  a feuilleton  issue  than  a history. 

Bernal  Diaz  del  Castillo  is,  as  I have  said,  the  main  historian  of  the  con- 
quest, from  the  exhaustive  thoroughness  of  his  material,  as  compared  with 
other  original  writers,  and  from  his  participation  in  all  its  leading  scenes, 


C98 


THE  CONQUEST  ACHIEVED. 


including  the  discovery  voyages.  For  about  half  a century  he  survives,  and 
sees  comrade  after  comrade  disappear  from  the  field  till  but  five  of  Cortes’ 
original  company  remain,  “all  of  us  very  old,  suffering  from  infirmities,  and 
very  poor,  burdened  with  sons  and  daughters  to  marry,  and  grandchildren, 
and  with  but  a small  income;  and  thus  we  pass  our  days  in  toil  and  misery.” 
He  is  not  so  badljf  off,  however,  as  he  would  have  us  believe,  for  a comfortable 
encomienda  supplies  every  want,  and  numerous  descendants  throng  round  to 
minister  to  his  comfort  and  listen  to  his  tales.  But  as  he  recalls  the  great 
achievements  wherein  he  participated,  he  swells  with  the  importance  of  the 
events,  and  dwelling  on  the  multiplied  treasures  he  has  assisted  to  capture,  the 
reward  sinks  to  insignificance.  It  is  but  the  chronic  grumble,  however,  of  an 
old  soldier  that  half  the  continent  would  not  satisfy.  Springing  from  a poor 
and  humble  family  of  Medina  del  Campo,  in  old  Castile,  he  had  embarked  at 
an  early  age  with  the  expedition  of  Pedrarias  in  1514  to  seek  fortune  in 
Darien.  Failing  there,  he  drifts  to  Cuba  in  time  to  join  the  discovery  parties 
of  Cordoba  and  Grijalva.  Subsequently  he  enlists  under  Cortes  as  a common 
soldier,  yet  somewhat  above  the  mass  in  the  favor  of  his  chief.  “Sol dado  dis- 
tinguido,”  says  Juarros,  implying  higher  birth ; but  this  is  doubtful.  There  is 
hardly  a prominent  incident  of  the  conquest  in  which  he  does  not  participate, 
being  present  in  no  less  than  one  hundred  and  nineteen  battles,  according  to 
his  enumeration,  whereof  many  a scar  remains  to  bear  witness,  and  many  a 
trophy  to  attest  his  valor.  In  due  time  he  receives  his  share  of  repartimientos 
of  land  and  serfs,  and  settles  in  Goazacoalco  as  regidor,  with  sufficient  means 
to  feed  a taste  that  procures  for  him  the  not  ill-esteemed  nickname  of  Dandy. 
From  his  life  of  contentment,  though  not  equal  to  his  claims,  he  is  torn  by 
the  Honduras  expedition  under  Cortes,  who  gives  him  at  times  the  command 
of  a small  party,  whence  comes  the  sported  title  of  captain.  Afterward  for 
a time  he  drifts  about,  and  finally  settles  in  Guatemala  city  with  the  rank  of 
regidor  perp6tuo,  and  with  a respectable  encomienda,  obtained  partly  through 
the  representations  of  Cort6s  to  the  king.  He  marries  Teresa,  daughter  of 
Bartolom6  Becerra,  one  of  the  founders  of  the  city,  and  repeatedly  its  alcalde, 
and  has  several  children,  whose  descendants  survive  to  witness  the  overthrow 
of  the  royal  banner  planted  by  their  forefather.  Grandsons  figure  as  deans 
of  the  city  church,  and  an  historian  of  the  adopted  country  rises  in  Fuentes 
y Guzman.  Pinelo,  Epitome,  ii.  604;  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  177; 
Memorial  de  Conquistadorcs,  in  Monumentos  Admin.  Munic.,  MS.;  Juarros, 
Guat.,  i.  338,  350;  Torquemada,  i.  351. 

The  leisure  afforded  him  in  Guatemala,  broken  by  little  save  the  inspec- 
tion of  his  estate,  gave  opportunity  for  indulging  in  the  reveries  of  by-gone 
days.  Histories  of  achievements  were  nearly  all  connected  with  the  great 
Cortes,  famed  on  every  lip ; yet  that  fame  had  been  acquired  with  the  aid 
of  soldiers  who  like  himself  had  been  consigned  to  an  obscure  corner  of  the 
vast  domains  conquered  by  them.  It  did  not  seem  right  to  the  scarred 
veteran  that  the  fruits  of  combined  toil  should  fall  to  one  or  two  alone; 
that  he  himself  should  be  regarded  far  less  than  hundreds  of  upstarts  whose 
only  deeds  had  been  to  reap  the  field  won  by  him  and  his  comrades.  He 
would  tell  his  tale  at  all  events;  and  forthwith  he  began  to  arrange  the  notes 
formed  during  his  career,  and  to  uplift  the  curtains  of  memory  for  retrospec- 


BERNAL  DIAZ  AND  CLAVIGERO. 


099 


tive  views.  "While  thus  occupied  he  came  upon  the  history  by  Gomara,  and 
perceiving  “his  great  rhetoric,  and  my  work  so  crude,  I stopped  writing,  and 
even  felt  ashamed  to  let  it  appear  among  notable  persons.  ” But  finding  that 
the  biographer  of  Cortes  had  committed  many  blunders,  and  had  colored  the 
narrative  on  behalf  of  his  patron,  he  again  seized  the  pen,  with  the  double 
purpose  of  correcting  such  errors  and  of  vindicating  his  slighted  comrades. 
Faithfully  he  carried  out  his  plan,  recording  name  after  name  of  brave  fellows 
who  she'd  lustre  on  the  flag,  who  freely  risked  their  lives  in  gallant  encounters, 
or  who  gave  their  last  breath  for  church  and  king.  While  dwelling  lovingly 
on  humble  companions,  whose  cause  he  espoused,  he  detracts  little  from  the 
leaders  and  cavaliers.  He  describes  their  appearance  and  traits  with  a graphic 
fidelity  that  seems  to  bring  them  before  us  in  person;  he  freely  accords  them 
every  credit,  and  if  he  spares  not  their  vices  they  are  seldom  brought  forward 
in  a captious  or  ill-natured  spirit.  On  the  contrary,  he  frequently  covers  dis- 
agreeable facts  in  deference  to  the  dead.  This  general  fairness  of  dealing  is 
particularly  noticeable  in  regard  to  Cortes,  whom  nevertheless  he  sometimes 
severely  criticises ; and  while  Diaz  assumes  for  his  side  the  credit  of  many  a 
suggestion  and  deed,  yet  he  is  ever  the  loyal  soldier,  and  frequently  takes  up 
the  cudgel  in  behalf  of  the  honored  leader  when  others  seek  to  assail  him.  He 
admires  the  great  captain  hardly  less  than  himself.  Indeed,  to  say  that  the 
old  campaigner  was  vain  is  stating  it  mildly.  Two  licentiates  who  read  the 
manuscript  pointed  this  out  to  him,  but  he  replied,  “Whom  does  it  harm? 
No  one  praises  an  old,  broken-down  soldier,  so  I must  even  praise  myself.  It 
is  a duty  I owe  not  only  to  my  fair  name  but  to  my  descendants.”  He  re- 
vives in  his  narrative  and  carries  us  back  with  him  to  those  stirring  days,  de- 
picting now  the  hardships  of  the  march,  now  the  new  countries  and  races  that 
appear ; then  he  enters  into  the  heat  of  battle  with  a fidelity  that  brings  the 
din  and  turmoil  vividly  before  us ; and  anon  we  see  the  adventurers  in  camp, 
in  their  social  relations,  relieved  by  pleasing  episodes.  He  enters  thoroughly 
into  their  hopes  and  feelings,  deeds  and  life ; he  grows  eloquent  and  pathetic 
by  turns,  and  reveals  also  the  undercurrent  of  piety  and  zeal  which  pervaded 
the  rakish  crew.  Here  is  the  gossipy  frankness  of  Herodotus,  illumined  by 
many  a quaint  observation  and  many  a blunt  sally.  Bernal  Diaz  had  but  the 
rudiments  of  education,  which  nevertheless  was  above  the  average  among  his 
fellow-soldiers;  but  he  had  evidently  read  a little  in  later  years,  to  judge  by 
his  allusions  to  classic  history,  though  not  enough  to  acquire  more  than  a 
mediocre  proficiency  in  grammar.  There  is  a minuteness  of  detail  at  times 
wearisome,  and  garrulous  digression  and  repetition  ; but  a simple  perspicuity 
pervades  the  whole  narrative,  which  makes  it  easy  to  follow,  while  the  frank- 
ness and  frequent  animation  are  pleasing.  Much  of  it  appears  to  have  been 
dictated,  perhaps  to  some  one  of  his  children,  “cuyo  manuserito  se  conserva, 
en  el  archivo  de  esta  municipalidad.  ” Jil,  in  Gaceta  JVic.,  June  24,  I860.  It 
was  given  for  perusal  to  different  persons,  and  several  copies  made;  but 
none  cared  to  assume  its  publication.  Sixty  years  later,  however,  Friar 
Alonso  Remon,  chronicler  of  the  Merced  order  in  Spain,  found  one  set  in  the 
library  of  Ramirez  del  Prado,  of  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  and  perceiving  the 
importance  of  the  narrative,  he  caused  it  to  be  printed  at  Madrid  in  1GC2 
under  the  title  of  HUtoria  Verdadera  de  la  Ouittjuista  de  la  Nueva-Espu  ua. 


700 


THE  CONQUEST  ACHIEVED. 


Remon  dying  during  the  publication,  Friar  Gabriel  Adarzo,  “nunc  Hydrun- 
tinus  praesul,”  Antonio,  Bib.  Hisp.  Nova,  iii.  224,  took  it  in  charge.  Several 
discrepancies  indicate  that  revisions  have  been  made,  and  Vazquez,  Chron. 
Guat.,  524,  whose  jealousy  as  a friar  was  aroused  by  allusions  to  Father 
Olmedo,  Cortes’  companion,  compared  the  print  with  the  original  copy  and 
pointed  out  several  differences.  A second  edition,  bearing  the  date  1032, 
though  published  later  probably,  contains  an  additional  chapter  on  omens, 
which  appears  in  others  of  the  many  editions  and  translations  issued  in  differ- 
ent countries,  even  of  late  years. 

Perhaps  the  most  clear-sighted  writer  on  Mexico  during  the  last  century 
was  Francisco  Javier  Clavigero,  himself  a native  of  that  country,  and  bom  at 
Vera  Cruz  in  1731.  His  father  was  a Leonese,  whose  official  duties  called 
him  to  different  parts  of  the  country,  and  young  Francisco  profited  by  this 
to  acquire  a knowledge  of  its  resources  and  idioms.  After  a novitiate  of  three 
years  at  the  Jesuit  college  of  Tepozotlan,  he  passed  to  that  at  Puebla,  and 
there  studied  philosophy  and  theology,  and  showed  particular  fondness  for 
languages,  both  classic  and  native.  He  taught  rhetoric  and  philosophy  in  the 
principal  schools  of  the  country,  though  restricted  somewhat  by  the  superiors 
in  his  too  liberal  ideas,  for  which  Mexico  was  not  yet  considered  ripe.  Mean- 
while his  enthusiasm  centred  on  the  study  of  Aztec  history  and  hieroglyphs, 
which  received  a serious  check  in  the  expulsion  of  Jesuits  from  America  in 
1 7G7.  He  sought  refuge  in  Italy,  staying  chiefly  at  Bologna,  where  he  founded 
an  academy,  and  having  considerable  leisure  he  began  to  shape  the  results  of 
his  late  studies,  impelled  in  no  small  degree  by  the  writings  of  De  Pauw  and 
Robertson,  which  grated  on  his  patriotic  spirit.  They  were  prepared  in 
Spanish,  but  the  authorities  giving  no  encouragement  for  their  publication  in 
Spain,  an  Italian  translation  was  made  and  issued  in  four  volumes,  as  Storia 
* Ant ica  del  Messico,  Cesena,  1780,  dedicated  to  the  university  at  Mexico.  Sub- 
sequently a Spanish  version  appeared,  but  not  before  several  editions  had 
been  published  in  England  and  other  countries.  The  first  volume  treats  of 
resources  and  ancient  history,  the  second  of  manners  and  customs,  the  third 
of  the  conquest,  and  the  fourth  consists  of  a series  of  dissertations  on  the 
origin  of  the  Americans,  on  chronology,  physique,  languages,  and  other  points. 
They  have  been  widely  quoted,  and  Francisco  Carbajal  de  Espinosa  has  shown 
such  appreciation  of  it  as  to  copy  almost  the  whole  text  in  what  he  calls  his 
Ilistoria  de  Mexico,  Mex.,  1856,  2 vols.  Clavigei’o’s  work  is  based  to  a great 
extent  on  aboriginal  records  and  personal  observation,  and  the  old  chronicles 
have  been  largely  used ; but  their  cumbrous  and  confused  material  is  here 
arranged  in  a manner  worthy  of  the  liberal-minded  philosopher  and  rhetorician. 
Indeed,  no  previous  work  in  this  field  can  at  all  compare  with  it  for  com- 
prehensiveness and  correctness,  depth  of  thought  and  clearness  of  expression. 
In  the  former  respect  he  greatly  surpasses  Robertson  and  in  the  latter  he 
may  be  classed  as  his  equal.  His  death,  which  took  place  at  Bologna  in  1787, 
found  him  in  the  midst  of  a number  of  literary  projects,  called  forth  in  part 
by  the  success  of  the  Storia,  and  by  the  different  subjects  which  he  had  therein 
touched  but  lightly.  Among  these  works  was  the  Storia  della  California , 
issued  at  Venice  two  years  after  his  death.  It  will  be  noticed  in  due  order. 


WILLIAM  H.  PRESCOTT. 


701 


There  can  be  no  more  fitting  close  to  this  volume  on  the  conquest  of 
Mexico  than  a tribute  of  esteem  to  William  Hickling  Prescott.  I have 
noted  in  a previous  volume  his  amiable  weakness,  incident  to  the  times 
rather  than  to  the  man,  of  intensifying  the  character  of  prominent  personages 
so  as  to  present  the  good  better  and  the  bad  worse  than  they  truly  were,  in 
order  to  render  his  narrative  stronger  and  more  interesting  than  it  wouM  be 
otherwise ; but  this  is  nothing  as  compared  with  his  general  fairness,  united 
with  a magnificent  style  and  philosophic  flow  of  thought.  I have  noted  some  in- 
accuracies and  contradictions  in  his  history,  but  these  are  nothing  as  compared 
with  his  general  care  and  correctness  as  a writer.  I have  mentioned  material 
which  he  lacked,  but  this  is  nothing  as  compared  with  the  great  mass  of  fresh 
evidence  which  he  brought  to  enrich  his  subject.  Words  fail  to  express  my 
admiration  of  the  man,  the  scholar,  the  author.  Apart  from  the  din  and  dust 
of  ordinary  life,  he  lived  as  one  in  the  world  but  not  of  it,  pure  of  mind,  gentle 
of  heart,  and  surpassingly  eloquent. 

Mr  Prescott  was  born  at  Salem,  Massachusetts,  May  4,  1796.  His  father, 
a lawyer  of  rising  reputation,  then  thirty-four  years  of  age,  removed  his 
family  to  Boston  in  1808.  At  the  age  of  fifteen  William  entered  Harvard 
College.  While  engaged  in  a boyish  frolic  one  day  during  his  junior  year  a 
large  hard  piece  of  bread,  thrown  probably  at  random,  struck  full  in  his  left 
eye,  forever  depriving  him  of  its  use.  Pursuing  his  studies  with  his  wonted 
cheerfulness,  he  graduated  in  1814,  and  entered  upon  the  study  of  law  in 
his  father’s  office.  In  1815  a rheumatic  inflammation  settled  in  his  right  eye, 
now  his  sole  dependence,  causing  him  much  pain  and  anxiety.  A change  of 
climate  having  been  determined  upon,  he  embarked  for  the  Azores,  on  a 
visit  to  his  grandfather  Hickling,  then  United  States  consul  at  Saint  Michael. 
There  he  remained  about  six  months,  confined  the  greater  part  of  the  time 
to  a dark  room.  In  April  1S16  he  embarked  for  London,  crossed  to  Paris, 
made  the  usual  Italian  tour,  and  the  following  year,  his  eye  becoming  worse, , 
he  returned  home.  But  hope  for  the  restoration  of  his  sight  still  lingered, 
and  the  marvellous  buoyancy  of  his  spirits  never  deserted  him.  A devoted 
sister  cheered  the  long  hours  of  his  solitude  by  readings  from  his  favorite 
authors.  A literary  venture  made  at  this  time  in  a contribution  to  the  North 
American  Review  failed ; his  manuscript  was  returned,  and  his  sister,  alone  in 
the  secret,  was  enjoined  to  silence. 

Leaving  his  darkened  chamber  and  mingling  again  with  society,  of  which 
he  was  ever  a bright  ornament,  he  became  attached  to  a daughter  of  Thomas 
C.  Amory,  a Boston  merchant,  whom  he  married  on  his  twenty-fourth  birthday. 

Mr  Prescott  now  abandoned  the  hope  of  the  entire  restoration  of  his  eye. 
If  by  restrictions  of  diet  and  dieting  and  by  persistent  open-air  exercise  he 
might  preserve  a partial  use  of  the  organ  he  would  rest  content.  Aud  thus 
he  passed  the  remainder  of  his  life.  At  times  he  was  in  almost  total  darkness, 
but  ordinarily  he  could  read  and  revise  his  manuscripts ; for  the  purpose  of 
writing,  however,  he  was  obliged  to  use  a noctograplx. 

Possessing  strong  literary  tastes,  and  an  aversion  to  law,  Mr  Prescott  deter- 
mined upon  literature  as  a pursuit,  and  in  1826,  with  the  aid  of  a secretary,  he 
began  a systematic  course  of  reading  for  a history  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella. 
For  three  years  and  a half  he  pursued  this  preparatory  labor ; in  1S29  he  began 


702 


THE  CONQUEST  ACHIEVED. 


writing,  publishing  the  work  in  1837.  Ten  of  the  best  years  of  his  life  Mr 
Prescott  claims  to  have  devoted  to  this  book  ; and  for  the  use  of  the  stereotype- 
plates,  which  Mr  Prescott  supplied  at  his  own  cost,  and  the  right  to  publish 
twelve  hundred  and  fifty  copies,  the  American  Stationers’  Company  agreed 
to  pay  the  sum  of  one  thousand  dollars.  Eut  money  was  not  the  author’s 
object.  The  publication  in  London  was  offered  to  John  Murray  and  to  the 
Longmans,  and  was  declined  by  both.  Bentley  finally  became  the  London  pub- 
lisher. The  work  was  well  received  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic ; it  was  trans- 
lated into  several  languages,  and  procured  for  the  author  at  once  a world-wide 
reputation.  The  Conquest  of  Mexico  was  a worthy  outgrowth  of  so  splendid  a 
creation  as  the  Ferdinand  and  Isabella.  The  year  following  the  publication  of 
his  first  work,  and  after  having  sent  to  Spain  and  Mexico  for  materials  for 
histones  of  the  conquests  of  Mexico  and  Peru,  Mr  Prescott  learned  acciden- 
tally that  Mr  Irving  was  engaged  on  similar  work.  He  wrote  Irving,  acquaint- 
ing him  of  the  fact,  and  the  latter  retired  gracefully  from  the  field.  In  1S43 
the  Conquest  of  Mexico  appeared,  under  the  auspices  of  the  Harpers,  who  paid 
$7500  for  the  use  of  the  plates  and  the  right  to  publish  5000  copies.  The 
Conquest  of  Peru  was  published  in  1847;  Philip  the  Second  in  1855-8;  and 
Robertson’s  Charles  the  Fifth  in  1856.  Mr  Prescott  died  of  apoplexy  in  the 
sixty-third  year  of  his  age. 

For  his  Conquest  of  Mexico,  besides  all  printed  material  extant,  Mr  Prescott 
drew  upon  a large  mass  of  new  information  in  manuscript,  from  several  sources, 
notably  from  the  valuable  collection  of  Munoz,  brought  together  for  an  in- 
tended history  of  America;  that  of  Vargas  Ponce,  obtained  chiefly  from 
Seville  archives ; that  of  Navarrete,  president  of  the  Royal  Academy  of  History 
at  Madrid ; and  the  archives  of  Cortes’  heirs,  all  of  which  shed  new  light  on 
almost  every  section  of  the  subject.  His  deep  research,  manifest  throughout 
in  copious  foot-notes,  is  especially  displayed  in  the  very  appropriate  introduc- 
tion on  Mexican  civilization,  which  enables  the  reader  to  gain  an  intimate 
knowledge  of  the  people  whose  subjugation  he  follows.  Good  judgment  is 
also  attested  in  the  dissertation  on  the  moot  question  of  the  origin  of  this 
culture,  wherein  he  prudently  abstains  from  any  decided  conclusions.  The 
fact  of  occasional  inaccuracies  cannot  be  severely  criticised  when  we  consider 
the  infirmity  under  which  the  author  labored.  Since  his  time  so  great  a mass 
of  material  has  been  brought  to  light  that  the  aspect  of  history  is  much 
changed.  This  new  material  consists  partly  of  native  records,  and  it  is  due 
to  his  unacquaintance  with  these  records  that  a great  lack  is  implied  in  his 
pages.  The  fact  that  Prescott  relied  too  much  on  Spanish  material  may  ac- 
count for  the  marked  bias  in  favor  of  the  conquerors  in  many  instances  where 
strict  impartiality  might  be  expected,  and  for  the  condemnatory  and  reflective 
assertions  which  at  times  appear  in  direct  contradiction  to  previous  lines  of 
thought.  At  times,  as  if  aware  of  this  tendency,  he  assumes  a calmness  that 
ill  fits  the  theme,  giving  it  the  very  bias  he  seeks  to  avoid.  Yet  with  all  this 
it  is  safe  to  say  that  few  histories  have  been  written  in  which  the  qualities  of 
philosopher  and  artist  are  so  happily  blended. 


